American History Hit - The Truth About Paul Revere's Ride
Episode Date: April 17, 2025Paul Revere's Midnight Ride is a legend of the American Revolutionary War - galloping through the Massachusetts' dark to warn Sam Adams, John Hancock and the rest that the British were coming. The nex...t morning, those Patriots in Lexington and Concord were ready for battle. But what really happened? Who was Paul Revere? Why has his name gone down in history?Don's guest is Michael Hattem, historian of the American revolution and author of The Memory of ’76: The Revolution in American History.Produced by Freddy Chick. Edited by Aidan Lonergan. Senior Producer was Charlotte Long.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here.All music from Epidemic Sounds.American History Hit is a History Hit podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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It's the 18th of April 1775, the night before the Battle of Lexington and Concord,
the night before the shot heard round the world.
In Boston, the black bulk of a British man of war swings round its moorings in the bay,
its masts and spars outlined against the moon.
While on the shore, noises can be heard behind the walls of the barracks.
British regulars are up to something, and the people of Boston, those good sons of liberty,
are on to them.
A horse takes off from the northern shore, galloping through the night to steal a march.
When the soldiers arrive in Lexington as the sun begins to rise, they will find a surprise waiting for them.
This midnight ride is the stuff of poetry.
A hurry of hoofs in a village street.
A shape in the moonlight.
A bulk in the dark.
And beneath from the pebbles in passing a spark.
Struck out by a steed flying fearless in fleet.
That was all.
And yet, through the gloom and the light,
the fate of a nation was riding that night,
and the spark struck out by that steed in his flight,
kindled the land into flame with its heat.
Saddled on the back of that horse,
riding his way into legends and our history books,
was none other than Paul Revere.
Welcome to American History Hit.
I'm Don Wildman. Great to have you here.
The year is 1775.
In England, the industrial,
revolution has begun to rumble. Adam Smith is writing his economic treatise,
the wealth of nations, while James Watt redesigns the steam engine. Over in Vienna, an astonishing
19-year-old genius named Mozart has already cranked out his first 30 symphonies. King George
III sees his British Empire expanding into the Pacific. Captain James Cook is lauded for adding
Australia and New Zealand to the colonized jewels. However, here in North America, there is
terrible unrest, and not just the revolutionary kind. A smallpox epidemic has taken hold that will
last for seven years, killing upwards of 130,000 colonists and native peoples. It's salt in the
wound for those unhappy Americans tilting towards a rebellion the British authorities are determined
to crush. In these fateful days, a man and his horse will make history of legendary proportions.
Happened at the outbreak of the war in the wee hours of a Boston night, it is the story of the
Midnight Ride of Paul Revere.
Who was Paul Revere?
And what was his real role in the rebellion?
And why did the story of his determined gallop, forgotten for more than a century after
it happened, suddenly take hold in the American imagination when the nation stood on
the brink of another terrible trial?
Our guest and guide today is Michael Haddam, historian of the American Revolution, and author
of the Memory of 76, the Revolution in American History, published by Yale University in
24. Welcome, sir. Welcome, Michael. Hi. Thank you, Don. I'm glad to be here. I feel like I should speak
in iambic pentameter whenever I speak of Paul Revere. Longfellow's poem was the first I ever learned
as a child in grade school, and that was the point, wasn't it? It was a heroic tale told in a
joyful way. That's really funny. I mean, that's part of its long-lasting legacy, right, is how quickly
it transitioned into liturgy for school children in the United States. It was part of my composition
book in, I think it was second or third grade. And you had to copy whatever poem appealed to you. And
of course, the midnight ride of Paul Revere was great. I mean, in a lot of ways, it's kind of up there
with the Gettysburg Address, right? In terms of things that American school children, certainly
throughout the 20th century had to put their efforts towards memorizing. Exactly. And this
conversation, to be clear, is about dissecting how real this event was, as opposed to its sort of
legendary myth and how it played really in the strategy of those early days.
