99% Invisible - The Power Broker #10: Clara Jeffery
Episode Date: October 18, 2024This is the tenth official episode, breaking down the 1974 Pulitzer Prize winning book, The Power Broker by our hero Robert Caro. This week, Roman and Elliott sit down with Clara Jeffery, the editor-...in-chief of Mother Jones and the Center for Investigative Reporting. She’s had a long and storied career editing works of investigative journalism that speaks truth to power and afflicts the comfortable, including so she brings that perspective to her understanding of The Power Broker. Clara hadn’t read The Power Broker before and this podcast inspired her to pick it up and read along with us.On today’s show, Elliott Kalan and Roman Mars will cover the last section of Part 6 and the first section of Part 7 (Chapter 39 through Chapter 41), discussing the major story beats and themes.The Power Broker #10: Clara JefferyJoin the discussion on Discord and our Subreddit. Subscribe to SiriusXM Podcasts+ on Apple Podcasts to listen to ad-free new episodes and get exclusive access to bonus content.
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This is the 99% of us will breakdown of the power broker. I'm Roman Mars.
And I'm Elliot Kaelin.
So today we are finishing part 6, The Lust for Power, and finally beginning part 7, The
Loss of Power. That's chapters 39-41, pages 895-983.
Later on in this episode, our special guest is Clara Jeffrey. Clara is the editor-in-chief
of Mother Jones and the Center for Investigative Reporting,
which produces the fantastic radio show and podcast Reveal.
You should definitely subscribe to Reveal.
It's fantastic.
She had a long and storied career editing works of investigative journalism that speaks
truth to power and afflicts the comfortable, all the good stuff.
So she brings that perspective to her understanding of the Power Broker.
What is especially fun to me is that I've known Clara for a long time. She hadn't read
the Power Broker before and this podcast inspired her to pick it up and read it along with us.
So she is truly one of us.
And a special thanks to everyone who came out to our live event with Robert Caro in
New York, the New York Historical Society. What an amazing thing. What a dream come true.
I felt so grateful and excited to be on that stage with him.
And it would made it even more exciting was that you were there too.
Thank you for bringing your excitement and your energy and your
interest and yourselves.
We had a great time.
I hope you did too.
So on the last episode of the 99% visible breakdown of the power broker, Robert Caro
took us on a lavish, luxurious trip to Jones Beach so we could see what it was like to
be wined and dined by Robert Moses.
And then we watched him ram one mile of expressway through a Bronx neighborhood, needlessly destroying
it and bringing misery to the many lives of its occupants in the process.
It was a real roller coaster of an episode. It was a real, here's the good news, here's the bad news
about Robert Moses.
Truly.
And today we'll be covering chapters 39 through 41,
that's pages 895 through 983 in my copy of the book.
At this point in the story, Robert Moses is at the height
of his power and control, but that doesn't mean
it's always going to be that way.
We're gonna be finishing part six, the lust for power
and beginning to move into part seven, the loss of power.
We have arrived.
Not quite Roman, we've still gotta get through this episode.
That's right, that's right.
Midway through this, we're gonna turn the corner.
Yes, power will begin to be lost. Not as quickly as we might like it. No, not as quickly to turn the corner. Yes. Power will begin to be lost.
Not as quickly as we might like it.
No, not as quickly as you might want it.
But keep in mind, this also happened a long time ago.
It's all over.
So it did happen.
That's right.
Okay, so we're going to start with Chapter 39, The Highwayman.
What are we going to cover in The Highwayman?
So in The Highwayman, we're starting the first of a duology of chapters.
We saw that trilogy of chapters in the last episode that were centered around specifically East Tremont,
the neighborhood in the Bronx where the cross Bronx Expressway is just being shoved right through against all reason and rationality.
These two chapters, they're going to build beautifully yet frighteningly off of those previous two,
going from this microcosm of one mile of the Bronx, and now he's going to widen out his focus,
Caro is, to show how that is just one part of a larger Moses plan, which will, deliberately or
not, foreclose the future comfort, convenience, and quality of life for generations of New Yorkers
and Long Islanders. He's like, oh, it's terrible how the, you know, 1500 families got really
hurt by this. Now it's everybody. It's such a, such a sudden jump to a wider scale. And
I have to assume that the title of this chapter, it's never made explicitly clear, but I have
to assume it's reference to the double meaning of highwayman, not just a man devoted to highways,
but literally a highwayman, the old fashioned sense
of a robber who stops people on the road
and steals their valuables.
And he is here showing Moses to be someone
who is stealing time, enjoyment, quality of life
from the lives of commuters and stealing the future
from as yet unborn generations
of New York metropolitan residents.
Yeah, it's not only a widening in scope of geography,
it's really a widening scope of time
that he is going to fuck up New York so much Yeah, it's not only a widening scope of geography, it's really a widening scope of time that
he is going to fuck up New York so much and that you cannot unfuck it.
You know what I mean?
Like it really is like it's going to last forever for decades, maybe forever.
And that's the scope of these two chapters.
So where in time are we starting here?
So we start by jumping back in time to July 3rd, 1945, when the first new
civilian car made in the United States since February of 1942 rolls off the
Ford assembly line.
We're all so, and this is this not to get off the point almost immediately,
but I was astounded seeing this again.
It's just such a sign of how single-minded and goal-oriented
the United States was during World War II that for three years there were no new
cars basically. All auto plants were making military armaments for three
years and the idea that the country could ever be that devoted to its single
goal is astonishing and inspiring to me and someday maybe we'll have that sense
of purpose again. Maybe we don't won't have to fight the worst war in the
history of the world. That's not great.
Yeah, and hopefully not eat organ meat.
I mean, I'm fine with that part.
I mean, it's as long as it's prepared well,
but we can talk about that later.
But now it's 1945, the war's over, gas rationing is over.
People wanna buy cars, they wanna drive cars.
They wanna do it as much as they want.
And what does that lead to, Roman? Within weeks, what is the result of people wanting cars and wanting to drive them, they want to do it as much as they want. And what does that lead to Roman within weeks?
What is the result of people wanting cars and wanting to drive them all the time?
That there is street congestion, just streets filled with cars, not moving.
Yeah.
It's that old law we've talked about a lot.
If people have the opportunity to drive cars on roads, too many of them
will decide to do that and the roads will not be able to handle it.
And the Herald Tribune, it runs an editorial asking why the city
government isn't doing enough to solve this traffic.
And Robert Moses responds with a letter that is such, it's such classic Robert
Moses writing, but I just wanted to read a little bit of it just for fun.
Cause I just, I'm enjoying his style.
And he says, what has New York done about street congestion?
Bless your little journalistic hearts, a hell of a lot.
And why sit we idly by without further plans
for the big jam, singing who threw the whiskey in the well
while up in the roaring forties,
editors are cutting up tires into rubber heels.
Tush, tush, the blueprints are oozing from our files
and spilling over the floors.
And I just wanna say, I love this.
Everyone in the forties, when they're writing stuff,
they turn into Stanley.
Like they just like Stanley at his most trying to be poetic
yet also irreverent at the same time.
This is, I love it.
It's so of the time and it's like Robert Moses
should have been like a columnist.
That's what he should have been doing.
Totally, not dot penning those racy novels,
but it's just been replying to.
It makes you wanna read that romance novel
he wrote so badly just to see what crazy turns of phrase
were in there.
And his solution to everything
is just building more roads, that's it.
Yes.
And maybe more parking garages, that's it.
Yeah, and the parking garages are the new aspect.
He's like, hey, get this,
we're not only gonna build more roads for cars,
we're gonna build more places just to stuff cars.
And he keeps announcing these
huge plans. He's going to expand the roads he already has. He's got this project that involves
at least 200 miles more worth of roads. And Tara talks about how in each decade, the 20s, the 30s,
the 40s, Moses has announced a plan that seems unthinkably large. And then the next decade,
he announces a plan that makes the last plan seem like a small plan.
And I was recently reading Ursula K. Le Guin's book,
The Lathe of Heaven, and she has a passage in it
that I couldn't help but think about Robert Moses
when I read it.
And she says, the quality of the will to power
is precisely growth.
Achievement is its cancellation.
To be the will to power must increase
with each fulfillment,
making the fulfillment only a step to a further one. The vaster the power gained, the vaster the appetite for more."
And while I was reading it, I was like, I wonder if she read The Power Broker when she
was writing the science fiction novel.
Or really, Ozymandias is really, that's the same principle there. You know, just like,
you know, just like weeping because there's no more worlds to conquer. You just have to
get bigger and bigger and bigger or this guy doesn't exist, you know.
Yes. And so, and it feels like Robert Moses answers always is we need more roads, bigger roads, partly to ease traffic, but also partly because
what's he gonna do if he stops building roads? Like what does his life mean if he stops building roads? Where does his power go? And
in the 1920s and 1930s, Caro says people were really excited to see these programs completed. Now in the 40s,
1930s, Caro says, people were really excited to see these programs completed. Now in the 40s, the response is getting slightly more muted. And this is partly because urban planners
have started to say with increasing urgency that you need a balance of transportation.
You can't just rely on roads. You've also got to have mass transit to balance out the
fact that when you build roads, there's going to be more roads. But Moses, he doesn't like mass transit.
He doesn't wanna build it.
He's not interested in it.
And he monopolizes the construction money in the city
so much that even if people were like,
well, we'll build it without you, they couldn't do it.
All the money is being poured into roads.
And that's something that we're gonna see again and again
throughout these couple of chapters
is just how much he is taking from the potential
of mass transit
so that you can put it into roads.
Yeah.
And this is really just points out again, more of Robert Moses's weakness is like, you
know, Carol talks about him having a certain genius for seeing a city and carving up a
city and drawing lines, but he has almost just like, I mean, rudimentary, like just
a backwards notion of how systems work together.
Like I think it's partly his bias towards not wanting
mass transit and thinking cars are great and not realizing how cars
just become functional things in people's lives through the 40s, 50s, and 60s.
But I actually wonder if he's like particularly stupid in this area.
You know, like because,
because it just would willfully stupid
because it's not that the buses or subways
or light rail or trains would be good in and of themselves.
They would actually make the roads he made better.
If he thought more holistically about them,
they would perform better for the people
who wanted to be on them and, you know, siphon off some of the excess. And I find that particularly
like interesting or kind of galling, but also just like strange that he didn't see any upside
in making these things just for the benefit of Rhodes. Like you could make a case that for the
benefit of just his Rhodes, you could have done these other things and made them better.
I think there's, I think you're exactly,
I mean, you're exactly right.
And this is part of Caro's argument
that like the roads would function better
if you had these mass transit systems working with them.
I think I have two answers that as someone
who has not studied Robert Moses as much as anyone except,
I mean, as much as Robert Caro has,
is I think one of them is because
I don't think he really cares that much
how the roads function.
He cares about building them. And once it he really cares that much how the roads function.
He cares about building them.
And once it's built, he's onto the next project.
Like I was saying with that lead of heaven thing,
and this would be a much better place for me
to put that quotation, but I already said it,
is that he likes building.
He doesn't like road management.
You know, other people would have been fine
with overseeing these enormous bridge projects
and then not building other things.
Like that's my monument is this bridge, but he just has to keep building.
And once it's done, it's just a revenue machine for him.
He doesn't really care if it's working well.
He just cares about the driving numbers.
But the other thing is I think we have to remember, because it gets thrown
around a lot this, in the last episode, I think we made the mistake too.
And we corrected ourselves in calling Moses an engineer that like, he's not an
engineer, like his education is in civil service.
Like understanding how a civil service system works
and how to reform it.
And a civil service is built out of people.
And it's a system that's flexible because people can change.
Whereas a road is not flexible.
Once it's built, it's there.
You can expand it or you can move it with great effort,
but you're not dealing with people who are adaptable.
And I think that's part of it.
I wonder if he might be approaching
construction infrastructure from the point of view
of someone who thinks that it has the flexibility
of a human-based system.
Yeah, well, but he also takes advantage of the fact
that that is inflexible at a certain point,
like he does steak driving later on
that sort of limits any criticisms or changes
that can come later on.
So he counts on both sides of it.
But it's just, I think that's really interesting.
Like that part, like he builds it, he's done.
And then the only sort of value of that road
is how it induces demands for more roads later on.
Not that they do the thing that they're supposed to do.
I mean, it's very similar
to the way consumer
technology works now, where a piece of electronics
that you buy, it's not intended to do that job as
well as possible.
It's intended to do it fine until it breaks and then
you get the next version of it.
There's that built in obsolescence and it's like,
it's like the opposite end of not delivering a great
product where on one end everything breaks down super fast
and you have to replace it.
On the other end, it doesn't work great
but you can never replace it.
You know, it's just, it's permanent and immortal.
And he, I think he just doesn't, he doesn't care.
I don't think he cares if it does a great job,
partly because he's not gonna have to use it, you know,
or if he does, he'll be in his office car
that where someone else is driving him and he can, I would say he's gonna kick back, but he's just gonna do a lot of work in the use it, you know, or if he does, he'll be in his office car that where someone else is driving him.
And he can, I would say he's gonna kick back,
but he's just gonna do a lot of work in the backseat.
So it's not only that he's just not building
or considering mass transit in his plans.
He is actively destroying mass transit
in the process of building these roads.
Like he's pulling up tracks.
He's really just like, he's starving it of money,
and he's taking advantage of this idea that this really is a system, but he's hogging up all the
resources and sort of thought and leadership of this system of transit, you know, to the benefit
of just building bridges and roads. And there's ripples that lead out from that, and that's what
a lot of this chapter is about about is it's not just transportation,
but about the way a city is built around that transportation.
And Carol started talking about how this road-based system
is affecting the development
of the outlying neighborhoods in New York and in Long Island,
because a neighborhood developed around a subway line
is going to be developing for foot traffic.
It's going to be much higher density
because people need to be able to walk
from the station to their homes.
It's, living in Los Angeles,
people are like, you should take the rail to work.
And I'm like, so I drive to a parking lot
and then get out at the train station
and then take the train the rest of the way, come on.
I just don't, I wanna take the whole way.
But if you are building around roads,
then people are gonna need cars
and the neighborhoods are gonna be zoned
and developed in a way that is low density
because people already have the cars.
And it wouldn't be so bad if the people living
in those kind of lower density,
more suburban parts of the city
had access to jobs near where they lived.
Maybe if they could walk or take a local transit
to their jobs.
But Moses is such an influence on how the land
around his parkways is zoned and controlled.
And he wants them to look beautiful and pristine.
So he discourages industry from expanding out to those areas,
which means the vast majority of these new residents in the outlying areas have
to drive back into the city every day for work or take the rickety Long Island
railroad. And we'll talk later about why nobody wants to do that, but he's,
he's basically, uh,
using his road building
as a way, deliberately or not,
to control how these parts of the city
are developed and built
and how the people there are gonna have to live their lives.
Yeah, and it really is this positive feedback loop.
And what I mean by positive feedback loop
is the action amplifies the next action
that amplifies the next action.
And either that happens in a positive direction
or negative direction.
The positive part is just the amplification.
It's the sort of death spiral.
Yeah, it feels like it rarely happens
with positive outcomes for anybody.
But it isn't that a negative feedback loop
will be one where the next action stops the previous action.
But so this is like everything just sort of spirals away.
Because of this choice, there's roads,
therefore it makes low density housing,
that means more roads and more and more of an idealized form
of what could be a higher density, better, you know,
served communities along Long Island are just denied.
And it starts from the very beginning
and just kind of builds and builds and builds on itself.
Yeah, the other thing, here's the other thing about cars.
All right, Roman, I'm gonna lay this on you.
This might be a big shock to you.
So you live in Long Island,
your office is back in Manhattan,
you gotta drive in to work.
When you get to work,
you gotta do something with that car.
Yeah.
You can't just put it in your pocket
and then go into the office with it.
You gotta put it somewhere.
You gotta find parking.
And Moses is pouring all these new cars into the city
and people are like, where are we gonna put these cars?
And he says, don't worry,
we're gonna build these multi-story parking garages.
He doesn't say this, but the implication
whenever I read this part is the most beautiful thing
you can add to a living city,
just multi-story parking garages above ground.
And aside from the fact that they're hideously ugly,
I apologize to anyone who owns or designs parking garages.
They're just the ugliest thing you can put in a city,
I imagine.
The planners start to notice the city can never really park
more than a fraction of the cars coming in.
There isn't the space,
there isn't the money to build those spots.
At a certain point,
you're just building a city made out of parking spots.
Like there's no room for the people anymore.
And this is something that
is also kind of affecting and unfair for average New Yorkers. In 1945, and I think this is still the
case, Carol says most New Yorkers didn't own cars. And now I think in many cases, it's a lifestyle
choice. Certainly when I lived in New York, I did not want the hassle of owning a car. So that's why
I didn't have one. But back then, most New Yorkers could not afford to own a
car. And Moses is diverting all this funding into roads and away from mass transit, leading, as we
were saying, like mass transit fares rise, less people are using it, so the fares have to rise
again to cover that shortfall. And money is being spent to help the few in the city who can afford
to drive or from outside the city who can afford to drive and not the many who can't.
And the result of that is not just that mass transit stays the same and or deteriorates
slightly, but that new mass transit is not being built.
And Kara talks about how there were plans for the fabled legendary Second Avenue subway
line.
Roman, you've never lived in New York, so you don't know how often this is the topic
of conversation is if only we had this Second Avenue subway line. Roman, you've never lived in New York, so you don't know how often this is the topic of conversation is if only we had this second avenue subway line. Now, nearly 80 years later, it's
still not fully finished yet in the way that it was talked about at the time. It was going to be
this amazing line going all the way up to the city and now it goes like four extra stops on the
Upper East Side, you know, and it took billions of dollars and a lot of time to get there.
