Noble Blood - Frances Duff's Jamaican Inheritance
Episode Date: August 18, 2026When Frances was a child, her mother went before the Assembly to petition that she be legally classified as "white." Frances would go on to become a wealthy heiress, and marry into the British aristoc...racy, but the cost would be engaging with the very system of slavery and discrimination that subjugated her mother and generations of mixed-race people after her. Support Noble Blood:—ORDER 'THE ARCANE ARTS'— Bonus episodes, stickers, and scripts on Patreon— Order Dana's book, 'Anatomy: A Love Story' and its sequel 'Immortality: A Love Story'See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Listener discretion advised. In July 1738, Jamaica's House of Assembly convened in St. Diego de la Vega for what seemed to be an ordinary day of legislative business.
In that room were some of the richest men in Britain's richest Caribbean colony,
likely dressed in light linen shirts to weather the heat.
While these men were elected officials, they were hardly representative of the population.
At this time, around 100,000 enslaved Africans lived in Jamaica,
outnumbering the white population of the island 10 to 1.
But these white,
propertyed elite who built their fortunes on sugar plantations
and the enslaved people who worked on them
wrote the laws that governed the colony.
One topic of discussion was a private petition
from a woman named Susanna Agir.
Susanna was mixed race.
Her father was a white planter
and her mother was enslaved on his plantation.
Her mother's name did not survive the historical record.
Susanna was born into slavery, but had been freed sometime before her father died in 1722.
We don't know exactly how Susanna was freed, but she went on to have a number of relationships
with white plantation owners and bore six children.
Free people of color like Susanna and her children,
occupied an uneasy middle position in Jamaican society.
They could own property and businesses,
and in some cases amass a significant amount of wealth,
but they couldn't vote, inherit large amounts of property,
or testify in court,
and they were saddled with additional fees and taxes.
Their position was only made more uneasy
in 1728, when the Assembly ruled that anyone with more than one black great-grandparent
could not legally be white out of a fear that the colony's growing mixed-race population
might side with the enslaved in a rebellion.
In the summer of 1738, Susanna had brought a petition before the Assembly to grant herself,
and two of her daughters, quote,
the same rights and privileges with English subjects born of white parents.
End quote.
Susanna was the second recorded individual and the first woman
to submit a private bill like this to the Jamaican Assembly.
Although Susanna was born into slavery with an African parent,
she was asking the House of Assembly to grant herself and her daughter's whiteness under the eyes of the law.
On July 19, 1738, the Jamaican Assembly approved Susanna's petition.
She had taken great pains to show the Assembly that she was no threat to the white-propertyed Jamaican elite.
In spite of her origins, Susanna had come to own a share of a sugar-ploid,
plantation, which included both land and enslaved human beings. Her daughters had a Church of England
education, and their father had a number of plum posts in the legal elite as the provost
marshal and sergeant at Mace of the Jamaican High Court of Admiralty. It was not cheap to lodge
a petition with the assembly. It cost 90 pounds, roughly the price of
according to historian Miranda Kaufman, three enslaved people.
Susanna's petition would set her two daughters up for riches and status
far beyond even the considerable wealth she had managed to earn in her own life.
One of these daughters, Francis, who was just nine in 1738,
would go on to marry a Scottish aristocrat, the youngest son of the first Earl of Fife.
In doing so, she became the first heiress of African ancestry, as far as we know, to join the British aristocracy.
I'm Dana Schwartz, and this is Noble Blood.
By the time Francis Dalzell was born in Kingston, Jamaica in 1729, her mother, Susanna, had already had four other children.
Three of these were with Peter Cayard, a prosperous merchant in Kingston.
Peter was a friend and business partner of Susanna's father,
and he eventually entered into a sexual relationship with Susanna
when she was around 13 and Peter was in his 50s.
These types of arrangements between white enslavers
and black or mixed heritage women were commonplace in the Caribbean.
As Miranda Kaufman put it,
these relationships, quote,
existed on a spectrum from brutal rape to long-term cohabitation,
but always involved a coercive element or, at best, an extreme imbalance of power.