It's a setting the table for the battles of Lexington and Concord, of course, which we cover in a previous episode of this series, invite you to listen to that.
We also do another episode on Sam Adams, who Paul Revere is very much confused with in the modern days.
But he was so much a part of what was happening in New England at that time, so much of the early revolutionary movement.
It seems like a crime that he's most remembered for a horse ride.
Let's talk about the real Paul Revere.
Where does he come from? What's his place in the world when he's an early one?
Revere comes from a family in Boston that is sort of half French and half English.
The English side of his family goes way back in the history of Massachusetts.
And so he, in some ways, is a sort of prototypical 18th century colonist, right?
The colonies were a diverse place in the 18th century in a way that I think that many people today don't really fully.
appreciate. And Revere kind of represents that in his background a bit. That's interesting. You know,
that's a conversation I've really never had in depth. But the fact is, I mean, it's always talked
about with New Amsterdam, of course, with the Dutch and their embrace of immigration and all the
different kinds of people that were found there. But that was true throughout the colonies,
wasn't it? Yeah, absolutely. I mean, the middle colonies, the so-called middle colonies,
New York, New Jersey, Delaware, or Pennsylvania, typically get the majority of the lion's hair of
the diversity in early America and in the 18th century, but really all throughout the colonies,
maybe a little less in the Carolinas and, you know, as you go further south, but certainly
throughout the Northeast, there's a great amount of diversity.
It's the theme of America, really is.
Yeah, well, you know, I mean, for decades, French Ugatauts had been coming to the colonies,
and that's the French half of Reverex background, but also, you know, lots of immigration
surges in the early 18th century from the German population.
And then, of course, the German settlers who come into Pennsylvania, there's lots of Dutch
in New York, obviously, in New Jersey. So it's much more diverse than people seem to remember.
Revere was one of 12 kids, remarkable in and of itself. The father is a silversmith, and he gets
simple schooling. He goes on and serves in the French Indian War. I'm crossing lots of territory
here. He's one of those like George Washington and so many others who served faithfully in that war
in the 1750s. He returns to Boston and starts his own silversmithing business, becomes a respected
artisan, successful businessman. He does a lot more than make pictures. He's an engraver and political
cartoonist. How old is he when politics enters the picture for him? He's born in 1735,
so he's already 30 years old by the time that the sort of imperial crisis, as we tend to think of it
in retrospect begins with, say, the Stamp Act. By the time,
of the midnight ride. He's about 40 years old, right? So he's not a young guy, but I think a few
people who fought in the Seven Years War were young guys still by the time of the, when the conflict
with Britain was coming to a head. But I think, you know, it does give you a sense that he had
been around for a long time. He had been prominent on the political scene, certainly maybe not right
from 1765, but of course, you know, he's the one who does the famous engraving of the Boston
massacre, the controversial bloody massacre engraving, which then spreads throughout the colonies
and sort of raises awareness, but also concern. It's one of the most masterful pieces of
propaganda of the revolutionary era that woodcut engraving. He belongs to a group called the
North End Caucus. A lot of that neighborhood, I've done a lot up there in television world,
and it had so much to do with the tunnels and the smuggling and all the sort of underworld
activities that were happening up there. I guess he was a part of that.
Yeah, and that's kind of the beginning, really, of what was one of his main roles in sort of what we might think of as revolutionary Boston as a careful observer, let's say, right?
Eventually, he would go on to manage this sort of loose group of mechanics, fellow mechanics.
And mechanics is an 18th century term for somebody who worked with their hands, so basically an artisan.
That group of mechanics who sort of famously met at the Green Dragon Tavern, you know.
know, in the early 1770s, mid-1770s.
They basically took it upon themselves to serve as constant observers of what the British
army was doing in Boston.
Of course, the city had been occupied by the British Army since 1768, by anywhere from
three to four thousand British troops.
And Boston in the early 1770s is a relatively small town.
We call it a city, but it's, you know, like New York City, it has under 20,000 residents.
So the equivalent of a modern small town really.