And Carol notes, he says,
by building transportation facilities for the suburbs,
he was ensuring that no transportation facilities
would be built for the ghettos.
Therefore, planners saw in the transportation field,
the portion of the public helped by the use of public resources
would not be the portion of the public that needed help most.
So once again, like he did with parks earlier,
like he did with the roads within the city.
He is waiting resources towards the people who don't really need them to live their lives in the city.
And the end result of this is that poor residents are cut off from the full use of their own city.
There are neighborhoods that are just inaccessible for them to live in.
There are parts of the city they can't get to easily.
There's resources that they should be able to share in because it's part of their city
and they just can't get there in an easy way.
And carers make the case that it's not just that Moses
through his road building is not helping these people,
but he is actively, maybe not deliberately hurting them
by making it harder for them to take full use
of this amazing city that they live in
and have just as much a right to as anybody else.
Yeah, yeah.
And what's interesting as the number of cars has increased so much,
people are starting to recognize that building more roads is not working for them. Like this is
really beginning to reach the average person where they're like, I'm not buying this anymore,
you know? And then the new sort of this beginning
of an urbanism movement and thinkers like Lewis Mumford
are presenting it and people are more actively talking
about it and are more aware of it.
Yeah, you start to see like letters to the editor
to newspapers talking about the need to cut down on cars.
The newspapers themselves don't cover this particularly much,
which is something that we're gonna see
throughout these chapters is the lack of either interest
or appetite or desire in the part
of the major newspaper press in covering the idea
that there is a problem with trafficking the city
and the problem is not just we don't have enough roads
to take care of all these cars. And something that we're going to see throughout is one, this kind of failure on the parts of the papers to call real attention to this.
And two, for modern readers, the continuing shock at how many newspapers were in New York at the time, which we can talk about more later.
Just you read it and you're like, all these newspapers that you don't know about.
And it's just you really had your choice back then.
I also want to mention the,
it's fun to see Lewis Mumford mentioned a couple times
in this chapter.
I'm a big fan of his.
I love his book, The City in History.
And his architectural reviews,
they're like, you know, lovably curmudgeonly
in a way that I enjoy reading.
And so like, you know, as people are recognizing
that these roads are not like serving everybody,
that they're not doing all they need to do,
they're not really like an opposition movement
that says like, build no roads.
The sort of new thinking is, well,
how about we build the roads, but in between that highway,
we put a train because we're gonna do it anyway.
And this is like the thing, this like theoretical notion.
You know, I used to, you know, the blue line in Chicago
goes along the 95 in between.
And it sort of makes a ton of sense.
You're clearing the road, there's a middle section,
it's straight, you know, like let's put a train there.
But this is not ever fly on Long Island.
No, it's true.
Also in Los Angeles, there are train lines that go down the middle of freeways
and they always look weird to me because I'm
not used to seeing that from New York, but
lots of cities have them.
It's crazy.
And the planners, the city planners say to
Moses, look, we don't have the money to build
these mass transit lines into Long Island that
we'd like.
It's a late 1940s.
New York never has any money.
America is flush with post-World War II money,
but New York somehow is still, still has no money.
The greatest city in the world that is always penniless,
you know, always has its pockets hanging out
because there's no, there's no money
and just like little moths flying out of it.
But they say, look, all you have to do
to make it affordable in the future
for us to build those lines is
as you're planning the Long Island Expressway,
just, yeah, get an extra 50 more feet of right away, leave a center island so that we can build rail down there
eventually. And look, it's going to lower the cost of these eventual trains. It's going
to lessen the disruption of the construction because it's going to be right in the middle
of the road with cars on either side rather than up against people's homes. It's going
to prepare the city for future development. It'll be easy, it'll be inexpensive.
Carol points out the cost for all this
would be borne by the city and the state,
not Moses, not Triborough.
You don't need federal approval.
If the city doesn't do it now,
you'll never be able to afford it.
As you said,
Roman Chicago is already doing something similar.
There's literally, literally no reason at all
not to do this.
There is no reason not to do it,
except the one reason that Moses has,
which is I don't wanna do it.
And this is when he,
Caro's got every now and then he'll introduce us
to kind of like a new,
what I would call a bureaucratic researcher hero.
He has like his heroes
who really get into research and paperwork.
And he mentions F for Francis Dodd-McHugh, who's the chief
of the Office of Master Planning of the City Planning Commission. And he draws up this
master plan for the New York airports, where he's looking at all these new roads that
Moses is planning to build to go to like Idlewild Airport, which is now JFK. And he realizes
that the roads Moses building, particularly the Van Wick, it's totally inadequate for
the number of people
who are gonna need to go to the airport.
It's inadequate, especially considering there are people
who are gonna use this road who aren't going to the airport.
Let's not forget about them also, there's other people.
And Moses like, I'll widen the roads, it'll be fine.
That's not gonna be sufficient either.
It's tens of thousands of people above
what they're actually gonna be able to carry.
And once people get to Idlewild,
how are they gonna get around?
Where are they gonna put their cars?
How are they gonna get from the parking lot to the terminal?
And McHugh says the only real solution
is some kind of big rapid transit link.
Similarly, where you'd carry more people faster,
you run it down the middle of the road.
And Caro at one point in this,
he estimates that a rapid transit trip from Penn Station
in the middle of Manhattan to Idlewild Airport
would take 16 minutes,
would take six minutes, which blows my mind.
I can't, that's one part where I'm like,
I don't know about that, I don't know.
Cause right now, if you want to get from Penn Station
to the airport, which I've done many times,
that's a long trip.
Like you're gonna have to, at some point,
you have to go from the subway to the air train,
or you have to, it's a,
or you get to one of the shuttle buses.
Anyway, you don't need to hear from me
about how you get to the JFK airport,
Penn Station, but it takes a long time.
And Caro, he goes into all this detail
about how relatively easy and inexpensive it would be
to build those rapid transit links
at this one point in history.
While at the same time, you could use that opportunity
to build a subway link between Brooklyn and Queens.
He goes into a lot of detail about all this.
It is such total fantasy catnip for me,
certainly as a New Yorker.
When I was first dating my wife,
I lived in Astoria, Queens,
and she lived in Park Slope, Brooklyn.
And the only way to get between the two
was to take a train that went through Manhattan,
and it took so much longer than it needed to.
It's like, a couple other times later,
we'll talk about points where Caro is talking about a thing
that would have directly benefited my life
when I lived in New York.
And it's like you were saying, Roman earlier,
that he's working on this scale,
not just of geographic space, but chronological time,
that he's saying this type of, this little bit of work now
would in the future be so much more valuable
and be worth so much more.
And I tell you, Roman, I'm living proof of it,
just the hours I wasted because this stuff didn't exist and McHugh says
Even if we don't build these transit links now same story as with the Long Island Expressway
We could reserve the land for less than two million dollars
This is at a time when the city is pouring
280 million dollars into Expressway construction the money the city that has no money is spending nearly three hundred million dollars on Expressway construction
And she goes if we don't spend that two million dollars now
We're never gonna have the chance to do this rapid transit again.
And he wants to put this proposal in his plan,
but he makes a mistake.
Roman, you know what that mistake is that McHugh makes?
Well, I mean, he defies Robert Moses,
but he also forgets that he is a civil servant.
Yeah, so he mentions it to his boss,
who mentions it to Moses, and McHugh gets yelled at,
the mass transit proposal is slashed from the airport plan
and his salary gets slashed to the minimum
and he ends up resigning from his job.
Like it is such unnecessary retaliation from Moses.
And it's all part of this big, this refusal,
this refusal to share any space or any money
with mass transit that at certain points
almost feels like an obsession,
like how Batman has all those villains
that are obsessed with a specific thing.
Calendar Man is all about holidays,
and Kite Man is all about kites,
and Robert Moses is all about roads.
He's the Highwayman.
Yeah, Highwayman, yeah, yeah.
And this is another one of those things where it's like,
the way that an airport functions
as a spoke in a transportation system,
it really only makes sense if a train goes to it.
I mean, that's its peak functionality
would be a train going there
because taking a car and leaving it at the airport
for two weeks, I mean, I do this all the time.
I'm not saying like morally it's wrong necessarily.
One, I'm gonna say two weeks.
That's pretty nice vacation.
That's pretty sweet.
Maybe a week, but.
But you're right.
It's a misuse of that infrastructure. For sure.
And for no reason, for no reason at all.
If you asked me, would you rather take a quick train
to the airport and not have to worry about your car
or even drive it there, I would say yes, 100,000%.
That'd be fantastic.
But it's shocking how many airports do not link
to public transit in this country.
That's a mistake, you know,
done over and over again in the Bay Area.
There have been sort of janky add-ons for, you know,
a few decades, and then recently it's sort of like
connected more smoothly, but it's just one of those things
that if you really thought about it, you would,
like if the FAA had the power, you know,
like if they were building more airports with it, or not really, I would require it, you would, like, if the FAA had the power, you know, like if they're building more airports with or not, really, I would require it.
You know, like I would require that there's a public transit link to an airport.
It just makes so much sense.
It's a little nuts that it is, in most cities, it is easier to get to a stadium than it is
to get to an airport.
You know, that it's, it's in New York, certainly it's easier to get to Yankee or stadium or city field than it is to get to the airport without using a car, at least in my
experience. New Yorkers write me in, tell me if I'm wrong, if it's gotten harder to get to those
stadiums in recent years. And Kara talks about, we had talked about this kind of, this for lack
of a better word, ghettoization of certain city residents. And he talks about how
opponents of Moses saw this as an inadvertent oversight, that he just didn't care enough to look into it. But Caro is again presenting it as a deliberate objective that he wants to keep
specifically poor people, but also likely non-white people from Long Island. And that that's one of
his interests in not having mass transit there. And he quotes a 1945 speech that Moses gives to the Nassau Bar Association,
where he literally says, figure out what sort of people you want to attract into Nassau County.
By that, I mean people of what standards, what income levels,
and what capacity to contribute to the source of government.
Even if you strip that of all of the more recent kind of implications,
he's still saying certain places are for certain people,
and we need to build our infrastructure and arrange those places to attract only that certain type of
people.
We don't want those other kinds of people, which is pretty damning for a guy who is working
in theory for a city and a state rather than for a constituency.
Yeah, that's right.
I mean, that's really, I don't know, but it's even, I don't think he has a quiet part to say out loud.
There's always that phrase, he's saying the quiet part loud.
But he just is this, it's just very,
very clear what he is about,
is about dividing this community up and really,
again, just not serving the whole community.
It really is. It's about funding all the resources
towards the few people who have cars and
those communities that they create
and really leaving behind all the rest of them
and not just leaving behind a sort of neglect
or even benevolent neglect.
It's like it's true harm being done to them.
It's awful, it's awful stuff.
Yeah, and Carol then he goes in again to,
he has a long section about how Moses's personality
kind of insulates him from changing reality is from criticism and his confidence is never
shaken because his power and arrogance keep him from learning anything that might shake
it and how he's sure these roads will make his name immortal.
He's like the builders of ancient Rome.
And he has an article he writes about New York in the year 1999, where he's basically
talking about how great his roads are and how they're, they're still going to be there. And I want to, we know this stuff about him. So I want
to rush through to this amazing sentence that, that Carol has where she talks about within two
weeks of its opening that Van Wyk Expressway, it's jammed with traffic. And I love this. Carol writes,
traffic will flow freely. Moses had promised inappropriate adverb. And I love it. I think
that's two words. And just as, as like, as a grammar teacher, just undercutting him, just like, I love that, I just love writing,
just the way he writes, inappropriate adverb.
Like, yeah, it's not moving freely.
And I don't have to,
I'm not gonna go into a lot of detail about that.
It's so funny.
There's so many points in this book,
rereading it again where I'm like,
this is a funny book.
You know, it's a sad book and it's a very dense book,
but there's some very funny moments in it.
And all this, like, the big problem is book. It's a sad book and it's a very dense book, but there's some very funny moments in it.
And all this, like the big problem is him not thinking
in terms of these systems is like,
once you begin to build out and extend
and connect all these roads,
they all just get worse and worse and worse.
Yeah.
You know, like it really just doesn't,
his ability to underestimate traffic
and not understand the concept of induced demand
and not really, you know,
learn anything and update anything in his brain
is just really destroying and creating a system that,
you know, just like a machinery that does not move anymore.
And it seems that every one of his projects
has the same exact problem.
They all lead to greater congestion.
They don't take congestion off of the pre-existing traffic arteries. And
Caro, he gives us a lot of vehicle counts, travel times, lengths of traffic jams.
This is a data mine. And these chapters, something Roman and I were talking about
before recording, these chapters have a lot of information in them and a lot of
facts and figures that are not really fully
necessary, it feels like at times, to make these arguments. But there's part of me that thinks that
Carol is putting it in there just so it's somewhere, you know, that if it's not in this book,
no one's ever going to know it. But it certainly is, at a certain point, you're like, well, yeah,
I get it. The roads are really full. There's a lot of cars. He's already dead. Yeah. I mean,
it has that quality of just piling
on the details and I do think that,
you have to imagine the book landing 1974,
Caro knows exactly what it takes,
the sort of amount of shoe leather to get all this data
and put it together into a cogent narrative.
And he must be thinking, this is the document.
There is no internet, there is no thing to look up.
This is where it's going to be.
It's going to get more and more scattered
and lost over time.
And if he doesn't put it here, it will be gone.
And I think this is a real kind of the choice
of a historian versus the choice of just a pure storyteller
in this moment.
Yeah. Not like, I think Robert Caro is an unparalleled storyteller.
I'm not meaning to disparage him at all,
but this is sort of like the difference
between making a movie of this versus making
a document for history.
He's balancing those notions.
He is, and I think even more than that,
I feel like it's a little bit like he is putting together
a scientific argument. That the myth of Moses was so strong, he felt that he needed
to marshal so much evidence to prove his point that at this point it's almost like he's
writing a lab or a research paper, you know, to really prove, no, no, this, this evidence
supports what I'm saying. And so there's a lot here that to a modern day reader where
I feel like everyone reading this book has already bought into the main premise by this point, you know, we have no lived experience of Robert Moses, we didn't grow up being told he's a he's an amazing man.
And so it's so it feels at times like, oh, this is a lot. But I think you're right that, that Carol feels like this information needs to be out there, I need to tell it to people and it's nowhere. And if it's not here, it's never going to be anywhere. And it was just a huge burden to feel when you are
a biographer, you know, when you're a history writer, this idea that, oh, well, I found this
information and if I don't put it here, it's just going to disappear forever. And he's spoken about
that, the feeling of horror of the idea like, if I don't get this into the book, no one's going to
know it. You know, it's just going to, it's never going to reach people's awareness. Hey,
though he's getting some help here because the newspapers, remember those newspapers we talked
about? They've started printing stories again about traffic. It takes so long to get everywhere.
This isn't the first time it's happened. Kara talks about how there's just this kind of like
cycle each time there's a big traffic jam in the 20s, 30s, 40s, traffic
is bad. Everyone gets mad about it. And then they sink into this kind of sullen, apathetic
acceptance and he compares it explicitly to a lab rat getting used to electric shocks,
which is such a horrifying way to think about urban life that it's just, you're just getting
used to torture, you know, over time. And that there's this cycle that always ends in numbness.
It goes from anger to numbness.
And now we're back in that boom and bust cycle of outrage because people are back
on the roads after a couple of years during the war of not being on the roads.
And traffic is new to them.
The frustration of traffic is new to them.
And to those of us living in 21st century America, I feel like this boom bust
outrage cycle that ends with sullen numb acceptance
feels very, like, unfortunately, very real.
Very real and very uncomfortable, you know?
It's sort of the template to the modern condition,
for sure.
Yeah.
But what is very clear is even though more people
are talking and writing about the fact that traffic
is a problem and this sort of dependency on the car
is a problem, it's still not getting through
to the only man that it matters.
Who would that man be?
Roman, who's that?
That would be the elusive Robert Moses,
who we haven't mentioned yet so far in the book.
He is not changing his mind.
There's nothing about it.
In fact, it just kind of accelerates as much as possible.
Yeah, and public awareness is slowly shifting
and Tarot is looking at like the proportion of letters
to the editor versus editorials in major newspapers.
And he's saying, people experiencing this
seem to be understanding it's a problem
before the powers that be do,
before the major kind of communication organs of the city.
But like you said, it doesn't matter.
Moses, does he just want to do anything? He fights all these proposals. There's one point
where in 1952, state legislators, they suggest that a Triborough should take over the subways
and use its surplus money to improve them. And Moses flies back from a vacation in the Virgin
Islands to shut this down as quickly as possible. He goes, no, Triborough has no extra money. Mass transit's too expensive, we shouldn't do it.
And there's just this lack of understanding
at a basic foundational level.
And I think maybe this is why Caro is marshaling
so many facts and figures as this,
to change that understanding of how necessary mass transit
really is to make the city livable
and how roads actually function.
And he quotes this article from 1951 in the
Herald Tribune. Again, like New York had so many newspapers, there's no Herald Tribune
anymore. Like, come on. Talking about the traffic boom in good terms, as if bridges
and roads were like companies that were experiencing this post-World War II, you know, 50s boom.
And it says in it, business is booming, traffic is everywhere exceeding the experts' predictions.
If the present volume keeps up,
all the bridge bonds will be retired by 1957
and all tunnel bonds by 1963.
Good work, gentlemen.