In 1725, when Peter was 60 and Susanna was 17,
she had her first daughter by Peter and would go on to have two more children in 1726 and 1728.
Peter died the same month that their youngest child was born, leaving Susanna with a massive fortune,
which included several properties in Kingston and St. Diego de la Vega, a plantation in St. Andrew,
and two cattle pen and two plots of land in St. Catherine, all of which was worth an estimated
26,050 pounds. Kaufman speculates that Peter even bought Susanna's freedom,
a few years earlier, sometime before her father died in 1722.
Although no surviving evidence confirms that,
it does explain a curious detail in Susanna's father's will.
After his death, his will ensured the manumission of many of his enslaved children
and left them part of his inheritance, which was extremely rare for the time.
but he did not free Susanna, nor did he leave anything for her in his will.
Kaufman infers that her father had left Susanna out
because he knew that his friend and colleague Peter
had already freed her and offered her tremendous financial support.
After Peter's death, Susanna began a relationship with another wealthy merchant,
Gibson Dalzell, who had left Scotland as a young man
and built a fortune in Jamaica's booming sugar economy.
Gibson was far closer to Susanna's age at this point than Peter had been,
and appeared to show her and her children affection throughout their relationship.
But there is no evidence of her feelings for him.
In any case, their relationship was unequal at its core.
As a free woman of color, Susanna's legal rights still dependent.
on his goodwill.
Gibson and Susanna conceived Francis the year they met.
Susanna raised Francis in a townhouse that had once belonged to Peter in Water Lane in Kingston.
After Susanna's petition successfully guaranteed her and her children's legal whiteness,
Francis left for boarding school in Britain in the fall of 1738.
Francis was lucky to go to boarding school at the time she did.
At the end of the 18th century, elite schools would crack down on admissions to people of mixed heritage.
But in the 1730s, thousands of young people of color left the Caribbean to attend British schools.
The Jamaican enslaver and historian Edward Long explained that mixed-race children, quote,
are often sent to the most expensive public schools
where the history of their parentage is entirely unknown.
They pass under the general name of West Indians,
and the bronze of their complexion
is ignorantly ascribed to the fervor of the sun in the Torrid zone.
End quote.
In Francis's case, this may have only been partially true.
Francis's grandfather, Robert Dalzell,
was her closest relative in London,
but it seems that he may have received her coolly.
In spite of his wealth,
his sister-in-law paid Francis's tuition instead.
Perhaps her grandfather treated Francis with such distance
because she represented Gibson's life in Jamaica,
which to Robert seemed like an undignified dalliance
from a real career in London.
In 1743, a few years after Francis left Jamaica for school, Robert ordered Gibson to return to England.
He promised that he would set his son up with a job, a townhouse, a coach, quote, everything he likes.
Robert may have even used his granddaughter as a bargaining chip.
Although she was too young to marry, Robert said that if Gibson returned to England and picked out a good match for her,
He, Robert, would, quote,
Give her a fortune,
according to a letter from Gibson's aunt.
Much to his father's delight,
Gibson arrived in London in 1746,
reuniting with 15-year-old Francis
for the first time in six years.
Robert had secured his son Gibson
a prestigious directorship
and a lucrative public office in London
that would allow him to make a fortune
while running his plantations remotely.
But Gibson was in London reluctantly,
still longing for his life back in Jamaica.
Even though Susanna and Gibson were not married,
their lives were deeply intertwined.
They lived together in Kingston with Francis's younger brother, Bob,
who had been born while Francis was away.
In 1739, Susanna had bought 300 acres of land
that she had transferred to Gibson for a token payment of five shillings.
Gibson expanded it by 1,000 acres, transforming it into a sugar plantation called Lucky Hill.
In spite of Gibson's protestations, his father convinced him to remain in London.
In late 1746, Gibson's son Bob joined him at the Dalzell House in Mayfair
to go to a posh elementary school, just like his sister had.
Meanwhile, Susanna remained in Jamaica alone.