So you can imagine having that many soldiers coming, the impact that that would have.
And of course, there were lots of conflicts between the townspeople and the soldiers.
And as the conflict sort of heated up with Britain, especially after the coercive acts,
after the Boston Tea Party and the coercive acts from Britain, which effectively shut down
the harbor of Boston, shut down the Massachusetts, colonial government, and basically shut
down the town meetings.
Sure.
So it's really after that, that the efforts of Revere and his group of mechanics serving as a
sort of constant eye on the British Army and sending that information back to the
revolutionary committees was a really crucial role.
Yeah, he was part of the Sons of Liberty eventually and also takes part in the Tea Party,
all that sort of thing.
He's a real radical revolutionary, I would say.
Yeah.
And ends up doing these warning rides as part of this communications network first to New
to warn of the British seizing munitions. He's part of this whole committee. And the ride
doesn't come out of nowhere. In other words, it's a big part of his life doing this sort of thing.
Yeah, he was, you know, we talk about the midnight ride. He made many rides. Revere did.
As you mentioned, you know, in December of 1774, he rides up to Portsmouth in New Hampshire,
where there was a British fort, Fort William and Mary, which was basically held by
six rather infirm British troops, and that was it. And there was a sense that this is late 1774,
and so the coercive acts have already gone into effect. And already by the end of the year of 74,
the people all over Massachusetts are expecting something from Gage, from General Gage and the British
armies. They made incursions into what we would think of as the countryside. And there had been a
successful seizure of munitions just northwest outside the city.
And this was going to be another attempt at that.
They were going to, Gage was going to send troops up to New Hampshire to basically secure
the munitions that were in this rather sort of tenuous situation at Fort William and
Mary.
And Revere rides up there to warn the wigs about what's happening.
And eventually, you know, a couple hundred militiamen essentially assault the fort and
seize the gunpowder.
And, you know, if you think about it, that's preceding Lexington and Concord by three or four months.
So it's really one of the earliest overt acts of armed rebellion by the colonists.
Yeah.
And reviews at the heart of that.
These early revolutionary events are so fabalized now.
They've just become so much a sort of movie scene in all of our minds.
And they really were very dangerous days.
You know, you were dealing with a really determined effort on part of the British to snuff this out.
and these marches on these small communities to find these munitions depots basically were somewhat
regular, but that was really what the British were up to as far as figuring out a way to stop
this before it starts.
Yeah, really since the fall of 74, you might say that the countryside was basically
on a war footing.
Towns were stocking up on munitions.
They were storing munitions.
Their militias were in regular training.
you know, we have this sort of mythologized notion of what happened at Lexington and Concord
is that the minute men showed up, right? And they were just ordinary farmers with no military
experience who showed up and fought for their liberties, right? But that really does them a grave
sort of disservice because, you know, they had spent months preparing a good number of the
militia had some experience in the seven years war as well, you know? And so that the countryside
had really been on this sort of war footing for months leading up to the events in April.
There was a whole intelligence network.
There were a whole, that's what was going on with the Sons of Liberty.
They were basically communicating to each other what was happening in the countryside
via their network.
Yeah.
And this leads to the big ride, which we're explaining wasn't necessarily any different
at the time than any of these other rides that he was doing.
It was just the fact that they were going to a nearby place.
And they had developed this militia response.
at this point out there in the countryside.
So that's going to lead to the skirmish that becomes so famous.
So the day is April 18th, 1775.
Let's walk through the steps, both in the fable and in reality.
And you tell me where the two overlap correctly.
The chronology is he's going to ride that night.
Why is it that night in particular?
Well, I mean, they had been on alarm for more than a week, really,
sort of expecting some kind of movement or incursion from the British. Boston is, like I said,
it's a small town. And the British army there is going to muster 700 troops and have to bring
them over to the mainland and prepare for a march. Those preparations are not going to go
and notice in the town. But not just because of Revere and his network of mechanics who are
constantly on the watch, but they're not the only ones. You know, most Boston wigs are
people who were even just, you know, sympathetic to the Whig cause also were constantly watching
what the British Army was doing. So it was really hard for them to do anything in secret.