And it's like, no, traffic is bad.
Like to look at these public works as companies
that are getting a lot of customers
and that's gonna increase profits and therefore
that we can pay off the bonds faster
is such a basic misunderstanding of what's going on here.
I totally agree.
Even the notion of like,
the subway system has to be net neutral,
or has to make money.
It's like, no, you can provide a surface,
and it costs money.
And that is just a thing we pay into all the time
to make the city more livable.
Like, running things as a business
is the type of thinking that I'm just like, never on board for for. Like there's just some things that just that that's okay. Like we
pay things that represent our values and they don't need to pay off. The post office doesn't
need to make money. You know, like like subways don't need to make money. It's just like it's
a crazy notion and it's like infected all parts of public life. It drives me mental.
Yes, and it's not a new idea, but it's an idea that won't go away.
I mean, I was just rewatching Robocop and that's entirely about why you shouldn't run a police department like it's a business.
You know, there's this assumption that if something takes in some money, then it must need to pay for itself. And the idea of a free subway system,
which would be an astounding gift to all New Yorkers,
it never enters into any thinking whatsoever.
But this chapter, we're on the close this chapter.
And we know that things, they can't get any worse, right?
According to Robert Carroll, they can always get a little worse.
Because as this chapter ends, Karo says, and in 1954, he took a further step, one that sealed the city's future.
Bum, bum, bum.
I added the bum, bum, bum.
He didn't write that part.
But it would be great if he did.
You could send him some notes.
That's all due.
Yeah.
For the new electronic edition that they just released.
We will get to the bum, bum, bum after this.
We will get to the bum bum bum after this.
Okay, now we're on chapter 40, Point of No Return. It really is what it says on the tin.
He is, what he's doing is laying out this idea
that his plans for Long Island
and the Long Island Expressway really just dooms Long Island to
what it's going to be. It's like it's going to be a traffic congestion nightmare with low density
housing. I mean, he's really just setting it up. This whole chapter is about that.
That's the real TLDR of this one. You're right. You basically said it, but he goes into much
more detail on that, which we will too.
As the chapter starts, we're back in the 50s now.
Moses is being too successful.
His authorities are bringing in way more money than his actual bridges and tunnels and roads
cost to operate.
He's pulling in $21 million in surplus a year.
He can use that to capitalize bonds worth half a billion dollars.
He's got so much more money that it risks getting the attention of the government,
forcing him to use that money to bail out the subways
or retire his bonds.
And if he does either of those things,
he loses the potential capitalization money
that having that money allows him to.
So in order to keep making money,
he's got to spend all his money.
It's a real Brewster's Million situation
that Bob Moses finds himself in here.
But the weird thing is that Robert Caro then almost immediately contradicts himself by
saying also Moses construction plans were so huge that he didn't have enough money
to fulfill them.
He's got all these projects.
He's going to build a New York Coliseum, the Throgs Neck Bridge, different expressways.
He's got the Jamaica Bay Park.
He's got all these enormous plans that he wants.
So Robert Moses, the guy who has too much money, still needs to get more money,
and he's still looking for ways to get it.
And as we've seen before, he's able to take advantage
of federal programs like the lobbying for his roads
to be included in the federal highway bill
and things like that to get access to this money.
And there's another organization
that he's gonna need the help of.
The only, he needs, if he's gonna get highway money
from the federal government,
he needs to build an interstate road.
Unfortunately, due to the geography of New York,
there's only one state he can really put it through.
Yeah, and then he can,
yeah, there's only one state he can enter,
and that's New Jersey, my home state,
which I'll admit is not as cool as New York.
It's kind of like New York's little brother that like is like,
hey, what about me? What about me?
And New York's like, no.
So I apologize to all the residents of Philadelphia
who got mad at me last time.
Cause reading this part, I was like,
I could feel viscerally Moses' lack of interest
in actually building a road into New Jersey.
And I understood it.
Even being from there, I understood it.
It's a great state, but still, it's not a romantic state
that people desire to be in.
A very true story from my life is that
when my parents moved from New York City,
the New York City area to New Jersey,
and then my mom's brother, my uncle,
also moved to New Jersey,
my grandmother, who was a lifelong New Yorker,
for years did not tell her friends
that her children lived in New Jersey.
Instead, she just would avoid the subject.
Wow.
Yeah.
When you're in New York, New Jersey is...
I mean, when you're in New Jersey, New York is the only place you want to be if you're
in North Jersey.
Don't even get me started on South Jersey.
It's a different world down there.
But if you're in New York, you have no interest in it.
But if Moses is going to be able to build something in New Jersey, he needs to make
nice with the port authority. That's right, there's another authority around,
and they are bruisers. You know, as anyone who's been in Port Authority bus terminal can tell you,
they do not have the finesse or the elegance of the Triborough Authority.
So yeah, so he has to sort of mend fences there, which he always sort of butted heads.
I mean, I can't remember the specific details of how the Port Authority and how Moses has
tried to angle to take over more things from Port Authority at different times and then
being thwarted by some other sort of schemer or another, but he has to figure it out.
Yeah, they've been having turf battles all this time.
It's a little bit like the scene of the being of the warriors
when all the gangs are being brought together
and Cyrus is like, we could work together
and it's in the gangs in the end, it doesn't work out.
They've got to mend those fences
and that's because Port Authority
has so much money on hands.
They have the potential to capitalize
$700 million worth of bonds,
just an astonishing amount of money in the 1950s.
But Port Authority, it lacks Moses' greatest strength,
which is not his ability to twist the law
to do whatever he wants,
not his shamelessness and refusal to be bound by ethics,
but his vision.
And Caro describes Port Authority
as long on cash and short on dreams.
All they ever think about building
is revenue producing stuff.
They don't have the vision for a grand system.
The kind of thing that can inspire say Albany to get behind a project in the
way that Moses seems to so easily generate these dreams that people just flock to.
And, uh, you know, Moses has those dreams, but his dreams only involve
highways and bridges and cars.
No.
That's it.
In different configurations though. Sometimes it's a highway leading to a bridge,
sometimes a bridge leading to a highway.
But luckily, the port authorities are all on board for that.
Yes, because they don't just have a shared need and the need to combine money with vision and
political power. Because the other thing is that Moses had so much power in Albany.
They also have a shared enemy, a common enemy between the two of them,
that both Triborough and Port Authority are happy to stomp into the mud.
And that enemy is trains.
Yeah.
No love of trains.
They do not like trains. They love roads with tolls on them.
They love traffic. They love tolls.
Or not traffic necessarily, but they like having lots of cars going over their stuff.
And so January of 1955, Tribor authority, Port authority, these two titans of roads and
inconveniencing people, they released the joint study of arterial facilities that strangely enough
recommends building the stuff that Moses wants to build. It's amazing. It turns out it's just the best way to do it.
Lots of expressways, even the long threatened mid Manhattan elevated expressway,
which we talked about before, which thankfully was never built.
And Carol lists so many potential expressways all through the city reaching out to the suburbs.
And he says, this is a business arrangement.
Moses doesn't have the money to build these things.
Port Authority has the money, but doesn't have the power.
So for instance, the Verrazano narrows bridge,
they come to this agreement.
Port Authority will fund the bridge.
Tribal Authority will lease it and control it.
And at some point, they will buy it back
from the Port Authority in the future.
So Moses brilliantly, it's kind of hard to know the Port Authority in the future. So Moses,
brilliantly, it's kind of hard to know what Port Authority is getting really out of this except for short term amount of tolls because he's convinced his rival to fund his own project. And when the
bridges are built, both authorities are raking in huge amounts of money. I guess that is what they
get out of it is the money. And Carol quotes Moses describing this bridge and there's such an
unfortunate modern parallel
in the way he talks about it.
I don't know if you'll be able to recognize
the person that it reminds me of
in the way Moses talks about this bridge.
He goes, there's gonna be a bridge pretty soon,
the bridge of my dreams.
It's gonna be the most important single piece
of arterial construction in the world.
It will be the longest suspension bridge in the world
and the tallest.
It's all superlatives when you talk about this bridge.
Like everything's the best that he does.
Everything's best.
Everything, you know, he, he just goes just short of calling it the most
beautiful bridge in the world, which he said before about his stuff.
Yeah.
And, uh, Caro talks about how it's not just Triborough and Port Authority.
Moses still has this alliance of people behind him also profit, namely
number one among them, people who make cars, people who sell cars,
people who make money repairing cars. He is the darling of the auto industry. We'll see in 1964,
Moses is going to run the New York World's Fair and we'll see what a lack of success that is in
some ways. And the automakers pour millions of dollars into that. But my favorite detail here is
how in 1953, Moses enters and wins an essay contest
run by General Motors, and he wins a $25,000 prize.
And it seems it's so funny to me, the idea of him entering a corporate essay contest.
And I just imagine like some kid won second place and didn't get the $25,000, but Robert
Moses walked away with it.
And Carrow says, Moses is America's most vocal, effective, prestigious apologist for the automobile.
He's just, he's so good at pushing cars.
And the carmakers are just one of this regiment that he has that we've talked about before.
Caro says, the joint program represented profit, profit from bonds, deposits, contracts, premiums,
retainers, jobs, payoffs, bribes, Greece.
It enlisted behind him all those forces in the city, banks, unions, contractors, venal politicians,
venal or short-sighted public officials
who put profit from public works
above the public interest or the public trust.
Like, look, if you've got a project
that can make a lot of money,
you'll have lots of people who are happy to be a part of it.
And Moses has that.
And because he personally doesn't care about
how much he takes in graft, as we've talked about before,
he can spread it around and he can enforce loyalty if he has to. With that same old threat,
if a local politician is like, maybe I don't want you to build this enormous road straight through
my neighborhood, he can say, all right, then that project and all the money it represents
will vanish and you just won't have it. And he institutes this kind of, I guess, informal
policy where borough presidents,
they're allowed to publicly criticize Moses's plans,
but in private, when they're actually voting
on the board of estimate,
they are not allowed to stop those plans.
They don't veto those projects.
They allow them to go through.
And the result of this, as Caro says,
is that the city would just go on building bridges,
it would go on building highways,
and building basically nothing else.
Yeah, yeah.
And he spent some time talking about like what you could build with this
much money.
You know, that's a sort of like this amazing fantasy land of, of modernizing the
Long Island railroad and also, you know, new tunnels to bring trains full of people
from Manhattan to New Jersey.
You could finish that second avenue subway,
all this sort of stuff that's like,
there's so much you could build with this amount of money.
And even though that idea of there's like,
there's not the old school style corruption in the system
of him taking money,
there's still the same impulse
is causing a kind of internal corruption.
The fact that this set of public transit system just does not have the same
financial upside in the end. Like the margins are different.
It is more of a service that you're providing than a business that you are
creating. And that is the core.
That is like the cancer at the center of this decision making.
Yes. The quantifiable metric that they're using
to judge where things are worth doing is exactly
how much revenue is it gonna bring in
for the people involved and not the metric
of how much is this going to improve or assist the lives
of the residents of the New York area.
And I'll tell you, Roman, reading over this list
of the things you could have done,
I was like, that would have helped me,
that would have helped me, that would have helped me.
Like he specifically mentions extending the
subway out to Mill Basin, far out in Brooklyn, as far as you can get Brooklyn Basin before you're
in Long Island. And I'm like, yeah, I remember the day that my wife and I and our friend Sarah
wanted to go to the Mill Basin deli. And it took the entire day on bus and on foot to get to this
deli for lunch. Like, each time he's mentioning something, I'm like, yeah, that would have helped me. So I can tell you it would have made a measurable improvement
in my life if we had had this fantasy list paid into rather than the projects that they
wanted to make. And Kara says they could have taken this money and they could have spent it on
an entirely new modern subway system. That these two authorities,
with their power and their money in 1955,
could have so massively improved the life
of the millions of people that live in the region.
And instead, nearly all of it goes to car facilities.
They spend so much money.
They're spending $755 million on bridges, tunnels,
and highways that were mentioned in that study.
And that's just the money that were mentioned in that study.
And that's just the money that Triborough is spending.
And Carro says from 1955 to 1965, there's $1.2 billion in federal and state money that
goes into highways mentioned in that joint study.
And over the next decade, from 1955 to 1965, they built 439 miles of new highway and they
build zero new miles of railroad or subway track.
And Carol says in 1974, people using subways and
railroads in and around New York were still
riding on tracks laid down between 1904 and
1933, the last year before Robert Moses came to
power in the city.
Not a single mile had been built since.
And now it's in the 50 years since then, some
new miles have been built, but certainly not. Not many. Very many.
Yeah.
And so we're still in New York and I say
weird as if I still live there.
We're still riding on, in tunnels that were built
a hundred, more than a hundred years ago with
very little new tracks and rails.
And you hear all the time stories about, uh, how
the, uh, the, the machinery involved is all out
of date and things like that.
And there was this moment he's saying when it all
could have been improved and they just didn't do it.
It makes me so mad.
I apologize, I'm getting all worked up, Roman.
It makes me so mad.
This stuff that happened 70 years ago, 60 years ago,
I'm still so mad about it.
And only partly because it affected me personally
for years of my life.
Yeah, the trains break down,
the system, the switching systems are old.
Robert Shaw is robbing them right and left.
Oh, you're right.
The same year this book comes out,
you've got literally four men hijack a subway train
in maybe the greatest movie ever made.
I'll say yes, I'll say it is.
But here is where we get into the territory,
and this is like maybe we could condense it,
where Caro gives the litany of indignities
that befall people who dare to travel by train or subway.
Oh, the people who have to deal with that hellish purgatory
that is rail travel.
We can condense it here.
Because first, he talks about the subway
and the Long Island Railroad,
basically talking about how the trains are in bad condition,
they break down all the time,
they're unreliable, sometimes they just don't show up and the trains themselves are filthy.
The windows are broken.
The heating and the refrigeration doesn't work.
And that if you want to get on a train to get to work in time, you have to show up incredibly
early to get past the crowds of people who are going to build to get onto these trains.
And he talks about, you know, different incidents where people get so mad at canceled trains or missed trains
that they attack staff members.
He talks about one train where,
one Long Island railroad train where people are on it,
it stops in the middle of the tracks
and people get out and throw rocks at it.
He goes, it was no longer unusual to see a train arrive
in Jamaica being pushed along by another train.
And there's this train from Babylon to Brooklyn
that doesn't run for 102 consecutive days.
And it gets named the Phantom because when you show up,
to take that train is just not there.
And he, we're talking kind of interchangeably
of the subway and the Long Island railroad.
They're two different trains.
But he's basically saying his version in a lot of details.
There's a lot of great, it's almost Mad Magazine level,
to me, like details about how disgusting
and unreal how these trains are.
But it's almost his version of the old Catskills joke
about the food is terrible and such small portions.
Like the trains are terrible and you can't rely on them
to be there when you need them.
It's such an uncomfortable, debilitating,
in many ways, experience that people have to go through
on a daily, daily basis.
But that's the thing about mass transit is that the pillars of it functioning well are that it is
frequent in it gets you to where you want to go. And as soon as those fail, everything else begins
to fail afterward. You know, like then there is enough money to upkeep, then there's breakdown,
and then everything becomes worse and worse and worse.
It's a doom spiral that is just really,
really hard to pull out of,
unless you just make the decision of just like,
no, we're going to do this because we need to do this.
It's just like, it's going,
we're gonna do these things because they are hard.
You know?
And that's just the nature of it.
Like you have to have reliable service
for mass transit to work.
Unfortunately, this is not a weakness that highways have.
When they are unreliable, people just accept it.
The system, it has a weird way of tolerating
that type of failure affordance as a design.
And because you could try it at another time,
and it does work, and it's sort of sporadic.
But mass transit has this problem of like you get on the track and then it just, it's
going in one direction.
It's a kind of a ratchet and it just suffers through this, you know, just like this mania
that he has for cars and this, um, this, you know, just this whole bias against mass transit.
Yeah.
And, and Carol gets to at the end of this kind of long section about how
crappy the subway has gotten and how crappy the Long Island railroad has gotten.
He gets to this idea that the worst toll of it isn't seen in kind of sporadic
violence that happens when people get mad and they get going to like train rage.
And it's not, we're seen in the accidents that take place on the train because
that the trains themselves are not
Well maintained but in this general
passivity and helplessness and kind of defeated giving in that the commuters just put up with that they just live in a state of
constant discomfort and exhaustion
related to
the trip they have to take to get between their home and work every day and
to the trip they have to take to get between their home and work every day. And a few times in this passage, Carrow repeats the phrase, get used to it, in italics. And he uses italics only when he is
particularly grieved about things, you know, or only when he's particularly mad about things.
And he's just appalled at the idea of getting used to misery. And he says in italics, we learn
to tolerate intolerable conditions. And it feels like when I read it, there's such anger behind that.
Not just at the idea that people are underserved by this,
that it makes people's lives more difficult,
but that there's this standardization of routine discomfort
that numbs you to the pain that you're feeling in your life
as a result of these systems,
and also ultimately numbs you to the value of your life.
Because if you're living through this every day,
maybe you internalize it and you think,
maybe I don't deserve more than that.
And that it is not just stealing time from people,
it's not just stealing comfort from people,
but stealing in a very real sense,
this kind of faith in their own lives
and the ability to think of their own lives
being better than they are.
That sense that tomorrow can be better than today.
I'm reading quite a lot into it, but I feel like it's mostly there, mostly there.
That he seems very, very angry at the idea of people having to acclimate themselves to
discomfort. And that's something that I don't hear very much in discussions of transit. Even
today, it's mostly about how fast, how efficient, how much money is this gonna cost,
and very rarely about what is the human experience
of riding on this train or riding on this highway,
which is the most important aspect of it
because it's the human part of it.