Francis often wore a gold chain that her mother had sent,
perhaps as a tribute to her.
It was unclear if Francis would ever see her mother again.
Throughout Francis's young adulthood,
she and her father tried to stay in touch with Susanna.
Both wrote Susanna long letters.
Gibson even included affectionate messages for her in his business correspondence.
In one he wrote, quote,
Tell her I sincerely wish her health and happiness,
which I suppose does qualify as affectionate.
But replies were few and far between.
In July 1751, Francis was still waiting for her mother to reply to a letter
she had sent last November.
Susanna had problems of her own to deal with back in Jamaica.
In 1748, when one of Susanna's debts led her to transfer a valuable bond Gibson had given her,
creditors came after him for more than 2,000 pounds.
The crisis forced the family to reorganize Susanna's affairs.
Gibson's attorney persuaded her to write a will, leaving her estate to their two children.
With his old, imperious father, skeptical of his financial dealings in the Caribbean,
and his son, too young to understand, Gibson turned to his daughter Francis to discuss his
business as if she were his apprentice.
He even entrusted her with a copy of his will when she was just 17.
Francis, too, was preparing for her future.
In March 1756, Francis introduced her father.
to the man that she hoped to marry.
George Duff, a 20-year-old cornet in the 10th regiment of dragoons.
He seemed to be besotted with Francis from the jump.
After they met at the marriage mart in Bath,
he plied her with flowery letters, writing, quote,
the power you have over me, you can use me ill or well as you please.
And that when they weren't together, quote,
I could not be said to live.
Francis affectionately called him,
My dear Duff,
but she was a little more reserved than George was,
at least from his perspective.
In one letter he complained
she wasn't expressing as much devotion to him
as she was to her.
But it was hard to compete with George's devotion.
He wrote that, quote,
I could work for your smile at poverty
and say it was happiness above expression.
while I had my fanny.
While perhaps a sweet sentiment,
it seemed clear that neither of them would have a life of poverty.
As the youngest son of William Duff, Lord Bracco of Kilbride,
George was rich and titled,
educated at Edinburgh and St. Andrews,
and about to inherit estates in Banshire and Moray,
yielding over a thousand pounds a year.
George approached Francis's father Gibson with a similar poetic flare.
The day after they met, George wrote to him,
quote,
I have loved your daughter ever since I had the happiness to know her,
and it is in your power and hers to make me happy or miserable forever.
I never can be happy without her,
but rather than you should be displeased with her,
I'll suffer all the torments the world affords.
But before George,
could formally get Francis's father's permission for her hand in marriage, Gibson died in May 1756
at the age of 58. Francis had to break the news to her mother. She wrote to Susanna,
It will always give me great pleasure to hear of your happiness and to serve you in everything
in my power, whichever you want, please to command me. Gibson's will placed his assets in
trust, the income to be shared equally between his two children. His total personal property in Jamaica
was worth 5,798 pounds, including both land and 133 enslaved people across his plantations. The people he
enslaved represented almost 75% of his wealth. Additionally, Gibson left Francis the income from several
shares of his businesses in London. Unusually, her younger brother Bob would benefit from these assets
only in the event of Francis's death without children, suggesting just how much Gibson trusted
his daughter. But Gibson had not named a formal executor for his estates in his will,
leaving it open to interference from his various trustees. Francis feared that they would use the
interests of her 14-year-old younger brother, still too young to advocate for himself, as an excuse
to rest control of the estate. As she put it, she would not, quote, permit any of the trustees in
England to interfere, because in her words, they had treated her, quote, very ill since her father's
death. Francis challenged the arrangement in court. In English law of the time, a beneficiary
of a will could apply for probate in situations where no executor was named.