And some movements to prepare for the eventual raid on Concord began about a week in advance.
And so there was, the alarm was already raised. And Revere made a previous ride out to Lexington
about a week before April 8th, right? So he rides out there thinking that, you know, that the
attack was imminent, but of course, it was still going to be about another week and a half.
Had they decided to fight back, and was this a strategic decision on their part, or was this
never meant to be more than a show of force? You mean by the militia. Yeah. Yeah, I mean,
it wasn't the plan necessarily to engage with the British Army, right? I mean, Captain Parker,
who leads the militia at Lexington famously orders his 60 militiamen on the green not to fire unless
fired upon. He says, don't molest the troops, let them pass by. Those orders are repeatedly
given throughout the whole early morning and day of the 19th. So it seems pretty clear that there
was no, there wasn't an intention on the part of the militia themselves to say start a war,
right? But also, it is the case, you know, that we'd had these number of alarms, the Portsmouth
alarm, the Salem alarm. So there was a heightened intensity on the part of the people in the
countryside and who were growing increasingly frustrated under the yoke of the coercive acts.
And so while they didn't go out there to start a war, they weren't going out there at that
point to necessarily to avoid one at all costs either. Right. Right. There's a great animosity
between what the British soldiers would call the country people of these towns and the regulars.
I mean, you know, there's so much animosity that had been built up over the previous seven years,
but then especially just in the previous, you know, six months to a year,
that it's really, in some sense, is sort of powder keg waiting to explode.
I'll be back with more American history after this short break.
It's another issue, but it's worth pointing out that Boston understood themselves to be very
autonomous place.
Absolutely.
They'd been allowed this status in the British Empire to do things as they wish to do.
And so all those taxes and all the acts inflicted upon them are a violation of that in their minds.
And so that's where a lot of this stuff boils up from and reveres one of those who resents them a great deal.
So it's fair to say that the ride is not an act of war.
It's not part of that decision and strategy at all.
No, I mean, the primary purpose of the ride is, you know, the intelligence,
that is received by Joseph Warren is that the mission that is about to occur is sort of twofold.
And one is the British Army had gotten word that John Hancock and Samuel Adams are hiding out in Lexington.
And so they were going to, part of the plan was to seize them.
And then the other part was to seize this large store of gunpowder that was supposedly in Concord.
Right?
So it's this sort of twofold mission.
Sure. Now we're at this big moment when two lanterns are involved in this. Revere has rode himself
across the Charleston Harbor. He's awaiting the signal, which will come from the steeple of the
North Bend Church, which is really tall in those days. You really would see it from the longest. It's the tallest. It's the tallest in the city. Yeah. And even today, if you go up there,
I have been there. It's quite a perspective over everything. It involves this man named Joseph Warren. How does he figure into this plan?
I mean, Warren was a prominent wig in Boston, well-known man in the community.
and really one of the key leaders of the Whig movement in Boston.
And Warren is the guy who a lot of the information that was gathered in the city by Revere and his mechanics and others,
he's the one who would typically get that kind of information and pass it along to the committees.
But in the case of April 18th, is that Warren gets information about the impending mission by the British and exactly what it's about.
And as long was a question of who was this informant that gave him this information.
And, you know, there seems to be some real circumstantial evidence, at least, that it was General Gage's wife that passed along the information about the impending mission.
She was a American colonist by birth.
She was from New Brunswick, New Jersey.
They had married in the late 1750s when he was in the colonies for the seven years of war.
She came from a really prominent family in New Jersey with ties to all of the most elite land-owning families in New York.
And she had a real sympathy for her fellow colonists, you know.
And he noted that she would often have a lot of sort of high talk about the liberty of her, what she called her fellow countrymen.
And part of the circumstantial evidence really is that, I mean, we have accounts from some British officers who strongly suspected her, who had been suspicious of her the whole time, really, but who strongly suspected her of passing along the information about the mission.