And we're people.
I hate to break it to you, everybody, but we're people.
So the people aspect is the most important one to me.
And truly this whole series of events is set in motion
by the decision to do the Long Island Expressway
the way it was, to not sort of think of it as a grand plan,
that the Long Island Expressway creates a low density,
that low density can no longer support a train
even if they wanted to have a train after the fact.
It just continues like this was set into motion.
I mean, this is really what the point of no return is about.
Yes, he zeros in finally after this kind of wide ranging
look at rails on exactly that.
It's 1955, the Long Island Expressway,
and he reminds us Long Island,
as the name suggests, is an island.
Like you can only go so far out in one direction
before the land just stops and
becomes water. The only way to go in the is the other direction into the city. And inevitably,
that means congestion if all you have is this road to get there. And if you don't have this
mass transit. And meanwhile, Long Island's population is growing and growing and growing.
It's no longer the bucolic open fields and
robber barren estates and small farms that Moses walked through 30 years ago in the 1920s.
It's suburban sprawl. It's filling up. And again, Caro's going to get into statistics
and numbers. We don't have to get into all those. He does have one line. He goes,
onto Long Island's potato fields was going to be dumped a population the size of Philadelphia, which look, I said a lot of things about Philadelphia.
It's very useful as a metric for the number of people moving into Long Island and just
that there's no way these roads can ever handle it.
And he says, attempting to handle traffic in such volumes by building highways just
didn't make sense.
And he looks at each thing.
Okay, Moses is not going to build a train.
What about making it easier for buses to go through?
No, he doesn't want that either. Buses are for losers. He says. He says buses are for losers.
And he says once the LIE is in place, once it's built, this opportunity to
change the density, to make it easier to get in and out, to make it easier to get around, is gone.
If you make cars the only way to commute from this place to the city, then you lock in this
development forever as just the default state of the region. And he says, build the Long Island
Expressway with mass transit, or at least with provision for future installation of mass transit,
and Long Island might remain a good place to live and play. Build the Long Island expressway without mass transit and Long Island would be lost, certainly for decades,
probably for centuries, possibly forever. Which sounds a little melodramatic. A lot of people
do live in Long Island. Robert Carer, I think has a vacation place, has like a summer home or a
weekend home in Long Island. So people do live there, but they have to put up with this abysmal
traffic, this abysmal way of getting in and out to go to the city.
Yeah. One of the things I actually like in this description that Robert Carr talks about
is kind of ahead of its time when he's writing it in the early 1970s,
is that despite what I put on the attitude of Robert Moses that buses are for losers,
is that buses are kind of the greatest,
most flexible way to solve these problems.
And to have like a rapid transit lane
that's devoted to buses is extremely effective,
low cost way to like unmake a lot of these mistakes
that people made with roads,
like other cities like Medellin,
like they've just totally revolutionized traffic
by putting in dedicated
bus lanes.
And he kind of presents that as an idea here as a way to be the remedy for this.
But it just goes nowhere because Robert Moses just doesn't believe in it.
But I love, you can tell that he is paying attention to Louis Mumford in this time.
Like he's aware of this, the thinking that's going on.
And it strikes me as being very early in, you know, kind of a popular nonfiction book to be
talking about this in these ways. I find it pretty prescient. Yeah. I think so too. One thing that is,
and we'll talk about bridges and buses in a moment because we're about to get to one of the
more controversial parts of it. But one thing that I wonder, and this is something Carol could not have been prescient about,
but I was thinking about today is I wonder if these sections read a little differently
and I wonder if the experience is a little different now.
In the world we live in now where the option of remote work or at least part-time remote
work is a thing that people are living with, that Robert Carrow is taking it as such a
given that you have a job, you need to go to that job
And so if you live in Long Island, you're probably commuting to Manhattan
We're somewhere in the New York area and you cannot get out of it. And I wonder if that is in some way
Alleviating things a little bit probably not at the scale necessary like the traffic on the LA is still ridiculous
But I wonder if that if these sections read differently to a younger person who is like,
well, why do I have to go in to my job?
Why can't I do it from home?
Which of course in 1974 and certainly in 1955
when the LIE was built was impossible.
You could not do that.
I mean, what it points out to me
is I would sort of like flip that and say essentially like,
given the flexibility of work
or the greater flexibility of work today,
it really points out how it was an even worse decision
in 1955 to make these choices.
And that there probably is a greater spread
of people on Long Island just working nearby
or working at home than there was then.
But that just goes to show the degree
in which Moses had blinders on about the sort of whole issue, the whole problem.
Yeah, because you can't, in 1955, you can't call and be like, boss, I'm going to work from home today.
And be like, how? All the paper is here.
Like, there's no, I think the only people working from home in Long Island at the time were comic book artists.
And they still had to drive in with their art to hand it into the editor, you know.
The, and of course, it's the same story here that we talked about before.
You don't have to build the tracks right now.
Just leave that space in the middle of the road, and we can build the tracks later,
and he just doesn't want to do it.
And the study that like shows even bending over backwards for Moses to put rails in the worst
possible light, the study still shows just how much cheaper and more efficient, more effective it would be,
but Moses just doesn't want to do it. So he just starts building. And by the time that the big proposal for a rail line is finished,
the proposal has to say, our own proposal is obsolete because the road is already too far ahead to do anything, doesn't matter, and this gets no mention in the newspapers.
It's so easily buried, the idea that anybody considered
doing this before the road started being built.
Yeah, it's the classic steak driving move that he does.
Before he can sort of respond to any criticism,
before anything can be done, the system
is working so slowly that he just starts building things,
and therefore, it's a fait accompli.
There's no way that you can actually put in
a railroad at this point.
And again, this is like the thinking of this,
it sort of gets me sort of incensed the way
when you think about all those potential subways
and rail lines that could have made your life better.
Like I think about this, you know,
like if going back and thinking about,
oh, the entire highway system,
like what if they just put a rail line
between every median?
Like, you know, what if they did that?
What could we have today?
It makes so much sense.
And I don't know if I've ever really thought about it
that way that you could, in a widespread way,
think about every road is having a train line next to it
would be kind of a stunning achievement.
We would be able to have a totally different life now.
It would be amazing.
Roman, don't, I'm already sad enough about the stuff
that didn't get built that Carol mentions in the book.
Don't mention even bigger things
that would make life even better and easier
that we don't have.
It would just change the nature of the whole country
and in these ways that would be really amazing.
And it would have been so easy and cheap.
Like it just like the lack of forward thinking about that
is kind of blows my mind.
I mean, I guess the only argument is what you're describing.
It's not technically socialism,
but it sounds close enough to it
that it's making me uncomfortable.
So, no, but you're right.
It would have been, it just, I mean,
it all comes down to, I think,
that one of the things that I think
Caro is so aware of in this,
that all decisions made about the way we live are decisions.
They're all choices and none of them are inevitable.
And if you have someone who's sufficiently forward thinking, you can make amazing choices
and decisions and you end up with something like Jones Beach that otherwise wouldn't exist.
And if you have someone who is very far seeking but is making bad choices and decisions, then
you get the Long Island Expressway with no trains on it at all, which I hate to, I hate to spoil this for you, Roman, but it opens up and it
is almost instantly congested.
And just year after year is, is Carol Quote's drivers calling it the world's longest parking
lot.
Yeah.
Moses solution, you guessed it, make it bigger.
And that, which makes it even worse because now while they're finishing the later stages
of the LIE, they are rebuilding the later stages of the LIE,
they are rebuilding the earlier stages of it
to make them wider.
And that construction work only adds
to the amount of traffic.
And Carol says in 1974, when he was writing this book,
there are still plans to widen the Long Island Expressway
that will stretch out to the end of the century.
And I don't know if they,
I assume they finished at some point,
but I don't, maybe they didn't.
Maybe it's one of those things like in a Borges story where as soon as they're done with it, they just start rebuilding it again, you know.
Who knows if it's the same road anymore?
Yeah, yeah, it's crazy. And, you know, he's describing it like you said, there's this island, it's an island with a choke point.
And by the time you get to the, you extend it out to the east, the west is insufficient to do the job.
And so they just keep building it, widen it again.
And it's just one of those things that is just, again,
really, really upsetting.
Like this is the thing that he can somehow
wrap his mind around changing or improving,
but he can't conceive of a world in which,
when you improved it, you could just make a place
for a rail line or make the overpasses taller, which gets us to one
of the major talking points when it comes to this book, which is the height of the underpasses
like where cars are going through, the bridge is going over them, they are not very tall.
They're not tall enough specifically for buses to go under them on any outer lanes.
Yes. And a bus can go, technically a bus can go through the center lanes, but as Carol says,
any bus line manager is not going to send their buses down a highway where there's only one lane basically
that they can use in each direction. What if the bus breaks down? What if there's a lot of traffic?
They've got to keep up a schedule. And there's been a ton of argument one way or the other about whether this height for bridge
was standard practice at the time, whether it's unfair to accuse Moses of deliberately keeping
buses off, whether it's unfair to read a racial element to that or a class element to that.
And it's always surprised me the controversy of it because in that section,
Carol literally quotes Sid Shapiro, Moses right- man saying, yeah, we kept the bridges too low so that
buses couldn't go through and kind of reminiscing in a happy way about the few buses that tried
and had their roofs smashed in, you know, or he touched out one where the top was rolled
back like a can of sardines. And it's like, I don't know, if you got it straight from
the guy who was working with Moses, then it seems like whether other people in other places were doing that, I feel like that's all you
need.
That's as close as you're going to get to Moses saying, yeah, this is why I did it.
Yeah.
And him, you know, like sort of being very, very clear about using the roads as a way
to sort of gatekeep people from being in different places.
He's very explicit about that as a motivation for him
when he builds things and when he's talking to like
the Nassau County officials, you know?
And so to have it expressed in that way, like his intent,
he always had this part of his sort of intention
when he built things to have Sid Shapiro talk about it,
to have them like change a little bit,
maybe when they get rebuilt, you know, there's like some increase in some of
them to get a little taller for later, you know, overpasses, but like it's, I
don't get it.
Like, like, like I don't get what sort of daylight there is here to sort of create a kind of doubt. I don't get what sort of daylight there is here
to sort of create a kind of doubt.
I don't know.
I wonder if it's just a human need
to kind of poke holes in things,
that there's so much that's claimed by this book
and so much that's backed up,
to be able to find something that feels
like you could say,
mm, this is not true.
And then to use that as the loose thread
that you're gonna pull out and unravel the rest with.
But I don't know, it's one of those things
that I've never quite understood the arguments
against taking Sid Shapiro at his word
and taking Caro at his word
that Sid Shapiro said this thing.
And so it's strange that this is one
of the controversial parts,
but people get very agitated about bridges, I guess.
Maybe they feel very sensitive about bridge heights.
I feel like what people are reacting to
is the collapsing of the narrative of Moses
didn't want black people at Jones Beach
and therefore made the bridges too short for buses.
And then people go, but there were
bus lines that kind of made it go, but there were bus lines
that kind of made it there, but they weren't very extensive.
And it's kind of like, yeah, but there was
a black section of Jones Beach.
And like, but what they're arguing against,
I think is that collapsed version, you know,
told, you know, like around a campfire.
The shorthand.
Yeah, around the campfire.
Yeah, and the scariest story is told at infrastructure camp.
Yeah.
And I think that's what they're reacting to
and mainly trying to, in their way,
they're trying to add nuance to that narrative
that feels too collapsed and too simple.
But I think that when you take in the book as a whole
and the section as a whole,
it just has so much support in it.
And even if there are other bridges
and other things that are low
and they weren't forward thinking in the same way,
it was clear that they were taking advantage
of that convention to still get these same ends.
So I think that's kind of where it lands.
It just is really about people objecting
to the shorthand version of this
rather than what's actually written.
And what's actually written is like a quote from Sid Shapiro,
like laughing about it.
Like it's hard to argue that.
Yeah, to me it's just funny that this is one of the big things
that people go after in the book.
It feels a little bit like in online debates,
you'll see someone refer to an AR-15 as an assault rifle
and somebody will say,
that's not what the AR stands for,
you don't even know what you're talking about.
It's like, you're right, I got the initials wrong on that.
Therefore, people don't get hurt with guns, you're right.
They're wonderful,
because I didn't know the terminology properly,
you beat me.
And somehow arguing that this doesn't, this is just like a little star in the constellation
of what Robert Moses did. And it fits as part of that completely. Like it is not a deviation from
the rest of his patterns and behavior. It's really right there. And so again, it's like picking it out as its own thing
is strange to me because all of this short-sighted thinking,
all of this classism, all of this like non-system thinking
and not caring about how these pieces fit together
and serve a whole community is just,
is a part of his whole career for decades and decades.
And so if it was somehow a deviation, is a part of his whole career for decades and decades.
And so if it was somehow a deviation, then it seems like it's sort of more right for criticism,
but it really just sort of fits in with everything else.
Yeah, like you're saying, it fits with Moses' desires,
his preferences, like his overall themes.
And what Caro is basically saying
at the end of this chapter is that he has had the foresight
to lock in those desires for future generations,
that by building this way, he has made it so that future generations have to travel the way Robert Moses would prefer to them to travel.
And in Caro's view that says doomed Long Island to a messy and congestion-based development pattern,
I honestly don't know if that's changed since then.
Maybe Long Island has opened up
and become a traveler's paradise.
I'll never know.
I just refuse to find out.
In this chapter, in ending on that point of Moses,
through his use of concrete and steel,
has locked in a way of living for generations,
if not centuries, that he wants people to have,
even if they don't necessarily want it,
even if it's damaging to them. We have reached the capstone and the end of the Moses triumphant section of the book.
This is the Act 2, in which Moses has had his power, enhanced it, and wrecks havoc with it.
We saw Act 1, in which young Moses learned the ways of power and gained that power.
This has been the end of Act 2, in which he has reached the ways of power and gained that power. This has been the end of Act 2,
in which he has reached the apex of that power and used it to decide how people living in Long
Island now will get in and out of New York, which the way I put it just now doesn't sound like a
major victory, but it is. Trust me, there's millions of people that he's dealing with.
Now we're about to enter Act 3, Moses's hubristic downfall. And reading the book again, spoiler as we get
into this, it strikes me that this downfall section, you want it to be because the system
rises up, some brave hero is able to turn the tide and get him. But more than anything,
it seems to be because Moses is just getting older and he's losing his faculties and he
can't navigate the system the way he used to.
And I think that is part of Caro's point is that the system did not self-correct here.
Moses just overreached by aging out of his potential, his highest level of power.
And we're going to see it, but you kind of, I'm going to warn people, they're not going
to get the downfall that they want, which is for Moses to be pushed out by a crowd of
well-meaning protesters or things like that, or to be pushed out by a crowd of well-meaning, you know,
protesters or things like that, or, you know, to be put on trial or something.
Instead, it's going to be much, much slimier and more self-destructive and a
little bit less satisfying. Roman, do you feel the same way?
Well, I would sort of add one other thing, which is he does seem to have worse and
worse ability to deal with the public, but the public is somehow
has the platform, has the will,
has a bit of the organization to kind of give him
a few flesh wounds along the way.
I mean, and they seem to be landing more.
I mean, like famously, the Jane Jacobs chapter. I mean, like, famously, you know, the Jane Jacobs chapter
of this was taken out.
That would have happened probably a little bit...
Right, right, I'm trying to... Where would it happen?
But it would have been...
Yeah, it would have been a little bit later.
It would have been like the early 60s, late 50s,
I think, was the fight over the lower Manhattan Expressway,
I think.
But it's clear that there is, even in these chapters,
it's clear that there is, even in these chapters, it's clear that there is opposition forming in the public.
They're not really identifying it
as Robert Moses is the culprit.
When people are talking about traffic is bad
and traffic and the cars aren't the solution
and the expressways aren't the solution,
they're not really tying that to Robert Moses in the papers.
But like they'll begin to,
and then there'll be some dumb like follies that he'll make later on where he's like,
you know, like where he's just making bad decisions
that are, that have bad PR, which is something
that he wouldn't have done earlier on, you know,
like he's so full of himself that he just doesn't think
bad press relates to him, but he does get a bit
on that later on, but I do think that there's
a little bit more agency in the public to
take him on. And that sort of like runs against him being a little less savvy and a little
less able to take care of it. And then he runs against a, you know, later on an equally
arrogant person.
Yeah, I think you're right. You know, I think I was overstating things by saying that it
was just his own kind of folly and not the system.
I think this is something that I should point out later
after we've talked about it more,
but I'm almost inevitably going to forget.
So I'm gonna mention it now,
because this is something I should say next episode,
is that Robert Moses has been having his way with the city
in large part because he has been doing damaging things
to the lower classes,
and he's been doing helpful things to the upper classes.
But there's one class that he has kind of had a good reputation
with but other than kind of Jones beaches, Jones, Jones beaches and
playgrounds things like that. He hasn't had as much interaction with other than
building roads and that's the middle class. And the middle and the upper
middle class, once he starts rubbing them the wrong way and getting on their bad
side that you're, I think you're right that that that's what really starts to hasten his downfall.
Yeah, and the middle class in the 50s and 60s is growing,
and they're going to be a really powerful voting block
in setting the opinions and the agenda for things.
And that's the sort of golden age of the middle class.
And as he's getting weaker, they're able to find
sort of like chinks in his armor at the same time. And I think both things are working in concert
to bring him to his loss of power,
which is part seven, which happens next after the break.
Beautiful segue.