In July 1756, Francis won letters of administration, giving her legal control over her father's
estate. But she had not managed to inherit the land in Jamaica. To do that, she would need a grant
from the governor. She sent copies of the letters of administration and Gibson's will across the
Atlantic and appointed two of her father's friends with power of attorney, allowing them to act as
her agents on the island. Later that year, the governor granted her responsibility for running her late
father's Lucky Hill estate, an extraordinary victory for an unmarried 26-year-old woman. But even though
Frances was able to secure her inheritance, her engagement to George was on less solid.
ground. In her way was another set of gatekeepers. George's parents. After George told his parents
he was engaged in late 1756, his parents were furious. He received an angry letter from his mother,
and his father threatened to disown him. There is no solid evidence as to what exactly about
Francis the family disliked, but they had plenty of ammo.
In spite of her wealth, Frances was 26 years old, considered old for the time, from Jamaica,
had unmarried parents, and had mixed heritage. George's sentimental promises of eternal love
wouldn't work on the ambitious, pragmatic duffs. Kaufman speculates that the duffs were,
quote, self-conscious about their social position. George's brother and sister had already married
unimpressive prospects in their parents' eyes.
His brother had seduced his mother's maid,
while his sister eloped with a Jacobite.
George's father had only held his title since 1735
and feared that his social scene saw them as impostors.
But in February 1757, George's parents seemed open to changing their minds.
They were impressed by Francis' connection
to her grandfather, Robert Dalzell,
who was by that point a well-known general
and the oldest serving officer in Britain.
One of George's uncles described Francis as,
quote, a grandchild of General Dalzell's
by whom George got a good fortune.
George's father sent two of his relatives to visit the general,
quote, to know his mind with regard to the intended marriage
and whether he would agree to leave Francis any money,
according to a letter he sent to his son.
While we don't know what they discussed,
it must have pleased the Duff's well enough
to consent to Francis's marriage to George.
Francis married George Duff on April 7, 1757,
at St. Martin in the Fields.
But even at that moment she entered married life,
Francis was watchful of ways things could go wrong.
She kept her marriage a secret for several months, refusing to change her maiden name.
She was still nervous about her father's trustees going after her estate.
Because the power of attorney she had sent to Jamaica had been executed under her maiden name,
changing her name might give them leeway to question its validity.
It wasn't until the end of the year she began to sign her name Francis Duff instead of Francis Dalzo.
For all of the excitement of her new marriage, Francis was still thinking of Jamaica.
Francis had been contemplating a trip home to take charge of her inheritance in person,
and perhaps even to see her mother again after decades of separation.
She wrote to one of her business partners, quote,
if my courage was equal to my inclination of seeing you, I certainly should be at Jamaica in three
months' time. But the ongoing seven years' war made Atlantic crossings slower and more dangerous,
so Francis delayed her trip. And by April 1757, Susanna was dead. She had passed suddenly in February,
but Francis hadn't found out until May, a month after her wedding.
Susanna may have taken pride in seeing how far her daughter had risen, made possible in part by her own determined advocacy.
But in a few years, the German Assembly would make that trajectory nearly impossible for anyone else.
In 1761, the Jamaica Assembly passed a law limiting inheritances for mixed heritage people to 2,000 pounds in Jamaica currency,
which would have prevented Francis
from amassing the fortune
she had fought so hard for.
Although Susanna might have hoped
that her 1738 private act
would have exempted her daughter
from these restrictions,
by 1761,
that was no longer a guarantee.
In a motion to the British government,
the Jamaican Assembly even cited
Francis's inheritance explicitly
as an example of what they were trying to
prevent. The legislators wrote about these kinds of inheritance, and as a brief aside, because they
use antiquated terms for race, I'll be replacing them in my reading. They wrote that these
inheritances, quote, tend to greatly destroy the distinction requisite and absolutely necessary
to be kept up in this island between white persons and people of color. Their issue and offspring,
and may in progress of time be the means of decreasing the number of white inhabitants.
The state viewed mixed heritage women like Francis as particular threats to the status quo.
The British agent to Jamaica wrote that they needed to be, quote, restrained, or else, quote,
a great part of the property of the island will be in the hands of mixed race people, and, quote,
as power ever follows property, the power will then be in their hands.
These fears were unfounded, at least in Francis's case.