And then it turns out, you know, that a few days after the whole thing was over, he put her on a ship back to England.
He stayed on for about another year.
and then the reports are that they remained estranged during that time.
So there seems some real circumstantial evidence that she was involved.
Wow.
So Warren is not the man who hangs these lanterns.
The sexton of the church, Robert Newman, the vestryman John Pulling, I understand,
who hang those lanterns according to the intelligence that Warren has received.
Yeah.
At which point we really begin the ride.
Right.
What is the importance of William Dawes, though?
He's the other one is going by land, I suppose.
Yeah, he's the other, he is the other rider.
If we think about the significance of Dawes in retrospect, what he did was not really necessarily
as significant as what Revere did, because it kind of turns out that he was not quite
as good and alarmist as Paul Revere was.
And that part of that is that Revere was very practiced.
So as Revere is riding through the countryside, you know, he's going to the homes that he
of local leaders in those communities and sort of using these sort of local institutions to then
spread the word, whereas Dawes was not as informed or necessarily as diligent about that kind
of thing. And so most of the alarm that is spread between the two of them really comes from
Revere. Interesting. In the telling of this tale poetically, it's the British are coming,
the British are coming. Of course, that's not the case because he wouldn't be saying that
because he himself was a faithful Britishman at that point.
What was he doing as he wrote on?
I mean, he's warning people that the regulars are coming, right?
The regulars is the term for the British Army proper.
That's the term that they used for that.
And so if he was saying anything, he's saying, you know, the regulars are coming.
The regulars are on the march.
You know, the regulars are on the way to conquer it or, you know, some version of that.
But yeah, he certainly was still thought of themselves as British,
even as late as 1775.
But he doesn't complete the ride, does he?
No.
No.
I mean, he has some dicey moments on the ride.
At one point, he gets caught by a mounted patrol, you know.
So a gauge sends out this mounted patrol of about 20 riders, whose job it was to basically
keep a lookout ahead of the march and to cut off any riders.
I mean, Paul Revere was well known.
to the British and to the British leadership. But even British soldiers knew his name. That's how
prominent he was in the local revolutionary movement. And they knew well that he was the one who had
rode to Portsmouth ahead of the alarm there. So he was well known. So these mounted riders
are very much sort of on the lookout for him, you know, specifically. At some point he gets out to
to Lexington and warns Hancock and Adams that basically, you know, you have to get out of here.
They're holed up at the Clark House, which is near the green, and he tells them what's happening.
Hancock kind of fancies himself a soldier and is sort of spoiling for a fight, but Adams eventually
convinces him that they have to leave. So after that, Revere ends up meeting up with Dawes,
who makes his way to Lexington. Yes. And they, along with a local rider that they met up with,
named Samuel Prescott, are picked up by this mounted patrol. And, you know, when they,
this is sort of like right outside of Lincoln. And when they're picked up and the mounted
patrol asks him, you know, what is your name? He just tells them, you know, Paul Revere.
Like, he's not trying to hide it. And they're kind of taken aback, like, you know, one, that they
have the Paul Revere, but also that he would, you know, be so bold as to just reveal himself.
But they asked him what he was doing, and he told them.
It gets intense.
They hold a pistol to his head.
Yeah, yeah.
And, you know, he's telling them, the thing that's so interesting about it, too, is that
about the interactions between them is that the mounted riders, and certainly the most of the
regulars who ended up on the march to Lexington and Concord really had no idea what the
actual mission was.
Yeah.
Gage was, you know, sort of big on secrecy.
in that way. And so only a few officers really knew the soldiers on the march to Lexington
weren't told what the objective was until they were a few miles outside of Lexington and
were already hearing gunfire. But so these mounted men did not really know the full extent of
the mission. And Revere is sort of relating to them in telling them what he's doing. He's relating
to them the mission. And they're getting unnerved by the fact that he knows more about the mission
than they do. It's a really unnerving moment for them. They end up letting him go. Yeah, they carry
them back towards Lexington. And then as the alarms are going off all around them and they can see
on the hillsides that militiamen are mustering, they decide that they're not going to be slowed down
because they need to ride back to the actual column and warn them. And so they basically just cut his saddle
and his reigns and took his horse, so he was basically out of commission.