Radio, 20 years. Okay, now we're up to part seven, the loss of power. We have made it. Elliot,
Kaelin, we're already here. It feels so good to finally be at this section, the loss of power.
It doesn't feel so, not in that I want to be done with the book. I'm loving reading through
this book, talking about this book, but it feels so good to finally see the words,
the loss of power and be like, wait a minute,
but that must be referring to Robert Moses losing power.
Except for the process of him losing power
still represents a bunch of misery.
And so actually like chapter 41,
rumors and reports of rumors is actually one of the more
miserable chapters.
Yes, that's true.
In terms of its detail.
So, you know, we've been talking about roads all this time,
but what we have not yet really spent a lot of time on,
and you know, Caro hasn't spent a lot of time on,
is that he's also the director
of the Mayor's Slum Clearance Committee,
and he has this massive power over public housing.
In fact, I have now read this book three times.
I don't fully understand his role in public housing
completely to tell you the truth.
I think that is mostly by design, Roman.
So this period, we should remember,
in the 50s leading into the 60s,
this idea of slum clearance and the rebuilding
of the city's neighborhoods so that you could eliminate blight
was something that was really big.
The idea that there were poor parts of a city,
there are rich parts, there are middle-class parts.
What if we could get rid of the poor parts?
What these, you know, what used to be called
kind of like the tenement areas are now seen as slums.
And I think a big part of that is because
they are now often populated by people of color
rather than, say, immigrants from Germany or Italy who at the time when they came in were not really
accepted, but there was still a greater visual link, let's say, with the powers that be. But
setting all that aside, everyone's talking about slum clearance. Let's get the poor out of this bad
housing and into better housing, or as Moses would say, let's get them out of this bad housing and then question mark, question mark, question mark.
And as the mayor's slum clearance committee director, it's another one of these big overall czar positions
where he is not directly overseeing each individual project,
but he is overseeing the assigning of slum clearance projects to private developers through the federal kind of Title I program where you
can get federal money for, I think, conversions by a developer of private
residences into a new housing development. And Carol's talked earlier
about this idea that of eminent domain that Moses is taking advantage
with his roads, the idea that like you can take land from
a private owner and use it for the public good. And this housing development slum clearance is a
further step in that where you are taking private buildings away from private owners and then handing
them to other private owners in theory as a public good in order to create better housing for citizens
and residents. And it's another one of these things that, oh, he's a big hero.
He's clearing out the slums.
He's building all this new housing.
New York is in a housing crisis.
You know, it needs more.
And everyone just takes it for granted that he says it's going great.
And the newspapers just kind of run with that.
But as Caro says, a few isolated, but perceptive observers were getting to
notice clues to something very disturbing about slum clearance and
here, Caro starts constructing this little like Avengers style cast of reformers who each get like their
own little sex, their own little adventure where they're learning about the problems with the slum
clearance programs in the same way. You've got activist lawyer Hortense Gable. She helps found
the New York State Committee on Discrimination and Housing, and she is middle class, but she starts talking to and listening to black and Puerto Rican New Yorkers who are being affected
by the housing policies in a way that previous reformers hadn't really. Previous reformers had
also been of the like, we know what's best, give these people the things that we think are best.
They kind of thought the way that Moses thought, and Kara was kind of portraying this as a difference in a way that this new breed of activist is
taking the lead of the people they're trying to serve in some ways. And she starts going
into the buildings that are being built and she is horrified by some of them. There's
a moment that I find so scary just from the implications of it where she's in one of these apartments and she goes into the bathroom to check her hair and she looks
in the mirror and there is no mirror.
There's just a hole looking into the next apartment.
That's astonishing to me that they're just like, yeah, yeah, we just left a hole there
between these two apartments.
There's city planning commission member Lawrence Orton.
He starts questioning the statistics that most is using to show that the families that have been evicted are being given new, equitable housing.
And he knows there's simply not enough public housing in the city being built to meet the needs
of these displaced residents. And there's Walter Fried, Regional Council of the Federal Housing
and Home Finance Agency. And he's noticing that the buildings in his own neighborhood in the West
90s are getting seedier, that more people are crowding into them.
And by the summer of 1953, it's clear to him that these poor people of color, black
and Puerto Rican residents, are being pushed out of their homes by this huge Moses controlled
urban renewal project right nearby.
And the closer he gets to the site of that project, the worse the state of the neighborhood
gets.
And he's realizing this slum clearance project
is not clearing out a slum.
It's just kind of like smooshing it down
so it spreads outward.
Like if you put too much peanut butter on a sandwich
and you smoosh it down,
it's not like the peanut butter gets cleared away,
like it just overflows.
So it's appearing to each of these people
in different instances,
like the old proverb of the three blind men with the elephant.
They're all feeling different parts of this problem and not quite
seeing how they connect, but understanding it's all part of one thing
related to Moses's housing developments, not doing what they're promising to do,
which is to rehouse people in better places.
Yeah, that's right.
They're, they're, they're picking up little bits of things that you maybe
wouldn't notice if you weren't on the ground.
That's the thing that's really clear,
this idea of like, well, these places that are nearby
that are getting more run down,
are getting more run down because the city's not taking care
of those spaces to accommodate all the extra people
which are now being crammed into extra places,
being divided up by landlords taking advantage.
And they mentioned, you know,
seeing way more garbage cans than you would expect
outside of an apartment building,
indicating that instead of, you know,
five people living in a place,
like 12 people are living in a place.
And this is all just like, again,
this is like a person who is in charge,
who is not thinking about the whole and also not thinking about the suffering of other people.
Yes. And these are things that we've noticed before in the stories that Carol tells of the people being affected directly by them.
And part of the difference here that we're going to see is that, as we mentioned before the break,
these are middle class people that are noticing this.
Two of these people are lawyers. Two of them have official positions in government.
That makes all the difference that these are people who have access and also the space
in their life because they're living comfortably, I have to assume, if not wealthily, they're
living comfortably enough to give thought and energy to what's being done and how to
put it together as opposed to just
trying to survive while they are being put in a difficult position. And I want to mention two
things. One is I love the way that Caro writes each of these sections. He starts each of them with
a similar mirroring phrase. The first one goes, for Hortense Gable, it was rumors and it goes
through hers. For Lawrence Orton, it was statistics and goes through his section. For Walter Fried,
it was garbage cans and goes through his section, which is great.
Also funny, it's rule three is right there. The third one is the funny one.
But it shows you how, to me, how Caro is working on a literary scale and on a larger scale.
He's not just writing each of these sections to be good reading, but he's connecting them in a way that he is, it's just magnified fractally
throughout the book, which I think is so amazing
to hold the whole thing in his head in that way,
the whole design.
But here he's also talking about that idea of blight.
And we talked about in the last chapter
about how he was using some language that kind of edged
into where we were feeling uncomfortable
about how he was describing blight.
And I feel like here he is not falling
into that same problem.
It feels like here is making it clear, blight is not a problem caused by the poor people
in the neighborhood.
It's the problem of those people not having access to adequate housing, adequate resources
and that Moses slum clearance title one projects are pushing former residents of those slums
into worse housing and it's spreading the overcrowding and the problems farther.
So I think he's, he's for all the like kind of queasiness
that we had about some of his language in the last chapter,
I feel like reading this chapter over again,
I was like, oh, Mr. Caro, yeah,
you're back on firm ground.
It's not the people on the ground that are a problem,
it's the people making decisions above them.
They're the problem.
And part of that is told through the eyes
of these crusaders who have the time
and the empathy and they've just evolved
to take people's individual experiences
and not see the failure of a neighborhood
as the failure of individuals.
It's really the failure of people like Robert Moses
and the city pointing out that they might go
to a kind of a rundown neighborhood,
but every time they go into a home,
they see that the home is lovely and cared for.
And these folks really want to have nice things,
but the system is really stacked against them.
And this is further motivating their actions to
recognize that this isn't a thing that anyone deserves.
It's a thing being done to them. And it's sort of,
that's the heartening part of all this, is that there's these people out there that are,
you know, the antithesis of Moses. Yeah. And for all that we've heard about how people need to be
cleared out of slums, it becomes clear to these activists, too, as they talk to people there, that
these are poor neighborhoods, these are neighborhoods that the public at parts of them
that individual families can't control are run down or not clean, but their houses are clean and
the insides are clean and also they don't want to leave these places. This is where their communities
are. They're worried about being relocated to places that are even smaller, more expensive,
and it's tough.
They, the people there don't want to leave those places.
They prefer to have the homes they live in improved and being given access
to the resources to do that.
But, uh, their fear is that they're going to be forced out and kind
of scattered to the winds and the activists are, uh, they're on top of it.
You know, they're, they're out there.
They're trying to get the newspapers to cover it.
They go to the New York times.
Is the New York times interested in this story?
Roman?
No, sir.
They're not.
No, they're like, we're not an investigative paper, maybe take it somewhere else.
It's like, well, what do you do?
What does a reporter do other than investigate?
You know?
Yeah.
And so what they start to do things in their own way.
And Orton from the city planning commission, I really love what he's doing here.
Where he, so he works in the master plan unit, which nobody has been paying attention to.
We talked in earlier episodes on New York does not have a master building plan.
Moses very successfully stopped that from happening.
But there's this master plan unit and he's like, well, nobody pays attention to us.
We can do whatever we want.
So they just become kind of an eviction data collecting unit, uh, and looking at
how many people have been evicted, what happens to them afterwards, or the
consequences for the city and Orton acts like he's the member of like an
underground resistance, uh, team, which I find kind of adorable to be honest.
And Orton is working with bad data, incomplete data.
The only people who may have the right numbers are people at Randall's Island,
maybe people in Tribro and Moses and his men have used their influence to keep those statistics out of the
public eye. And so they're working with just the statistics they can get from Triborough,
which are deliberately kept low by generalizing rather than actually counting people.
And even with that low end estimate, Orton's group says that 170,000 people have been displaced in New
York City for these public works in the seven years since the end of World War II.
And Caro, he loves lists.
So he goes, more people than lived in Albany, Phoenix, Little Rock, Sacramento, Tallahassee,
Topeka, Baton Rouge, Trenton, Santa Fe.
And I'll stop it there, but this, you know, a good sized, you know, small city of people have been removed and a remarkably disproportionate number of those displaced people are black or Puerto Rican and poor.
And this is this this Orton survey that confirms the suspicions of the liberals.
And they find that while Moses has been promising to relocate people, he usually just, as we've seen, moves them from one pre-demolished building to the next.
And a third of the resident files are marked disappeared,
whereabouts unknown.
And Caro writes about how Moses couldn't really know
if the living quarters that people were going to
were better or equivalent where they left,
because he doesn't even know
where those living quarters are.
He doesn't know where these people went to.
So when he's saying,
oh yeah, everyone ended up in better housing,
it's like, there's no way.
But it's a safe bet that they're not moving into a better situation than the one that they
were forced out of. And there's this parallel here with what we saw in East Tremont, where
a lot of these neighborhoods, the activists are finding, are valued by their residents, even with
their flaws, but not by outsiders. And the outsider is the ones making the decisions, but the residents here have
an even greater sense of helplessness because they know as people of color,
disproportionately, they have even less of a say in this system, in their own
future, and even less access to housing in the rest of the city.
It's really, these are the people who are really at the biggest disadvantage
and the most vulnerable to this kind of slum clearance,
pushing them into worse and worse living situations.
Yeah, it's really tragic stuff.
Like all that sort of bullying,
the sort of like, you need to be out in 10 days.
That's completely bogus.
All that sort of stuff.
I don't even know.
Like I'm a person of great means.
If somebody, if the city of Berkeley put a thing
on my door that said you had to be out in 10 days,
I would freak the fuck out, you know?
And it's just miserable.
You know, it's in one of these things like the roads,
the bad thinking, the bad planning is one thing.
This kind of not feeling safe
and secure in your home, which is really
the emotional center of feeling safe in your home
and being able to relax at the end of a day
is so fundamental to a healthy person's life, you know?
And to think about that they're on edge all the time
and then he treats it as nothing.
I mean, one of the things that he's doing is he's,
you know, like triple and quadruple
and maybe quintuple counting what's available.
So he's building things and he's like,
yeah, we got like a thousand units available for people.
But he's like, he's not, they've already been promised
and that, you know, it's kind of like,
he's just doing this shell game
when he's trying to answer for this stuff.
And it's just gross behavior.
It's really gross and he's not oblivious to the problem.
I think that's part of the issue is it's not like
he's like, oh, I didn't realize that.
I thought we were doing great.
No, he knows what he's doing.
He knows that even the housing that they are producing
is priced at a point that is too high
for the people he's evicting to afford.
That he is replacing housing for the poor with housing for the middle class. And these facts
are available to him because he's hiding these facts. It's not like you get the liberal
dream of going to him and saying like, did you notice this? And him going, Oh no, I never
realized that guys shut it down. Shut it down. Instead. He's like, yeah, I know, I know what
I'm doing and I don't care. Uh, And so activists, they start writing up these reports.
Orton has his master plan unit write report.
This other group, the Women's City Club,
they write a report and nobody sees these reports,
especially with the Orton report.
Moses, I guess caught wind of it
and his allies in the city planning commission,
they delay the release of that report for nine months
and they rewrite it to be supportive
of Moses's housing work.
And they so changed the tenor of this report that Orton is like,
I need to be able to write a minority rebuttal to the report that my team wrote that you changed.
And in the case of the report from the Women's City Club, Moses' lawyer, Samuel Rosenman,
who I think we mentioned before, who was like, had the ear of presidents and things like that,
a very respected figure in New York, he releases his own public rebuttal of that that provides a second set of conflicting facts.
So city reporters are like, I don't know which facts to choose from, this women's club or this
guy who's a well-respected part of the democratic government establishment. I guess we just won't
deal with it. And the newspapers either bury or ignore the reports
completely. If they cover it, they lead with this proposal that Moses people inserted deliberately
as a diversion saying they might increase the city tax on telephones to pay for housing.
So if there's any coverage of these reports about how massively the housing developments are failing
people of the city, it is about how we don't want to pay higher tax on telephones. Like it's
something, some totally irrelevant, not real proposal.
And at one point the New York Times quotes Moses's reply to the Orton rebuttal.
And Orton is like, I don't even know he had written a reply until it was quoted in the New York Times.
Like no one even told me that he rebutted my rebuttal.
And the paper is ultimately, they don't care what happens to poor people.
Caro says, this is a heartbreaking sentence.
Caro says, the fate of poor people had never been news in New York city.
It still was not news.
And it's like, oh, that's so like, it's such a, it's such a sad, um, kind of.
Truthful statement of the abdication of any sort of power to take care of people
who desperately need that help.
That just like, yeah, news in New York City
is not that people are poor
and poor people get pushed around.
Like that's not news.
People either assume it
or they don't wanna know about it
or they don't care about it.
And just such a, that sentence
when I was rereading this chapter,
it just was like a, it was just sprung out at me.
It hit me so hard, you know,
cause it's still true, you know, to such a great extent.
For sure, for sure. And here me so hard, you know, because it's still true, you know, to such a great extent. For sure, for sure.
And here in all this, you know, dealing with Title One
and independent developers is where a lot of sort of
old fashioned corruption happens and skimming.
And it seems like this might be something that
could build into a scandal, although it somehow doesn't, but I still don't like,
could you describe what the scandal
that's potentially happening here?
I would love to, I would love to.
So there's in 1954, the Senate actually like investigated
one of the projects that was being done
to look at the books.
And we get a cameo in the book from Senator Prescott Bush,
who when this book was written was not yet the father and grandfather of presidents of the United States of America.
He's just a senator.
And they talk about how, for instance, real estate worth $15 million on the open market
had been given to developers for $1 million.
And in the time that these developers have been mandated to tear down 338 buildings,
they've torn down 58.
And the other 280 are not only still standing,
the developers are running them and collecting rent from the tenants.
And so essentially, developers who have promised to tear down buildings
and build new, better buildings are instead just taking over the management
of those buildings and raising the rents and refusing to maintain the buildings.
So people are paying more for worse living in slums.
And then there's just classic stuff. There's fake legal fees. You put your family members
on the staff of this development company and pay them money. And there's a great one that
I love that I want to read to you on page 981 about this guy, Caspert, who's running
one of these. And it says, Caspert had skimmed off for himself and his family $115,000 in
less than a year.
He set up a separate corporation headed by his son-in-law.
Manhattan town sold the son-in-law's corporation all the gas stoves and refrigerators in the
tenements for $33,000 and then rented them right back from the corporation, paying it
in effect for the privilege of using what had been its own appliances.
And they're able to make so much money just corruptly milking what the city and the federal government are pouring into this and turning into the most basic kind of graft.
And by then, it says, eventually, financially, this development project, Manhattan Town in this case, it was backwards started from.
It had made no progress. But his son-in-law had pocketed $115,000.
So it's a success as far as the Casper family is concerned.
That's right.
And so it's that kind of classic graft, you know?
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
But none of this corruption,
even though it has sent hearings,
even though it's written about a little bit,
even though it probably isn't written about enough,
none of this blows back to Robert Moses, the head of all this.
Yes.
And Robert Moses is both the beneficiary and the shield for these projects in that
way.
I think there's this understanding still, there's this assumption if incorruptible
Robert Moses, the people's public servant, the man with the parks, if he's in charge
of it, these
things must be going fine.
His words still carry his weight.
If he says it's fine, it must be fine.
And there's such an ingested assumed assumption on the part that's with the most redundant,
I think I could possibly say assumed assumption.