After years apprenticing her father as a teenager,
she was prepared to take over the work of operating her father's plantations as they were.
She proved herself to be an attentive businesswoman,
ordering inventories of every asset and demanding meticulous accounts.
She purchased 20 enslaved people for Lucky Hill in 1757 and instructed her lawyer to brand them with, quote,
Our Mark, a common practice at the time.
We're not sure exactly what this brand might have looked like.
Often it was the owner's initials.
Perhaps it was once her father's initials and then after he died it might have been hers.
As historian Miranda Kaufman puts it, quote,
the stain of human exploitation permeated Francis's, quote, success,
as deeply as her initials were branded on the people who toiled on her plantation.
It is a complicated, fascinating story,
a moment in time when a woman of mixed heritage could rise,
but only on the terms of a deeply exploitative system.
That's the story of Francis Dup, but stick around to hear about how her story may have influenced a work of classic English literature.
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When I was 14 years old, I was kidnapped and held captive for nine months.
I survived, and I've spent my life exploring how other people survive what should have destroyed them.
I'm Elizabeth Smart, and these are the Survivor Files.
I just remember...
This low, taunting voice next to my ear saying, shut up, don't say anything.
Every week, I'm with survivors who live through the unthinkable.
I knew if he woke up, without a doubt, he was going to hurt me.
I started feeling that there was someone at the end of my bed, and I just started screaming.
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In William Thackeray's Vanity Fair, an 1848 satirical novel about Upper Crust British Life,
a minor character named Miss Swartz bears a notable resemblance to Francis Duff.
Swartz is, of course, reminiscent.
of the German word for black.
And like Francis, Miss Swartz is a mixed heritage heiress from the Caribbean,
who goes to London as a child to attend a fancy boarding school.
Because of Miss Swartz's wealth, she is proposed as a potential spouse
for a self-obsessed banker's son, George Osborne,
but he refuses, rejecting her because of her race.
Miss Swartz and Francis both end up marrying members of the Scottish nobility.
It's unclear whether Francis Duff inspired the character.
Miranda Kaufman wrote, quote,
Francis Dalzell may have been long forgotten by the novel reading public by 1848.
But the resemblance reveals that the racial anxieties Francis encountered
lingered in the Victorian imagination almost a century later.
Noble Blood is a production of IHeart Radio and Grimm and Mild from Aaron Manky.
Noble Blood is hosted by me, Dana Schwartz.
Writers for Noble Blood are Hannah Johnston, Hannah Zwick, Paul Jaffe, Natasha Lasky, and me, Dana Schwartz.
The show is edited and produced by Jesse Funk and Nome's Gripen, with supervising producer Rima Il Kali,
and executive producers Aaron Manky, Trevor Young, and Matt Frederick.
More podcasts from IHeartRadio, visit the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to your favorite shows.
If your bookshelf and your For You page are equally important to your personality, welcome home.
Pro Society is a weekly podcast that's part book club, part group chat for anyone who thinks pride and prejudice and love island deserve the same level of discourse.
Each week, we're connecting the dots between books, the internet, and pop culture with your favorite writers, book talk creators,
and plenty of overthought opinions.
Yeah, I'm obsessed. I'm obsessed.
Listen to Pro Society on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
I survived nine months in captivity, and I've spent my life exploring how other people survive what should have destroyed them.
I'm Elizabeth Smart, and these are the Survivor Files.
Every week, I'm with survivors who live through the unthinkable, abducted, stalked, controlled, and nearly silenced.
These are stories about what it takes to make it out alive.
Listen to The Survivor Files with Elizabeth Smart on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm Hoda Kotbby, host of the podcast, Joy 101 with Hoda Kotvey.
You know, I'm always searching for inspiration and useful tools to maximize joy.
Like when my friend Henry Winkler offered advice to aspiring actors and really anybody hoping to stand out.
You're not hired just to fill time and space. You're hired to fill the space with you.
Listen to Joy 101 with Hoda Kotby on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
This is an IHeart podcast, guaranteed human.
