American History Tellers - Philippine-American War | A Howling Wilderness | 3

Episode Date: December 22, 2021

In March 1901, American forces launched a daring raid to capture the Filipino revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo. Head of U.S. Philippine forces, General Arthur MacArthur, hoped that his surrender would finally break the resistance and bring the war to an end.But fighting soon expanded to remote areas of the country. Frustrated with the stubborn resistance, America’s military leaders turned to increasingly harsher measures to crush the enemy. But accounts of atrocities by U.S. soldiers soon filled newspapers at home, reigniting public debate about the war, prompting court martials, and sparking a Congressional hearing into the abuses.Listen to new episodes 1 week early and to all episodes ad free with Wondery+. Join Wondery+ for exclusives, binges, early access, and ad free listening. Available in the Wondery App. https://wondery.app.link/historytellersSupport us by supporting our sponsors!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Wondery Plus subscribers can binge new seasons of American History Tellers early and ad-free right now. Join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Imagine it's March 23rd, 1901. You're a U.S. Army colonel trekking up a steep trail high in the Philippine mountains. Last month, you captured and interrogated an enemy courier who revealed the location of the Filipino rebel leader, Emilio Aguinaldo. That discovery started this secret mission to find and capture the elusive Aguinaldo in his hideout. But instead of charging up the hill or sneaking up on the headquarters stealthily, Halt! the ruse is enough to get you past Aguinaldo's guards without violence.

You blink through the rain to see a group of Filipino men with rifles standing before you. If the intelligence you got from the courier is right, they must be members of Aguinaldo's honor guard. Your guide, a Spanish mercenary, steps forward and exchanges a few words with them. You can't hear what they're saying over the patter of the rain, so you wait nervously, hoping the guards will buy the story. Then one of the guards breaks away and walks over to you. He studies your bound hands and tattered uniform carefully. Who are you? I'm an officer in the American Army.

I was captured along with four of my men. We've been walking for days. Where were you captured? Down in Kasagoran. These fighters stormed our camp. They surprised us. Kasiguran? I haven't heard of that battle. Your mind races. You try to decide a different tactic. Look, all I know is they wanted our supplies. They took everything.

At this, the guard's eyes narrow. What supplies? There. That's all the weapons and ammunition we had with us. You point to a half-dozen boxes that your Filipino soldiers are hauling up the trail. You know that Aguinaldo is in desperate need of supplies, and you hope these spoils of war will convince the guard to let you through. But he turns to you menacingly. And how come you're still alive?

Damned if I know. But one of your men said something about a prize for the president. He turns and walks back to the Spanish mercenary, who shows him a piece of paper. It's one of the forged documents you made for this operation, a message with a fake signature from one of Aguinaldo's generals explaining your capture. Soon, the guard and the mercenary are in a heated exchange. Your wrists are burning, and you're drenched by rain. Suddenly, the guard turns the mercenary are in a heated exchange. Your wrists are burning, and you're drenched by rain. Suddenly, the guard turns and walks back to you, but he's wearing a grin.

Your escorts will take you the rest of the way. You and your weapons will make a memorable birthday gift for the president. Then he calls out to the rest of the men. Abate! Go ahead. Your column lurches forward, and you breathe a sigh of relief. The guard mentioned Aguinaldo, so your intelligence is right. Your heart races, knowing that you're one step closer to capturing him and finally ending this terrible war.

But as you climb the trail deeper into Aguinaldo's territory, you still wonder whether this will be a victory or a suicide mission. Now streaming. Welcome to Buy It Now, where aspiring entrepreneurs get 90 seconds to pitch to an audience of potential customers. If the audience liked the product, pitch them in front of our panel of experts. Gwyneth Paltrow. Anthony Anderson. Tabitha Brown. Tony Hawk. Oh, my God.