Much of this is known because of Revere's own description. He wrote his own account of this,
but not until 1798. And he does it to someone named Jeremy Belknock. And that's important to note
that Revere wasn't into this. He becomes famous despite himself. You know, he's not trying for
this celebrity. It's really the poem that shapes this whole thing as a bigger part of the story than it
really was. But it's worth talking about because it has a very interesting side to it itself.
The poet that we're talking about is Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, who was a, you know, a major
writer in those days, and we're talking with the 1860s at this point, 1850s, 1860s,
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, can you describe this guy? He'd written big poems. He was one of these
epic poem writers. Yeah, and, you know, and poems about American history. You know, Longfellow's
family went back to the Revolutionary War. His grandfather was a cat. And, you know, and, you know, and
in the Continental Army and actually had commanded Revere in one unit during some stretch
that's Paley Gadsworth.
And then he eventually served in Congress, you know, in the 1790s.
So his family's history, and in fact, his aunt, Eliza Wadsworth, I talk about this in the
book.
It actually opens the book.
But, you know, she was, I tell the story where she was so moved by the death of George
Washington in 1799 that she asks her father who's in Congress in Philadelphia if he
could get some kind of memento of George Washington. And so her father sends the letter to Martha
Washington, who then responds by including a lock of Washington's hair. Wow. So his aunt had this
lock of hair, and she died just a few years later. And so it passed to her sister, who was
a Longfellow's mother. And so it eventually comes to his possession. So he has this, he has
many connections to the revolution, you know, just through his sort of his family history.
It reminds me to make that part of my will. Those locks of hair are very important.
I forget about that all the time. He lived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, of course, and in the house
that George Washington used as headquarters in the Revolutionary Wars at a time, he is a major abolitionist.
Yeah. He's living the life of these Bostonians in the antebellum years coming up to the Civil War.
Yeah, he's really part of the sort of first generation or so in which Americans could actually be professional writers.
There's no real professional writers in the 18th century.
Most of the prominent writers, you know, they did other things.
Jeremy Belknap, who you mentioned was a well-known historian who founded the Massachusetts Historical Society, but his day job was as a clergyman.
So that was common.
But so he's part of that first generation of professional writers.
And like you mentioned, he had a long, a long history of not just being sympathetic
with the cause of abolitionism and of freedom for African Americans, but supporting those causes.
So his sort of, you know, his journals and his account books are full of these entries of him
making, you know, not large, but pretty regular small donations to all.
kinds of, you know, groups related to abolitionism, to the underground railroad. So he was a huge
supporter of that movement. I'll be back with more American history after this short break.
He had a friend go up to the bell tower of the old North church where the lanterns were
lit. And that was part of the inspiration for this desire to write the poem. Yeah. Yeah. I mean,
you know, it's an early example of the effect that visiting historical sites can have on people.
right? I mean, there's a reason that, you know, millions of people go to Mount Vernon or Monticello or the Boston Freedom Trail or Independence Hall every year, you know, and most of those sites, even by 1860, were not yet sort of historical tourist sites, but he's having, you know, a kind of moment like that, you know, it's so extraordinary. You must feel as a historian, you know, the days before history was really packaged and told, you know, on any kind of routine basis.
It's such an interesting time. It's such a wiggly time, really, how these stories are going to be remembered.
Yeah, absolutely. Absolutely. I mean, that's the core of my book, you know, really, is the many ways that Americans, you know, thought differently about the American Revolution, both over time and conflicts that they've had, you know, constantly over the meaning and the legacy of the revolution.
Historical memory is a term I learned not too long ago, which is fascinating part of this.
John Brown's raid on Harper's Very figures in the timing of this poem being written.
First, let's very briefly explain the raid on Harper's Ferry.