There's such an understanding on the part of the editors at newspapers that Robert Moses
is incorruptible that that they tell the reporters,
there's not really, probably not a story here. This is probably a bad apple, you know, this
one bad apple that maybe most didn't know about, or they're so afraid of his power in
the political world that they won't go after it. And so he's able to keep his name out
of the official proceedings because he's so powerful and he's able to keep his name out
of the papers because he's seen as such a saint, you know, that why would you bother to investigate him?
Yeah, yeah. When all these facts are complicated, the trail is hard to follow. They land on
this one fact, this foundational, what they think is a foundational truth is that it can't
really be all that bad because Moses is the one in charge. And that is what they rely
on to the detriment of the entire city and to all these people.
It really is a failure on the part of the people who should be reporting these types
of things.
And it's the kind of thing that we still see in reporting today quite a bit, which I'm
sure we'll talk about later in the episode, where just as Moses has cut himself
off from new information, and this has meant that his work is at best stale, at worst destructive,
that the people in charge at these newspaper organizations, they've cut themselves off from
the possibility of new information. Like Robert Moses, they understand him, they know him, they've
known him for years. It's not worth looking in and finding something new. And so they miss out on this enormous scandal, this enormous
story. And so from 1952 to 1956, there are, as Carus says, rumors and reports of rumors of the
damage that Moses is doing to the people in these slum clearance housing projects. But the papers
barely touch it and Moses's reputation remains
firm and the rest of the book kind of seems to bear out the idea that again it's because
the things he is doing are affecting the poor. They're affecting the people at the bottom
of the ladder who the people at other rungs of the ladder, unless they are particularly
empathetic or open-hearted people, do not care about.
But, but, Caro ends this chapter with a little, there's like a little glimmer of hope in there.
He says, before the people would be willing to look at Moses's program straight on,
they would have to look at Moses straight on. And before the public could do that,
there would have to be an issue that would show him so clearly for what he was, that there could be no mistake.
And in this next chapter, Roman, in the next episode,
we will cover that mistake and we will find that it is maybe
the least of all the things that Robert Moses did
that was wrong, but it'll happen.
It'll happen in the next episode.
It's so funny and weird and it feels so true
that the thing that brings someone down
or just like really does have a sort of mortal wound to him
is something that just matters so much less
than everything else horrible that he's done.
All these things, it's the Capone tax evasion charge
of Robert Moses to a certain extent.
But that's one of the lessons of the book
I feel like it's not talked about too much at least in my hearing about it
There's so much talk about cities and how they work and things like that
But the idea that the things that get noticed are less about what's being done than about who they're being done to
And the victim matters even more in some cases than the act
Especially that victim has connections to the news media,
as we'll see in the next chapter.
That's right.
But we will get to more of the loss of power next time. [♪ MUSIC PLAYING FADES OUT, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES OUT, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES OUT, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES IN, MUSIC FADES Chief of Mother Jones and one of your fellow book club participants.
And now our conversation with Clara Jeffery.
Clara has been with Mother Jones for more than 20 years and has been editor-in-chief
since 2015.
Clara now oversees the Center for Investigative Reporting, which produces the exceptional radio show and podcast Reveal after that organization merged with Mother Jones this year.
Earlier in her career while she was at Harper's Magazine, Clara edited several essays by the
great investigative journalist Barbara Ehrenreich from when Ehrenreich went undercover as a
low-wage worker to expose the impact of welfare reform on the working poor. Those essays later became part of Ehrenreich's seminal 2001 book, Nickel and Dimed.
To me, Mother Jones and CIR do the reporting that's closest to what the power broker did
when it was published, reporting that drills down deep and explains systems that challenges
the status quo, that holds the powerful accountable and focuses on the humanity of the people
affected.
Well, thank you so much for being on the Nine-Nine for some visible breakdown of the Power Broker.
It's just a pleasure to have you here.
Well, I'm really excited to be part of the carousons.
It's the amount, the volume of material to ingest the book itself, your guys' podcasts,
their movies, there are articles. It's just a phenomenal upwelling of interest
about this book, you know, which is beloved
by many for decades, but it's really kind of nice
to have this national reading project
that you guys have convened.
I've been so heartened by people like taking this on
and taking it to their heart and taking on the task
of reading this true tour de force of journalism.
And, you know, one of the reasons I wanna talk to you
is you've been on the front lines of this fight
for a long time for championing investigative journalism
in society and making sure that we have a healthy ecosystem.
And so when you read this book,
how does it make you feel as someone
who is always thinking about stuff like this,
fighting to keep Mother Jones alive,
often from existential threats,
like from people trying to sue it Jones alive, often from existential threats,
like from people trying to sue it out of existence.
So how do you feel when you read The Power Broker?
I mean, first of all, just like utter admiration
for the work involved by Caro, by Robert Gottlieb as editor,
everybody else in Ina Caro,
helping her husband with research for
40 years now.
You know, just everyone I'm sure at Knopf and the publishers.
I will admit, I can't, I don't know if I'm the only one, but I don't think you can read
the power broker and kind of contemplate this all as a journalist or a, you know, public
policy person and not feel a great sense of imposter syndrome.
You're like,
my God, what have I been doing with my life?
I will answer that for you. You've been doing play.
I'll take the other side of this debate. Not enough.
Not enough. Never enough. I think one of the things in kind of contemplating this, it's how indefatigable
Moses is, Cairo is, Gottlieb is in this weird troika, you know, speaking as an editor, I
throw the editor in there too, but like, and that just an obsessiveness, which is a hallmark of investigative journalists
and lots of different kinds of journalists, but I think particularly investigative journalists,
it's a personality trait that has many great qualities about it and also we're a little squirrely sometimes. So just contemplating the full sweep of the book
and how much it has really just influenced so many people,
I think both directly, people who remember reading it
or are reading it now, and indirectly,
because I think that demonstration down
to the detail of every little deal and
every little inch of land he wrested from somebody or another in one way or another.
And to tell that all compellingly, you know, it is really awe inspiring.
One of the things that comes up a lot when Elliot and I are discussing the book
when we're doing the summaries,
is I'll read a paragraph that is just,
you know, he just put together all the facts and figures
of this one little highway.
And I think about him assembling that information
before the internet, before he wrote it down himself,
because he became like the source of it all
after a certain point,
and just how hard
one of these single paragraphs that he just tosses off is. It's so nice to be around another
journalist who understands how hard some of these – when you go through a book of 1,200 pages,
noting that there's a single paragraph in, you know, Chapter 40, that probably
would take me three months to assemble, maybe. It's staggering.
It is, and it's the sort of particular kind of detail that you find by combing through
files and bills and et cetera. But then also just his, you know, whatever, 500 plus interviews.
And clearly he interviewed some of these folks multiple times.
And she, you know, sometimes really acknowledges and other times is a little bit more coy about it.
But to combine both of those skills, which not journalists often sort of go down one route or the other.
Either sort of personality driven journalism, or really in the details
and the weeds.
And you know, it takes a special talent to fuse those so well, and to make it a compelling
psychological study and not just of him, like, you know, LaGuardia, and Al Smith, and you
know, all these people that you're just really pulled along by the human drama, as well as you're getting to know, like,
the exact cement mix of some overpass or whatever.
And, you know, exactly how, you know,
and exactly what way he filleted, you know,
assemblymen to get what he wants.
So, yeah, just truly awesome.
Yeah, yeah.
That's a relief to me,
because I was worried that you were going to say that,
as an investigative
reporter you'd be looking through it at times being like, that's not how I would have done
that.
Oh, this isn't how I would do it.
Oh, that's not the same way that when I watch a comedy show on TV my wife hates it because
I just sit there going like, not how I would have written that.
Do you ever have that moment when looking through it or is it just such a monumental
work that you can't even find a single crack in its edifice. I mean I think there's some cracks in its edifice but it's more like
you know in contemplating what he ended up cutting and some of the stuff that he didn't cut.
You know I think in in the documentary Turn Every Page which is about him and his editor Bob Gottlieb
which is about him and his editor, about Gottlieb. He, well, you know, Gottlieb is talking about being a completist himself.
And in that conversation, he sort of is indicating things that he might have wanted to cut,
and he doesn't exactly spell out what that is.
But it seems to be the sort of summation pieces at kind of the end of every chapter or the sort of
like, let me once again step back and tell you the sheer awesomeness of the power that
that Robert Moses had assembled. And yet, I mean, I think for a book this ginormous,
people even, you know, back in the 70s were probably reading were probably reading it, not as one big sit-down experience
with this 12 pound tome in your lap or whatever,
but, okay, now I'm going to take on a chapter or two,
and it does allow you to come back to the book
having been away for a while and not lose the threads.
So even there, if I had to pick a sniggle,
I guess it would be that,
but it's so minor in the scheme of things.
Yeah.
You know, speaking about this relationship of the editor and the author, another fundamental
text in my life was Barbara Ehrenreich's Nickel and Dime, which you served as the editor at
Harper's when it was developing into the book it became.
Can you talk about that process of working with someone and having it kind of work for
a magazine and then become a book, what that was like?
Yeah.
I mean, I worked on a couple of the, it's sort of, there's sort of three parts to the book and I worked
on two out of three of them when I was at Harper's.
You know, and the first being a sort of going undercover as it were, as a, you know, as
a waitress in a chain restaurant.
And it was really fascinating.
That kind of thing had become silver
boatin. Any kind of undercover work sort of went through this, like, oh no, the grand poobas of journalism say we can't do that.
She had the idea that she wanted to do it, and then we talked through a lot. I remember one of the interesting, I was a very young editor and she was already a superstar.
But one of the things that I had to sort of reinforce
is like you actually have to back up and say,
now I'm doing exactly what maybe Kara would want.
You have to back up and say why this is important.
You have to back up and also admit that like what maybe Carol would want.
or know that they were going back to their literary life. And it was interesting that,
I remember having a discussion with her,
she's like, do I really need to do that?
I'm like, I do really think you need to do that.
Maybe a little bit generational,
I feel like that's the kind of thing
a young person would tell me now.
They're like, I really gotta get in there
and admit your privilege.
That wasn't even the vocabulary that we had back then,
but it was
part of that conversation for sure. I'd worked on several other pieces with her that were about
vaguely defense industry stuff and another piece that did a big bunch of pieces on pinkwashing and breast cancer,
which then became a book for her down the road.
Her writing was always lovely and her thought process was always fantastic.
So it was just those little tweaks of often like, you need to provide more context or like,
you may not come off so great in this way,
if you phrase it just in this manner.
And very gracious at taking input.
That's what I was gonna ask.
No push over mind you, but gracious.
Yeah.
And what are those conversations like?
Like, do you get to a point where you build a rapport, where that works and you can be very blunt,
or do you always have to be kind of circumspect in your sort of criticism so that everyone
feels okay in the end?
I think that very much varies by the author that you're working with, partly their personality and how yours interacts, like how much experience
they have, how insecure versus overly secure sometimes people are.
So you are often playing a little bit of shrink, where, you know, kind of your job is to get
the best work out of them and help support them in that process and not let them do things
that would damage the project or damage their own reputation.
I think sadly that latter part has gotten a little bit lost in some corners of journalism
where having someone get messy on the page is sort of the goal rather than keeping people from
sort of self-harm in a writerly way.
But yeah, so it's always partly shrink and supporter and then you're always kind of cracking
the whip a little bit, right?
There's always a deadline of some sort.
Bob Caro doesn't have one, but I think most other people do. a deadline of some sort.
Bob Caro doesn't have one, but I think most other people do.
And the way the industry has become, I mean, I think just another thing reading this book in the LBJ books is just like,
wow, even if it was Bob Caro, would this happen now?
Just on an industry economics point and that's really kind of tragic to think about that there's just not, you know, the economy of the business or the priorities of the business have kind
of changed whether it's in books or magazines or newspapers or whatever and still a lot
of great stuff being done but some things it's hard to imagine would still happen.
Yeah, you really do feel it of a, there's parts of the book where you feel like it's
super relevant to today, it has a ton of lessons in of the book would feel like it's super relevant to today.
It has a ton of lessons in it. I mean, we talk about them all the time. It also does feel like
a product of a different era of of just imagining this book hitting the shelves. Like I can't
remember the last time something like this like sort of came out of nowhere, a big tome about
something came out of nowhere and surprised people as a bestseller. Maybe that book, Capital, that came out 10 years ago, that was also big and dense and seemed very
challenging in some ways. But still, this is a rare example of a kind of excellence
that you do worry doesn't have the chance to get past the seedling stage in today's world. And it's really interesting. I wasn't able to find that much about exactly,
like it seemed to take off right away
and maybe because it's in New York
and because Gottlieb was his editor
and because all of these things,
and Nesbitt was his agent,
that was going to happen.
But it is kind of phenomenal
that it didn't happen, I don't think,
so far as I can tell,
because a lot of people were having their suspicions confirmed It is kind of phenomenal that it didn't happen, I don't think, so far as I can tell, because
a lot of people were having their suspicions confirmed.
Like, there are a lot of books that come out that are like, hey, everyone knows this thing
is bad.
Let me show you how bad it is or why it's bad or maybe good.
And this felt like it was, the entire topic was not very well understood even by journalists and scholars
of the time but you know I say that you guys are now the experts so please correct me if
I've flavoring under it.
No it certainly seems like it wasn't that's one of the one of the exciting things about
the book or one of the interesting things about the book now looking at it on its 50th
anniversary is it's so become the default way of thinking among so many people about these topics and at the time it very much wasn't and it's one
of those things where also you were saying how would something like this
happen today and I kind of feel like it almost didn't happen then a book like
this and there was a certain amount of novelty I think when it came out of are
you gonna read this huge book about Robert Moses the parks commissioner you're going to can you believe this read this huge book about Robert Moses, the parks commissioner?
You're going to. Can you believe this is this book is about Robert Moses? That like Robert
Moses now he's, you know, it's because the caro view, which is not as as straightforwardly
flat as it's often taken to be, but the caro view of this guy did more harm than good likely,
you know, or did a lot of harm is so taken now that at the time it was almost like not
not just, oh, are you going to read this whole book of harm, is so taken out, that at the time it was almost like not just,
ugh, are you gonna read this whole book
demonizing Robert Moses?
But literally, are you gonna read this whole book
about the most boring man in the world, Robert Moses?
And so, like, that it has this uphill battle
of even just getting people interested.
And Caro talks about how people would say to him,
no one's gonna read this book.
No one's gonna, and not because he wrote it
or because it's big, no one's gonna read a book
on this topic, because it's so, so boring.
But I feel like every now and then there's one of those,
just the right book at the right time hits it,
where a book that should exist in academic libraries only
if the normal rules of market economics applied
suddenly becomes this enormous thing.
And with a book like this, it's gotta be partly
because it's such a rich, it's such a satisfying read, I think.
But it's true. It's a funny thing that exactly what you're saying, that like at the time, it wasn't just that people liked Robert Moses,
it was people didn't even think about him. It was not even an interesting topic, you know?
Yeah, and I mean, I can only imagine it was very much helped along. Like if Robert Moses had happened in LA or Chicago
or another great, huge, important city,
but maybe not the heart of where publishing is.
Yeah, that would people have been like,
wait a minute, that's why I don't have a playground?
Or that's why I can't get to the airport by the subway?
So I think there was, I have no doubt
that that kind of helped accelerate the uptake of the subway. So I think there was, you know, I have no doubt that that kind of helped
accelerate the uptake of the book. But you know, it's also remarkable that he just, you know, he
pretty much just had written it. And then he's like, Hey, I need an agent. Hey, I need an editor.
And then he, you know, kind of got the best of the best on both counts. And, you know, that also feels like, on the one
hand, like, yes, this work totally deserves that, that rare purchase in the
industry, but also feels very serendipitous, like, could it just not
happened?
Yeah. And a good reminder, too, that it's for all Robert Caro is responsible
for this book, that how many other people were involved in that making it
and bringing it to fruition, his agent, his editor, his wife, how many people were necessary to
then lift up this book that Robert Caro's name is on the cover of, you know, because
he wrote it, but it was not a one person job to get a book like this off the ground, not
just because it's enormous, you know, it's very hard to lift a book like this by yourself.
You know?
Well, I think it's really notable.
I just want to highlight that for a whole bunch of reasons,
like feminism and the need for two incomes,
like having your wife be your research assistant,
not, and maybe they figured out a way to pay her directly
through the contract, but like that is a thing
that wouldn't happen today
for mostly good reasons, but who knows how that would have
ended up without such a steady research partner who literally
knew him better than anyone and could go,
because it doesn't seem like he's a guy who trusts a lot
of people to go figure something out for him.
So it literally took being married to a, you know, presumably world-class
researcher to kind of help get this over the line and the LBJ books as well.
Very much so. Along the lines of how of changing people's minds, basically, Robert Carrow, you feel
it in The Power Broker, how hard he's pushing to at least bring to the attention of the people reading
this book what Robert Moses was responsible for and to change the general myth about him.
And Mother Jones is often, if it's like doing kind of similar work of trying to push people
so that their assumptions aren't taken for granted as assumptions, but instead question
them, what does it feel like to be doing that work? Because it's not just a work of reporting, but a work of trying to kind of
move the reader to a place beyond being informed to understanding something in a different way.
And do you feel a kinship with the book in that way? Or what's that kind of work like?
Yeah, I think, you know, the work that we do, the work that Kara does, and, you know,
many other journalists, but like, you know, we were into systemic stuff before systemic was a buzzword.
So it's not, you know, it's not just the, it's not just looking at the sort of individual, like,
how did this contract come about? How did this person become the underling that helped him push
this through? But, you know, and I think Caro is very insistent in a way
that because it was sort of, you know,
it wasn't the first book they'd ever done.