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From the War of 1812 to Watergate Available now wherever you get your books. From Wondery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers. Our history, your story. In March 1901, American forces launched a daring raid to capture the Filipino revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo. Americans hoped that his surrender would finally break the resistance and bring the war to an end. But fighting soon expanded to the remote areas of the country. In the large island chain of the Visayas, south of Manila, guerrilla fighters continued to challenge U.S. authority and ambush American outposts. Frustrated with the stubborn resistance,

America's military leaders resorted to brutal measures to crush the enemy. But accounts of atrocities by U.S. soldiers soon filled newspapers at home, reigniting public debate about the war and prompting a congressional hearing into the abuses. Then, a sudden attack on President William McKinley would remake American leadership at the highest level and send the war in the Philippines hurtling toward a bitter conclusion. This is Episode 3, A Howling Wilderness. In early 1901, the head of U.S. forces in the Philippines, General Arthur MacArthur, expanded his harsh military strategy to the countryside, targeting the remaining guerrilla resistance and anyone suspected of supporting it. Filipino rebel leaders were hunted down and captured or killed.

Villagers suspecting of aiding them were arrested or executed. The new policy tore apart rural communities and weakened Filipino morale. MacArthur felt his predecessors had spent too much time trying to persuade Filipinos to accept American authority. Clearly, a firmer hand was needed, and he gave his officers wide latitude. On the main Philippine island of Luzon, north of the capital of Manila, MacArthur's local commander forced farmers into American-controlled towns and seized their rice harvest, causing hunger and desperation among rural villagers. But it also forced the surrender of some 20,000 guerrilla fighters, including the head rebel commander for the region. MacArthur was confident that his new strategy was turning the tide of the war. He cabled Washington that troops were

more active than at any other time since November 99, and that the results were satisfactory and encouraging. He was rewarded with a promotion to Major General. But MacArthur also knew that if he was going to bring the war to a close, he still needed the support of Filipinos. So he launched a new political group called the Federal Party, aimed at drawing in Filipino elites to the American side with the promise of influential roles in any future civilian government. And soon, Filipinos from wealthy, well-connected families in Manila began to join. But to MacArthur's frustration, others still stubbornly refused, including Apolinario Mabini, the revolution's early strategist. After spending nearly a year in jail, Mabini was now a free man and had resumed his fiery writings in the local press.

Despite constant harassment from the authorities, he openly rejected the federal party and any collaboration with the Americans. So, in January 1901, Major General MacArthur gave Mabini a final choice. Swear an oath to the United States and recognize its authority in the Philippines or face exile. Mabini refused and was shipped off to Guam, along with a handful of other Filipino leaders. As he departed his homeland for the first time in his life, he wrote, I hope the Americans will understand that Filipinos may be vanquished now and again, but as long as they are denied every kind of right, there will not be lasting peace. MacArthur had silenced Mabini, but the most visible symbol of Filipino resistance,

Emilio Aguinaldo, was still at large. There were rumors that the president of the revolutionary government was hiding out in the south of the country, ready to launch an invasion of Manila. Other rumors said he had slipped back to Hong Kong in order to rally international support for the Filipino cause. MacArthur realized that as long as Aguinaldo was free, the war would continue. He gave Filipinos hope, no matter how desperate their situation had become. Then in February 1901, one of MacArthur's units stumbled on a breakthrough. Forces under Colonel Frederick Funston captured one of Aguinaldo's couriers. Through the courier's encrypted messages, Funston learned that Aguinaldo was hiding out

deep in the mountains in the northeast of the country and short on troops and critical supplies. Fonston came up with a plan. He would take a small unit north into the mountains to capture Aguinaldo. To do this, he would bring with him Filipinos who had defected to the American side but dress them in rebel uniforms. He would then pretend that he was their prisoner. MacArthur called it a desperate undertaking, but signed off anyway, knowing Aguinaldo had to be caught. Before Funston's departure, the general told him, I fear I shall never see you again. On March 13, 1901, a Navy gunboat brought Funston and his crew to the eastern coast of Luzon and dropped them 100 miles from Aguinaldo's camp.