John Brown was a very radical abolitionist.
He would have known Longfellow, I suppose.
And he takes a measure, he takes a step in the process of, you know, he wants to create a war.
And it's a bridge too far for most people like Longfellow.
Yeah.
Brown was, I mean, among the most radical of the abolitionists, you know, and not just
ideologically, but in terms of action, you know, he's at the heart of, you know, everything
that's going on in bleeding Kansas, you know, in the late 1850s. And, and, you know, there are
quotes of him, you know, when he was taking these pro-slavery people who had moved in to
Kansas and when he was taking them prisoner and sort of lecturing them about, you know,
how they were betraying the principles of the revolution, right, and of the Declaration of Independence.
And, you know, that's one of the sort of famous quotes about Brown is, you know, Emerson says that he's a man
who believes in two things, the golden rule and the Declaration of Independence.
Right, exactly.
Well, that's a really interesting side of this and speaks to the historical memory aspect of this
whole discussion.
You have the South embracing the revolution as their own, you know, as sort of the origins
of their own revolution against the North, whereas the North is embracing it as that declaration,
all men are created equal, all that. So it's really all of the discussion prior to the civil war
and during it, is rooted in this idea of the American Revolution.
Yeah, part of what's happening, as I write about this in the book, is that, you know,
that we think of the declaration, that the modern sort of memory of the declaration as being
about liberty and equality really only emerges in the 1830.
Before that, it's a document that symbolizes independence and union of the states, right?
But it's really only in the 1830s with the abolitionist movement who basically redefined
the Declaration by the preamble, right?
And this idea of these ideas of liberty and equality.
And over the course of the 30s, the 40s, the 50s, the Declaration becomes so identified
with abolitionism that Southerners start to reject it.
They say that the phrase, all men are created equal, was just a rhetorical flourish.
And one newspaper writer said that in the hands of the abolitionist, the declaration had become a very seditious instrument.
For the Southerners, the Constitution is the real document of the American Revolution, right?
Because that's the document, one, that's the structure of government and all of that, but also it's the document that is protecting slavery.
Right? And so I sort of characterized it by saying that, you know, the anti-slavery people
hoped that the declaration would save the nation from slavery, while the pro-slavery people,
you know, hope that the Constitution would save the nation from the declaration.
Interesting.
You know, so they're really fighting over which of these two founding documents, very different
founding documents, which one is the document that defines the revolution?
Does Longfellow's poem have the effect that he intended?
Does it catch on?
I mean, it does catch on, that's for sure.
I don't know if it's not, see, there's a way of thinking about this poem in its relationship,
and we started talking about that to Harper's Ferry.
And Harper's Ferry is the raid that John Brown does in 1859 on this armory, this federal armory in Virginia.
His plan was he was going to seize the armory, take all the guns and the ammunition,
and then they were going to go out into the countryside of Virginia and distribute them to
enslave persons.
And obviously he's warned against this rather crazy act by almost everyone, including Frederick
Douglas.
But he ends up doing it, and he is taken prisoner at the armory, put on trial in quite
short order, and executed.
But the John Brown raid really sent shock weight.
throughout the country.
Sure.
Right.
It was the worst nightmare
of Southerners.
Southerners were constantly
saying that these abolitionists,
they're going to come and try
to emancipate our slaves,
and this would seem to be
like their worst nightmare coming true.
And so it was this really massively
significant event throughout the country.
Right.
So the poem,
not unlike a hit song,
gets the idea of the revolution
out into the zeitgeist
at a time when someone
like a Longfellow
would think it was appropriate.
You know, we need to think back to where we come from in the middle of this Civil War tension that's happening or this oncoming tension that's happening.
Yeah.
Does he see a parallel exactly between John Brown and Bolander?
Yeah.
You know, it's the case has been made.
And I think it's fairly strong, you know, that the poem itself really is a sort of allegory.
It's published in late 1860 in the Atlantic monthly.
Already a seditious periodical.