I mean, Upton Sinclair is right there
however many years earlier.
But there is a way that he's just really insistent
that not only that you know what happened,
but why it happens and the sort of failings of other bodies and people to stop this person
from doing all the harm that he did do.
And not that he only did harm.
You know, I think that that's important.
And, you know, you get this incredible
Shakespearean arc of his temperament and his kind of ego.
And that really helps draw you through like if he were just a
supervillain at the beginning of the book, I think a lot of
people wouldn't be as interested because more complicated villains
are better villains, generally. So in that sense, I think, to
again, like weave that sort of psychological profile together
with the incredible investigative reporting.
He's not the only one who has done it,
but does it incredibly well.
Yeah.
In the section that we're talking about in this episode,
there's a lot, and actually it's throughout the book,
but there's a lot of the New York Times in particular
failing to hold Robert Moses into
account. And I mean, this is a time period where there was maybe like 27 local New York
newspapers. You know what I mean? Like, you know, there's a lot of newspapers back then.
And still, the degree to which one, you know, big news entity, not sort of seeing the story here
or not valuing it or not agreeing with the criticism
really set the agenda for what the city did.
And it strikes me that today,
it's like in terms of the news media, it's even worse.
There's just like fewer people doing the work.
When you hear, like I'm not one of these new jerk,
like the media gets it wrong type of people at all.
I'm a big supporter, like tons of people who make news
and who write the news, investigate the news.
But could you reflect on this idea of like
what it means to not have a diverse sort of body of work
or people working to hold power know, hold power accountable.
Yeah. I mean, let's, let's first start with the failings of the media back then about
Caro. And, and as you say, sorry about Moses. Yes. Um, that as you say, the Times
was probably the worst offender, maybe mostly because it then as now was the most important
of the papers.
You know, and it seems like this really started with, uh, if a Jenny, am I pronouncing her
name right?
Um, Salzburg, who like, see, I say if, if a gene and you say something, but Elliott
says it differently too.
I remember like, well, too I remember like I looked
up also the Greek pronunciation I'm like I'm not touching that like I'm
completely mangled out if I try but I'm I say I say if EG which was her
record EG is a great it's like yeah it's a great rap name the owner of the times
and I'm sitting out rhymes that kind kind of stuff. Yeah, she's, you know, it was early. It was early.
It was primitive hip hop, but she was on the forefront.
Yeah.
That she, you know, she was a great Parks lover and booster and so really admired not
everything, but mostly what he did with the Parks stuff.
And then that just set the glide path to being blind or throwing her hands up at everything
else because both that work was so important to her.
And then once the Times, I think, had kind of got into this, you know, my view about him,
I was thinking about how different actually reporting was back then. Because say you were
even a reporter who got on a story about Moses, you know, 10, 20 years into his power. If
you're a Times reporter, the place that you go look for what to think about him, what
to know about him, would have been your own clip archives that would have been brought
up to you in some kind of folder by like the people who work in the morgue, what they call
the clip room.
front that they would be kind of relying on their past work. And so, you know, once there's a bias or a blind spot, that just gets reinforced.
And, you know, I think we we see that time and again by the media in general and specifically.
And then, you know, and then there's a sort of listening to the money men, right?
I mean, that's always been a problem, just like, well, these are the people who have
the money and the power and they say this is good.
And so we're all for it.
I think what was interesting about these chapters is These are the people who have the money and the power, and they say this is good, and so we're all for it.
I think what was interesting about these chapters is,
it was the women's, the women's,
WWC, right, the Women's Council.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
That did the investigating in the sort of,
the low income areas, yeah.
The Women's City Club, yeah.
Women's City Club, there you go.
Who went out and did their own investigation, and not journalists, like, but did their own investigation,
and not journalists, like,
but did their own investigation to track down
what happened to the tenants of the various
Title I housing projects that were being displaced.
They were told they were going to get, you know,
some kind of new housing that would be as good or better
than the housing that they had booted from,
what actually happened.
And these women really did like a heroic job, again,
not professional journalists, not, you know,
in the mores of the times, probably not a thing
that a lot of women went out to do that often,
and found this great stuff.
And then they went to all the papers,
and the papers did a little bit here and there,
but seemed to mostly shrug it off.
And so again, like in, you know, now they would have kind of other venues bit here and there, but seemed to mostly shrug it off.
And so again, now they would have other venues
to maybe take that, they'd make a TikTok,
I don't know what they do.
They'd get that information out somehow, hopefully.
But at the time, that was sort of it.
You could go to the reporters, almost all of whom were men,
and give them the dossier that you had prepared, and they would take you seriously or not, reporters, almost all of whom were men,
and give them the dossier that you had prepared and they would take you seriously or not
and be willing to run up against their editors or not if they found interference there.
So that sort of impart the structure back then.
I mean today, honestly, what I'm worried about when people get, certainly on social media,
spin themselves up about a terrible timed headline
or this, that, or the other.
Robert Carroll first got into this, he's like a reporter at Newsday,
and some day where everybody else was out the company picnic and he was the only guy like left on the city desk and someone's like, I got a big dossier on some, you know, regional airport situation. And he tried to call the like
investigative editors and reporters and everyone was at the picnic. And so like, eventually,
he just goes and looks through all this stuff. And that's, you know, in his telling, that's how
he got this bug. And there aren't there aren't a lot of reporters out there in the world who
And there aren't a lot of reporters out there in the world who get to spend days and weeks combing through papers.
I mean, a lot of places, nobody's going to city council meetings,
nobody's going to zoning board meetings, there's just nothing.
And so I'm much more worried about the, in the broadest view,
that the problem with the media right now is that it's sort of like,
if you imagine a marine food web or something, and you might be focused on the tuna or the
whale or whatever, but if there's no plankton, all of that stuff eventually runs into real
trouble.
And that, I think, is the largest problem.
Yes, there's still biased and blindspots. You know, journalists are humans, but it's just,
you know, I mean, it's hundreds of thousands of jobs
in the last decade alone all across the country.
Yeah.
I mean, that's what I read into this
when he has these criticisms of the New York Times
is not so much that the fix was in or some kind of thing. It is
about that sort of institutional legacy, the trust of institutions. So when Robert Moses
says something, a few rabble rousers doesn't really merit. And the fact that all this information
is funneled towards a couple people with their biases and
therefore the best remedy for that is having a lot
of people with a lot of different biases.
Like you're not going to eliminate the biases, but
it's nice to have a bunch of people who they're,
you know, cause other biases like mine would be
like, Oh yeah, let's take that fucker down.
I mean, that would be my instinct is to not believe
them rather than to believe him.
And I wouldn't be a responsible steward of a paper if I always acted on that impulse either,
but there's enough papers that it doesn't, that it sort of all comes out in the wash, you know.
But the idea that there was that choke point then and now so much of our like, you know,
the New York Times is there to defend our democracy
is like the last one on the wall type of thing
is really scares the crap out of me.
Yeah, I mean, again, it's, you know,
I think mostly what the Times does is great.
And it's just that we need more than just the Times.
And whether it's just the Times there,
nothing is a check on the Times.
And, you know, they're so much bigger
than even the next biggest paper in both reach
and influence.
That it's, you know, it's also an ecosystem where everyone's trying to get to the Times.
I mean, not everyone, but like, you know, that's where the career paths go.
And that also really has a sort of punishing effect on really important, you
know, journalism that isn't based in New York, that, you know, requires a different type
of person to go out and report it different life experiences. So yeah, it's, it's a little
grim out there for the media.
Yeah, it feels a little bit like the New York Times is like the United States of America
of newspapers, where it's the it's much bigger than any of the other ones. It feels a little bit like the New York Times is like the United States of America of newspapers,
where it's much bigger than any of the other ones.
It's much more powerful than the other ones,
but it's imperfect.
Like the idea that there should be a perfect paper
that does everything you want it to do
is an insane notion.
Especially when you look back in The Power Broker
and you're like, oh, they've kind of always been like this.
Like it's always been a flawed newspaper.
And I remember 20 years ago,
coming out of college and reading the Times' coverage of whether there were weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq and at the time being like, how could the Times do this? And it's frustrating
to feel like it's 50 years after the fact. And I'm still kind of frustrated with the New York Times
for the same things back then. But again, it's only, they're only people, you know, I shouldn't
expect so much of them just because they have the word New York in their name. But I do,
you know.
Yeah, and I think there was a line in there that was like, the fate of poor people had
never been a subject of news in New York City. And it wasn't now. And I, I, I think that
that is still true.
Again, in part because they're, you know, even with a time,
there's just not enough people going out and covering all these little things that would lead you to the big story necessarily.
But also that, you know, those aren't the stories that are going to get you a lot of attention most of the time.
Yes, if you produce the power broker, you'll get some attention,
but the individual stories that might lead you there
if you're a beat reporter,
are probably not the most well read,
well regarded, well shared.
And that those amplification incentive factors
are even greater in social media era, for sure.
When I think about the qualities that are like
the hallmarks of a Mother Jones, a Big Mother Jones story,
it shares a lot of the DNA of the power broker.
Like it has a sort of a humanist point of view.
It's about systems and trying to get an investigation
to get the facts and sort of reveal the system.
But that is a rarer and rarer position
that magazines occupy.
How do you keep that going?
You know, what is the underlying principle
that keeps that, you know, to be the forefront
of what Mother Jones does?
I mean, it's really interesting.
In some ways, I think it's almost driven
by the products that you have.
For, you know, we have a magazine,
and that's, you know, been a staple, and now we have a long-form radio show that does, you know, in a very different way, I think it's almost driven by the products that you have.
We have a magazine, and that's been a staple,
and now we have a long-form radio show that does in very different way,
but same sort of intensive investigative journalism.
And because we have those things, we have the muscle memory, We do a lot of short video. We do a lot of daily news reporting. But it's harder and harder to access workplaces
that kind of operate in longer form, more in-depth work.
There are just, again, fewer of them.
So I think that that's part of it.
And then I think Mother Jones has always
held up as his mission, like looking out know, looking out for the little guy,
like looking out for the people that are getting quashed
by whatever it is.
Sometimes it's government, sometimes it's private industry,
but like a lot of the great work that we do
comes from just asking like,
what's happening to these people or why, you know,
why are we hearing about this amazing thing
and what's the underside to that?
You know, for example, we did a few years ago, Shane Bauer, um, did this
fantastic piece where he went again, undercover in a private prison and we had
done a lot of private prison reporting.
And, um, he is a delightful madman who wanted to do this.
And, um, there were many nights for more than a year, But I was going to say that seems like the scariest possible,
or one of the two or three scariest possible assignments I can imagine.
Yes.
Unless it was like you're going to live in a den of tigers for like a year.
And he also went undercover with a militia.
So, you know, it wasn't his only piece like that for us.
Every now and then you hear about a job and you're like, I am not cut out to do that job.
I'm glad somebody else is.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And I think one of the most interesting things about that work, for example, was that Shane
had been held in captivity by Iran for more than a year.
So he had been in solitary confinement. He had his own personal crazy journey
through one of the worst prisons in the world. But that said, he brought a real sense of humanity to
the guards who he realized are all earning nine bucks an hour and are really not that much different
than the prisoners that are guarding. Their economic circumstances aren't that different.
These are the only jobs around.
What does it mean to have to do that kind of a job, and especially in a facility that's
so under-resourced, as many of them are?
And I think that, too, is really having that kind of eye for the humanity,
even in the things that you find to be suspect
or corrupt in some way,
which I think Caro is also really good at.
I mean, Moses himself, I think,
becomes an increasingly remote figure
when it comes to sympathy from the reader.
But we get to know him better and better.
And that is just so important to this kind of work.
Yeah.
And you know the human he was when he started, which makes the whole narrative arc so, so
compelling is that you sense his idealism and his vision for seeing things that no one
else can see.
And it's one of the things that I think when people
are craving a modern day Moses in terms of they're like
people who can get stuff done and who can dream big
and build big things and create their megopolises.
Libertarian sea studs.
I think that's what they're drawn to.
If it was just the latter part,
I don't know if they would be quite as drawn to it.
But I am struck by this idea,
you know, like, one of the things
I've been trying to articulate to people,
I've been interviewed a lot about this sort of anniversary.
I've noticed, Roman, I'll get a lot of Google alerts
that are like, oh, Roman Mars is talking about this thing.
And I'm like, oh, okay, interesting.
I was involved in that podcast.
I'm just kidding, mostly.
But one of the things I've said in every one of them
that's never been picked up on,
because it's not a very good sound bite,
is I think one of the underlying benefits to people reading this book is not
learning how studies are built or how power is done or this sort of deep exploration of
this man, Robert Moses.
It's actually sitting in the company of this really thoughtful humanist in the form of
Robert Caro and the way he sees the world and that that
is what is so uplifting and profound about the book when so much of it can be
dire and and very devastating to read. I think one of the things I love most
about this book is that he does center the little people he does a great job at
finding you know,
I don't know if it was really women who again and again
were like the people kind of jumping in
Robert Moses' way, but he does a great job of,
of, you know, whether it's the Women's City Club
or the, yeah, the Tremont folks who are, you know,
housewives kind of leading the charge there.
And, you know, really goes out and leading the charge there and, you know,
really goes out and finds them and treats them with dignity and respect and
does the careful work of taking them seriously and really understanding their
circumstances and I, you know, there's a version of this book that would still be
very good but didn't accomplish that and And I think that is the difference maker, honestly, in this.
I mean, the majesty of it all, for sure.
But it's those small, intimate details and stories
and the sort of sympathy and empathy that he brings
to folks that he may not have had all that much in common
with before or known much about,
but he's going to go spend eight months on that avenue to figure out who everybody
was involved in that movement, and he manages to pull that off so well.
Yeah, there's a lot of the retrospectives that have been coming out, especially now
there's also a lot of articles coming out that are like 50 years on, the power broker
doesn't do everything right, and it's like, well, yeah, of course, it's a book and also it's 50, it's a half a century
old. So, but I've seen a number of times and also in the contemporary reviews of it, they
accuse it of pushing the kind of great man view of history that Moses is this great world
changer and everyone else is just kind of in his wake. And it feels like that's such
a misreading to me of so much of the book because he does highlight so many other human beings.
They don't get the same amount of space as Robert Moses does.
And each of these people is someone who is striving to accomplish something, is fighting
for either their own livelihood or to get some kind of truth out.
And we've seen them a number of times in the series, these like little biographies of these
kind of heroes that that Carol is clearly bringing up who are usually people who do a lot of research and a lot of
investigation. He likes people who go and look up answers to questions or talk to people to get the
answers to questions, but that it is such a hidden beneath this kind of argument about why this way of
running a city and constructing a city isn't there. There's this kind of hidden celebration of
and constructing a city isn't there. There's this kind of hidden celebration
of ordinary people who are either doing a job
that is trying to make a difference
or forced out of their normal lives
in order to end making a difference in that way.
And there's something very exciting about it
that it makes it feel so much more
like the portrait of a city, you know,
than just this one guy and the clay that he's working with.
You know, it's something that Carol does so well
that now reading other biographies, I do miss it. If there's like a three sentence
sketch of some person, I'm like, what about, you know, what about that person's dreams?
What about the rest of their life? You know?
Yeah. I mean, this book really contains multitudes. Like they're, you know, full on, you know,
profile worthy books in there's certainly of LaGuardia and L.
Smith, but others along the way.
And it's just like, wow, that's, I really felt I learned more about,
you know, many, many mayors, even the really, uh, even, I've come,
I've come to really love him for all the wrong reasons, I guess.
Um, then I, you know, then I, then I had known even when I lived in New York.
So I think that's really rewarding.
I'm curious what you guys think if the kind of critique
of Moses and everything that Moses stood for
kind of set the country and maybe particularly
sort of more progressive folks down a path
where they're so suspicious of any development, any massive projects,
be they public, private, a hybrid, that that's part of why we kind of find ourselves where
we are, which is stuff is crumbling, nothing's getting built, you know, everything is being
held up in a community meeting, which of course, even though Jane Jacobs isn't mentioned in
this book, that ultimately this sort of, you know, city is
a collection of neighborhoods that all need to be listened to. If you think that that,
you know, we're in a weird moment where it's not like anyone wants a Moses, but we also
don't want paralysis.
I, Roman may disagree with me, but I am going to draw a parallel between We've so we clashed so many times on this show the I'm gonna draw parallel between the way people talk about
Robert Caro's critique of Moses that it's elevating him in too much importance
And it's making him too much that the single the single thing the single source of it all and I think that that criticism of the book
commits the same sin when you look at the history of the United
States since this book was written, and it's like, it's not like America didn't need Robert Caro to
make it distrust authority, you know, like Watergate and the Vietnam War and so forth did that. And
America didn't need Robert Caro to make it dislike large spending on public works projects,
because Ronald Reagan did plenty of that. It feels like it is the same way people will make the criticism. They'll say Robert Moses is a symptom. He's an avatar
of the larger thinking of the time rather than the source of it. I think you could look
at the book kind of the same way in some ways, and that to elevate, maybe it has an outsized
proportional importance to urban planners, you know, but that kind of work would only
be in this state if America had been driving in that direction to a certain amount anyway.
So as much as I love this book, I feel like I can't give it all the credit or nor blame
for what's going on.
Roman, what do you think about that?
I think that's similar to my reaction to that, which is it wasn't Carol pointed it out that caused the problem.
It's that Robert Moses built shitty public housing
and didn't maintain it.