Yeah, yeah. When I say it's an allegory, he is sort of implicitly, not explicitly, because Brown
obviously is never mentioned in the poem, right? But there is a sense of this major event that
had just happened that Brown was in some sense playing a similar role to that of Paul Revere,
which is basically sending this warning out. But at the same time, not just warning people,
but having that warning serve as a call to action.
I see.
Right.
Like, that's what Revere, Revere's not just, you know, on his right, he's not just out saying,
oh, you know, the regulars are coming.
The regulars are coming.
There is a whole, you know, there was a whole infrastructure that had been built that was ready
for that moment that was then put into action.
And in some sense, you know, he saw Brown at Brown's raid on Harper's Berry in a very similar
sense as this needs to rouse, you know, the American people to action.
Sure.
Just like Brown had hoped.
It's the tinder of the fire that's about.
to explode in this nation. And in the same way, Revere had that effect on the Boston world.
Yeah. Getting all that started as well. What do you think is the legacy of this poem and really
of Revere's ride in general? Yeah, it's really only after the poem that Paul Revere's sort of
becomes a part of the broadest national memory of the revolution. He's pretty well remembered
in New England, in Massachusetts, in the, you know, the early mid-19.
century, but it's really the poem that sort of takes his reputation national, in a sense,
you know, if you want to put it that way. And the poem, it's arguable about whether it had
the effect that Longfellow intended, it was this sort of, you know, if we think about it in
these terms as an allegory for Brown's raid and for this crucial moment for anti-slavery Americans
in 1860, it is sort of radical in that vein. If you think about it. If you think about it,
in that vein, it is this sort of radical poem.
And it had a similar fate, I think, in some sense, to the Gettysburg Address, which also is,
you know, a kind of radical statement in that, you know, Lincoln, who is not a rabid abolitionist,
but who redefines not just the founding, but the civil war as being about these two ideas
from the Declaration of Independence as liberty and equality.
But then what happens to, in some sense, to both of those poems, is that the radicality
of them gets lost in the translation over time.
Like we talked about earlier, both of them become a sort of catechism for American public
school children, right?
And they have to learn and memorize the poems.
And they come to sort of lose their inherent radicalness, you know, as they come to be
part of this schoolhouse liturgy.
This is a big theme.
And we can end on this question, really.
the sense of America as looking backward.
You know, the embrace that we are constantly doing
of the revolution especially is in question.
You know, I mean, certainly this year coming up,
250 is coming.
It's a big deal that we embrace 250.
But there are those among us who say,
that's the wrong way that America should look.
It should be looking forward.
It was invented as a country that should be radical
and should be moving ahead
instead of always embracing its past.
Yeah.
I think that this, I mean, speaking of Paul Revere, the famous poem, seems appropriate in this
context.
Yeah, in a lot of ways, that sort of dynamic, that conflict between two ways of thinking about
the relationship between the past and the present.
Kind of goes back to the abolitionists.
I mean, if you think about Frederick Douglass's famous speech from July 5th, 1852, when he talks
about the memory of the revolution, he's castigating northerners who are celebrating July
forth, but they're not doing anything to further realize the principles of liberty and equality,
right? And so in his mind and in abolitionist's mind, that's how you honor the memory of the
revolution is by working towards more fully realizing those founding principles. And then on the other
hand, you know, the sort of more conservative end of the political spectrum, you know, the idea
has been that you honor their past in a very sort of celebratory and rather non-critical manner,
right? And that really hardens in the very early 20th century, which I talk about in the book.
And then, you know, that really defines, you know, the broad structure of our conflicts over the
memory of the revolution basically ever since, right? And we saw conflicts over that during the
bicentennial, and we'll see conflicts over that, those two approaches in the 250.
Michael Haddam is at Yale University and the author of an important book on this subject,
certainly as we face these coming years.
The Memory of 76, The Revolution in American History, published by Yale University, 2004.
Thank you so much, Michael.
This is so interesting.
Thank you for having me, Don.
Hey, thanks for listening to American History Hit.
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