And that is the part that's being kind of over-corrected for,
that the bad actors who literally built the things
and did not care for them and designed
these really tight closed systems
that had no fault tolerance whatsoever, like a
real community does, are the people that failed in this scenario.
And pulling it out is not really the issue.
You know what I mean?
And I don't think people are overcorrecting for the power broker.
I think they're overcorrecting for the sins that these people committed.
And they were bad.
I mean, they really did not serve the communities
they were supposed to serve.
And we've had to deal with that failure
for a long, long time.
But what I think was powerful about The Power Broker
is it teaches you kind of indirectly
the method to which to make it better.
I'm really struck by the fact that the book is called The Power Broker.
It's not called The City Builder.
It's not called The Master Builder or whatever other things you might think of as a moniker
for Robert Moses.
He's really focused on power and the human here.
In a way, he's not really trying to explain all cities, you know, but what he's saying
is that the root rot of this problem
is the lack of democracy.
That's what Caro really holds onto.
And to me, you know, these projects are things that fail.
Is that same problem, a kind of lack of input,
a lack of care, a lack of like not having enough influences
and expertise and material and it all being top down.
A public housing system is great when everything works. It's just that it can handle failure so,
so poorly. Like it has to have a diversity of incomes and races. It has to have working
lights and safety and stuff. And when one of those things fall apart, like when Prude Igo fell apart in St. Louis,
it crumbles dramatically.
But in the beginning, it works really well.
And that's just the problem of
an idea in your head versus a thing in action.
And it just so happens that the Robert Moses types of
the world who make things have
much more fealty to the idea in
their head than the actual thing that's created. And that would all be worked out through iteration
and input and all sorts of other things that would make things good. So I would say that Robert Moses
ruined it for all of us, not the knee-jerk reaction that the power broker brings. It is the lived reality of the failure of public housing,
the failure to the community it's supposed to serve
most of all, that I think people are reacting to
more than just its criticisms.
Yeah, for sure.
I guess what I was sort of driving at is that
there's a critique now
voiced by among others, Ezra Klein and so forth that like, we have gotten into
this dynamic where any objector to any project can stop many, certainly in
California, many projects for any reason.
Sometimes those reasons are valid.
Sometimes they're not that valid.
And this in part is a system that sort of grew up as a corrective to the many projects for any reason. Sometimes those reasons are valid, sometimes they're not that valid.
And this in part is a system that sort of grew up as a corrective to the absence of that. Yes.
And I think that that's a really, I just had that in my head a lot while I was reading this
book about where are we going to hit that balance correctly?
And I think that's a good criticism of the state of the world, is that we've probably
overcorrected for, and a kind of knee-jerk nimbism is just a part of our modern progressive
DNA.
And that's one of the reasons why it's like, it's a disappointing aspect of a branch of progressivism to not embrace
imperfect solutions that will help a lot of people.
But I do get a sense that it's beginning to turn a little bit,
and the sense that, okay, well,
maybe we are too reactionary about change and we have to serve
as many people as possible. And I do think that these things come in waves and they come in
fashion and go down again. And the truth is, it's going to be a case by case on every single issue of this. Like it's really gonna have to be decided
based off of the merit of every single development
and what the cost is.
And it just so happens that in the Robert Moses era,
it was only up to him.
And that's the huge mistake.
And we don't have that same problem today
because there's not one person.
But I do feel that sense of like people
have a default sense that a certain type of development
is bad.
And we have to stop because there's
bigger problems to solve and we need to take in as much
information.
The biggest sin that Robert Moses had
was that he could take in no new information his entire life.
Cars were leisure vehicles.
Cars were just going to be for fun.
We can't move the road. I already drew the line on the map.
Yeah, exactly. Yeah.
And also just like, I don't care if I'm in traffic for two hours because I'm sitting in
the backseat working and somebody is driving me. Sounds pretty nice actually.
And so what I hope is that the leaders of today and the people who support them
will accept a kind of thoughtful ambivalence about things. Like not being just a diehard about one thing or another
and just like, in this case, this makes sense,
in this case, this makes sense.
And I would love if we all just got behind people like that.
Yeah, and I do feel a great sense of optimism on that front that I think just, you know,
Californians at least who probably are everywhere in the country just kind of got so sick of
the sclerosis that they just individually dug up their, dug in and started to like figure
out zoning codes and go to hearings and so forth because it just wasn't, it wasn't kind
of breaking out of the, the the the you know the dynamics that it
had been in for a long time and and that is super encouraging and I think you
know shows that really explain this kind of thing as yours does also help us
hopefully it feels like if anything we're getting across in this show I hope
it's that the the one correct and true reading of the power broker which is in
my in my opinion it's not that
he's saying this is the way to build and this is not the way to build, but that every project
is a series of choices and decisions, and you have to make those choices and decisions
as judiciously as you can based on the best information.
And it feels like you could go through that book, Project with Robert Carroll, and you
might say, this, they did okay.
This one, maybe they should do, should have
done differently.
This one was good.
You know, he never says he continues to go back
to Jones Beach because clearly he sees Jones
Beach as an unalloyed good, maybe not in the way
it was managed necessarily, but in its
construction.
And so the idea that people read it, this huge
book, which has so much stuff in it, so much, so
many ideas in it.
And they come out and they're like,
well, bad to do big things.
It feels like that's people refusing to pick up
what Robert Caro is really saying, which is like,
hey, let's not rush things, but let's do them.
It's funny, as much as I love this book
and it's become the center of my personality for now
many, many years at this point, how much I love big plants.
Like I love, love big plants.
It is not, it's not dissuading me from big plants at all.
Big plants are great.
I mean, Roman, reading this book,
every time they mentioned that elevated expressway
through mid Manhattan that would go through buildings,
I'm like, that would be bad.
Everything about is bad, but you imagine it,
you're like, that sounds amazing.
It sounds so cool.
Knowing it would be terrible, but it still sounds cool.
You can't, you can't deny it.
Some sort of Jetsons situation where you can just carve
a tunnel right through the Empire State Building.
Yeah.
It would be fun to see.
So one thing I wanna get to is,
it strikes me that you have been in a position
where you're about to publish something
that is going to piss someone off. And I think about this
book about to come out and Robert Caro's state of mind. Could you put us in that head space of
you're about to put out your reporting, you are confident in it,
but you're always nervous that you're going to get little bits wrong.
It's going to make people mad.
They're very, very powerful that have a lot of money.
What does that feel like right before you publish it?
Sheer terror.
I think when you've done your best to report something out and, you know, it
would be very different manner in which Kara reporting over many years and going back to
Moses many times and at some point Moses cut him off, of course, but like, you know, has
the questions you're like, okay, this is your last chance.
Like these are my last questions.
I still don't, you know, still didn't get an answer. And to really do that early and often and to make sure that you kind of go back at the
end, particularly in a long involved project and give people that space and real deadlines.
But you know, it is terrifying and also you could have everything right and people, you know, will of course,
disingenuously describe your reporting or maybe really just not see your point of
view at all about it.
So it's not like you're ever going to get the people that you're reporting
critically on to agree with you. That said, we often have people say, all right,
this was, you know, I didn't like it, but it was fair.
Yeah.
And, you know, I think that that's what you hope for
when you can get it for sure.
Yeah, yeah.
You know, when I think about this book,
I think of how important it is to explain in New York
an important biography of a person.
And Kero has admitted we probably wouldn't think about
Robert Moses at all if it weren't for his book. So he's both presented them and changed people's
minds about him. But it makes me wonder, if you were to write your power broker, if I were to write
my power broker, are there a thousand more books like this to write? Is this kind of a singular
there a thousand more books like this to write? Is this kind of a singular like subject and style and achievement? Or if you dig deep enough, are there equally profound and interesting
biographies out there for cities all over the world?
There's at least one of Lyndon Johnson.
Well, that's kind of it. It's like the things those two things have in common, it's caro.
But maybe there's way more people
that explain the 20th century in their own ways.
I don't know.
I honestly don't know the answer to this question.
I think that there are, if you have the right,
the sort of serendipity of the right reporter and project with the
right subject.
I mean, I'm thinking of a book that I thought was a truly excellent biography, George Packer's
biography of Richard Holbrook was called Our Man.
And I, you know, I had studied like Vietnam a little bit in college
and whatever, but that was a book that in a similar
and a much shorter, even though it also was a door stopper,
just sort of makes you feel like, my God,
this person was at the nexus of everything
and I had never really thought about them at all
and now I kind of see the world in a different way.
Obviously he's a great writer, but I do think that the
works out there are possible, that the sort of time and even if you have a
writer that's predisposed to spend years and years and years on one subject,
which a lot of people, that would not be a healthy decision for them.
But again, back to the support, just like how many people are going to get that level of
institutional support or, you know, have, you know, maybe they're independently wealthy or
whatever it is, and they can just plug away at a book for, you know, seven years in the case of
this one. And, you know, the LBJ stuff is what, like another 40 or something, we're on 40 years now.
And that's just, you know, that's just, that's incredibly rare.
I think in order to do the rest of the lives justice that you need to explain the world,
you need this kind of like Borgesian library where there's a biography of every single person
who's ever lived that has been given the treatment that Robert Carroll was able to
give to Robert Moses because everyone is the nexus of everything in their own lives.
And it's just like that the power broker is like like this it's like a little portal into what that
library would be like but unfortunately it's beautifully impossible Roman
unfortunately. Well that that can't think that's kind of my point like is
there a power broker to be written about a lot I mean obviously there's some
people that don't have as much influence in the world as this but there probably
is more than we think because I didn't you know, we wouldn't know of this one if it wasn't for this book. And so I'm just,
it makes me think that there's just a world out there to investigate and explore in a
way that gets me kind of excited, you know, like I like that idea, you know.
I mean, the other thing I think, Elliot, you and I talked about it a little bit before Roman came on, but this sort of the one, you know, and I mean, maybe somebody should get
around to doing this project, but the sort of examining the climate impact from what
Moses and the Moses imitators or contemporaries did, you know, it's the it's super enraging
to be like, why can't I get to the airport via the subway?
Or like, why does it take three hours when it should take an hour to get out to wherever
in Long Island?
But then when you sort of sit back and you realize, my God, you know, just the lack of
a good railway system on Long Island, the lack of certain things that have really became
obvious even at the time, but not with the
same vocabulary because of course they weren't worried about CO2 that was stuff locked deep
in the memorandum of ExxonMobil and wherever.
Nobody else kind of understood that or was talking about it, but they did start to understand
the traffic and the more tangible pollution part of it.
And that's the part that just enrages me.
Yeah, and even more than wanting to see his work on Jane Jacobs,
that feels like the missing piece.
I had not thought about it too much until you had mentioned it before we started the interview,
but exactly the idea that he's so focused on the effect of the people in
an area where this road exists, where people have to use this road. And now we know that
the emphasis on cars affects billions of people that are not even living near the road, who
have nothing to do with that road. And it's such an amazingly massive scale compared to
what Kara was talking about in this book. That being said, when you live in New York,
it's pretty inconvenient to get to the airport.
You know, let's not forget about that.
No, it's one of its least attractive features.
It's how hard it is to get to the airport.
It's not really his to do,
but like I do wish somebody could do it.
It's a really good question.
There could be just a Moses report
that's just like this person is responsible
to this many metric tons of CO2. I mean, in our atmosphere, it strikes me as a doable or at least a teachable
metric to come up with. Yeah, sort of back of the napkin way. Yeah. Yeah. And I'm just, since I have
you guys in the, I'm also curious, do you guys think that he directly influenced tons of projects and planners
elsewhere in the country?
This book is so, we know that he goes out there and he brings them in and he has them
to Jones Beach and Guy Lombardo plays and all this stuff, but what part of this was
really he was the stone thrown in the pond and the ripples go out from him versus LA
was turned out that saw the trolley system and the Eisenhower Express out from him versus, you know, LA was tearing out the stop trolley system
and the Eisenhower Expressway project was underway.
But that part, I feel like,
Caro had not, at least so far in my reading,
had not kind of gotten to yet.
Yeah, and he doesn't get to it.
And I think this is one of the mistakes people,
when they criticize the book, they talk about how,
well, this was happening everywhere,
Robert Moses wasn't all that important.
And I think that what Robert Moses was great at
was being at the lead of the popular sentiment
that was already happening.
So he was an effective warrior in this idea of complete
mobility, freedom through cars, and the interstate system. And it was out there, but he was truly
effective and pushed it. And when he was successful at generating money and generating his own
projects and them all building on each other,
that also was an example that people followed.
So I think it's a little bit of both.
And again, this gets to one of the criticism in the book
that I kind of bristle against is people try to take it down
but they go, well, it doesn't explain LA.
I was like, well, it wasn't trying to explain LA.
Yeah, LA's, New York is in the subtitle.
Like, come on.
Yeah.
Or the criticism that says, it's 50 years,
and New York has bounced back.
How does he explain that?
And it's like, well, it's been 50 years.
Like, it's half a century.
I hope New York has bounced.
I hope that the greatest city in America
and the world has bounced back, you know?
Yeah, so I think it was a little bit of both,
but he was definitely like,, he exported like his,
his self, you know, he went to other other cities, people came to study it. Um, and, you know,
and he had the legacy in the ear of like the agenda setting people in the federal government
who were like putting all this money into highways, you know, and he just tapped into it.
Like he just had a way of just being a little bit ahead of everyone else, but knowing where
it was all going so that he had very little friction.
It feels unfair that sometimes a criticism the book gets is, yeah, but it doesn't explain
everything.
And I guess it's the risk you run when you create an amazing, enormous book is that people
want to find everything in it and have it easily explain everything. But But sometimes you got to read a second book. Yeah. You can't
just rely on the one book. And you know, and everyone should and no one's saying that you
should only read the power broker. No one's ever said that. Yeah. You know. But I think
that's like it goes right down to again, like its title. It's like it is not the city builder.
It is not the master builder. It is the power broker. He wasn't trying to explain all cities.
And in a way, he wasn't necessarily trying to explain
everything about New York City,
even though people have taken it on as the perfect,
the history of a city.
He was really focusing on a human
and the effects of this human and what he got out of it,
even though he wasn't a quote unquote corrupt
in the way that we normally think of.
And that's his focus.
What other people try to imbue into the text
is kind of their own problem.
But when I find criticisms, mostly it's those things
that are these distal things that people have created
around the book than the book itself.
Right, it's a mistake to think the story here is just how did he make the atlas of New York look
different when it's really like how did he sort of gather and exploit power in a way that
had not been documented on this scale.
Absolutely.
But a credit in its own way to Moses, you know, sheer force and power to do all that.
But then to Caro to showing it and really explaining how this has a material impact
on everyday people both then and now.
Yeah, that was Caro's mission.
And to me, you know, he fulfilled it and then some.
I don't think he was even trying to explain everything about New York City.
He clearly thought there was something more to say
when he was gonna do a LaGuardia biography, for example,
or something else.
Like there's definitely more to say even about New York.
He doesn't even try to say everything about Robert Moses.
He barely talks about that power dam
that he built at Niagara.
Exactly, exactly.
Which is by any,
shouldn't be the biggest term. He has a sister.
Yeah, children.
Children.
That's right, that's right.
Well, Clara Jeffery, thank you so much for being on
the 99% visible breakdown of The Power Broker.
It was a real pleasure to have you.
Well, thank you so much.
I just wanna say again, what a fan I am of your show
and also that I got my mom to start reading The Power Broker
and she's already caught up to where we are.
I only talked to her about it a few weeks ago about this and she's 86 caught up to where we are. You know, I only talked to her about a few weeks ago about this and she's 86.
She's getting through it.
Mom's a beast, man.
She's like, she's a big reader.
She's a big reader.
So, well, it's a real pleasure to have you.
Thanks so much for having me on.
Next month, we continue our journey through part seven, the final part of the book, The Loss of Power.
We'll be covering chapters 42 through 46.
That's pages 984 through 1,081.
That's right, we're crossing the 1,000 page mark.
We did it, quadruple digits of pages.
And we couldn't have done it without you.
Now, if you can't wait that long
to hear me summarize something,
then I direct you over to the Flophouse podcast
on the Maximum Fund Network.
That is my bad movie podcast,
which is a lot less informative than this one,
but it does have roughly the same amount
of me talking during it.
I cannot believe we have only two episodes left.
So make sure to commemorate this incredible journey
that we've all taken together this year with some 99PI Power Broker merch.
We've got t-shirts, we've got bags, we've got bookmarks.
Head over to 99PI.org slash store to get yours.
The 99% Invisible Breakdown of the Power Broker is produced by Isabel Angel, edited by Comiti,
music by Swan Real, mixed by Dara Hirsch.
99% Invisible's executive producer is Cathy Tu, our senior editor is Delaney Hall, Kurt
Kolstad is the digital director.
The rest of the team includes Chris Berube, Jason DeLeon, Emmett Fitzgerald, Gabriella
Gladney, Martin Gonzalez, Christopher Johnson, Vivian Ley, Lashma Dawn, Jacob Maldonado-Medina,
Kelly Prime, Joe Rosenberg, Nina Potuck, and me,
Roman Mars.
The 9% Invisible logo was created by Stefan Lawrence.
The art for this series was created by Aaron Nestor.
We are part of the Stitcher and SiriusXM podcast family, now headquartered six blocks north
in the Pandora building in beautiful Uptown, Oakland, Californiaia you can find the show on all the usual social
media sites as well as our own discord server where we have fun discussions about the power
broker and architecture and movies and music and all that kind of good stuff it's where i'm hanging
out most these days you can find a link to that discord server as well as every past episode of
99 pi at 99 pi.org
episode of 99 PI at 99 PI.org.
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