The heavy rain started right away, and they struggled to climb the steep, muddy paths. But as they drew closer to Aguinaldo's stronghold, they benefited from a stroke of luck. March 22nd was the rebel leader's birthday, and some of Aguinaldo's supporters were trekking to the camp to pay their respects. The visitors provided some cover. And because of the celebration, security was lax. When Funston's party neared the camp, they sent ahead a small group who pretended to be allies

and gained access to Aguinaldo's private quarters. While Funston and the rest of his team approached, the advance party engaged in nervous banter with the president. Hearing that Filipino soldiers were arriving in camp, Aguinaldo believed the reinforcements he had requested were finally arriving, and his mood brightened. Then, when he heard gunfire outside, he thought his men were firing in celebration

and rushed to his window to order them to stop wasting ammunition. By the time Aguinaldo realized what was actually happening, Funston's men had killed two of his guards and had him and his remaining entourage at gunpoint. News of Aguinaldo's capture hit Manila like lightning. Funston's operation was not just a military blow to the Filipino resistance, it was a huge symbolic win for America. MacArthur knew the political value of his new prisoner, too,

and wasted no time putting Aguinaldo in a spacious home near the governmental palace. He was banking on Aguinaldo's cooperation, but it was far from certain whether he would get it. Imagine it's March 30, 1901. You're a maid for a rich American family in Manila. Tonight you're busy dashing from the front salon where a dozen military guests chat with wealthy Filipinos to a sitting room at the back of the house. All the other house staff were sent away two days ago, and that's when the Americans

brought their special guest here. At least that's what they call him. You cross a narrow hallway where two armed guards stand on either side of a door, they nod and let you pass. You enter a large room balancing a tray on your hands. Good evening, Paul. You address the guest with a traditional term of respect as you carefully put a steaming bowl of ox stew and a mug of chocolate on the table. From his armchair, leaning forward to breathe in the aroma, is the president of the Filipino revolution, Emilio Aguinaldo.

Thank you. Is there anything else I can get for you, Paul? Actually, yes. I need some paper and a pen. Of course. Before you go. He motions for you to take a seat in the chair by the door, but you remain standing. Are they still out there? Yes. All the guests are still here.

Dessert will be served soon. I'm still getting used to all this. You know, there were times when my soldiers and I could not eat for days. You say nothing, but he seems eager to keep the conversation going. He looks worn and tired, and you get a sense that he's lonely. Where's your family from? Marinduque. Ah. The fighting there is very

bad. Yes, Paul, it is. I came here before it started, when I was just 15. Now I send all my wages home whenever I can. My family's farm was destroyed by the Americans. The fighting there is getting worse and worse. Tell me, what is it like here in Manila? So much has changed. You're not sure how to respond. You don't want to disrespect the leader of the revolution, but you don't want to get in trouble with your bosses for talking to him this much. You gesture vaguely behind you, where American military leaders and Filipino businessmen are conversing in the salon down the hall. You can go and see for yourself.

Yes, I suppose I can. They did let me out earlier to speak with them. The Filipinos, I mean. They support the Americans. They say it's our only path to independence. What do you think? You gaze at the general. You've been wondering since he arrived two days ago why he was brought here,

why the American family you work for would keep him in this nice house and treat him with such respect. But now you're starting to understand. Well, I think that whoever helps the Americans may live well for now, but most of us will keep suffering. There's a long pause as the leader of the revolution stares at his bowl of oxtu, considering your words. But then, without looking at you, he changes the subject. Will you bring me that pen and paper now?

I have some letters to write. You nod and leave the room. You know now that he is considering laying down arms. That's what all the other guests have been talking about. What you didn't tell him is that your own brother is fighting with the guerrillas. Of course, your boss has no idea. No one in Manila does. But no matter what the general does or says, you're sure of one thing.

Your brother, and others like him, will never give up the fight. After his capture, Aguinaldo was held in a comfortable house near General MacArthur's headquarters in Manila. MacArthur allowed him to meet with Americans and influential Filipinos in Manila, and to be reunited with his family. He treated Aguinaldo with respect, but urged him to face defeat. Later, Aguinaldo would describe the period with bitterness. My capture, together with the treachery and betrayal that accompanied it, left me deeply angered, then distressed, then almost completely numbed. I was overwhelmed by a feeling of disgust and despair. Aguinaldo's generals were also despairing, devastated by his capture. For the first time, many questioned how

they should proceed. Revolutionary allies in Hong Kong wondered, We find ourselves without a chief and without several of our old comrades. We who remain, shall we continue the struggle? Can we continue it? It took less than a month for Aguinaldo to make up his mind. On April 19th, he called for immediate peace, directly addressing the Filipino people. The complete termination of hostilities and a lasting peace are not only desirable, but absolutely essential to the welfare of the Philippines.

By acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United States, I believe that I am serving thee, my beloved country. Aguinaldo hoped that by surrendering, he could spare more Filipinos from dying on the battlefield. He also hoped that his cooperation would help him and his allies claim key positions in the American-led government. MacArthur and his staff celebrated Aguinaldo's capture as their final victory over the Filipino rebels. In a carefully orchestrated ceremony timed for July 4, 1901, MacArthur formally handed over authority to an American-appointed civil governor. The military would stay on in the Philippines, but now it would play a secondary role. The new focus would be building a civilian government. But despite everyone's hope,

peace failed to come. It turned out that MacArthur had made a crucial miscalculation. Though Aguinaldo held the title of President of the Revolutionary Government, his influence on the ground was actually limited, made even weaker by his months hiding out in the mountains. His revolutionary government never had control of most of the country. So Aguinaldo's surrender and his calls for an end to the conflict did not stop the war. Richard Bandler revolutionized the world of self-help all thanks to an approach he developed called neurolinguistic programming. Even though NLP worked for some, its methods have been criticized for being dangerous in the wrong hands. Throw in Richard's dark past as a cocaine addict and murder suspect, and you can't help but wonder what his true intentions were.

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in The Best Idea Yet, a brand new podcast from Wondery and T-Boys. This is Nick. This is Jack. And we've covered over a thousand episodes of pop business news stories on our daily podcast. We've identified the most viral products of all time. And they're wild origin stories that you had no idea about. From the Levi's 501 jeans to Legos.

Come for the products you're obsessed with. Stay for the business insights that are going to blow up your group chat. Jack, Nintendo, Super Mario Brothers, best-selling video game of all time. How'd they do it? Nintendo never fires anyone, ever. Follow The Best Idea Yet on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to The Best Idea Yet early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus. After Emilio Aguinaldo surrendered, he appealed to the other guerrilla leaders to join him,

promising them key positions in a new colonial-style government. Some of his former allies heeded his call and laid down their arms, But most refused. Aguinaldo's fear of influence had always been concentrated around Manila, especially his home region of Cavite. But the Philippine archipelago contained thousands of islands, filled with steep mountains and dense jungles, and separated by treacherous straits. On the most distant islands, long-standing alliances among prominent families, land-holding elites, and tribal chiefs held the real power. When war broke out with America, most places charted their own path, choosing resistance or collaboration in varying degrees. They rarely coordinated with each other,

and even less with Aguinaldo's revolutionary government. Some of the fiercest resistance to U.S. rule was on the island of Panay, 400 miles south of Manila in the country's Central Island Group. Panay was home to the busy port city of Iloilo, where merchants traded sugar, rice, and hemp. When American forces took control of Manila, they'd also tried to invade Iloilo, but failed. Filipino business leaders on Panay had even declared their own regional autonomy separate from both Aguinaldo's revolutionary government and the Americans. So to many of the Filipino fighters on the ground there, Aguinaldo's surrender meant little. But by the summer of 1901, the grinding guerrilla warfare had taken its toll on the fighters and the local population.

American forces had finally taken control of the port and blocked food from entering, which put more pressure on the local resistance. Slowly, the guerrilla forces began surrendering. But both in the city and the surrounding countryside, others still held out. Imagine it's a dark, moonless night in July 1901. You're a local guerrilla leader on the island of Panay. You've been hiding out in the mountains, but tonight you're on a secret trip into the city of Iloilo to meet with a prominent city council member. He claims his people have seized a shipment meant for the Americans that he wants to give to your forces instead. You cross a dark street. As a woman, it's easier for you to

slip by the guards in the city, but your reputation is growing, so you still need to be careful. You reach down to check the pistol concealed at your hip. You find the council member waiting for you in the basement of a local rice shop, as planned. Your time in the mountains has trained you to be silent, and you startle him when you speak. Good evening. Oh, it's you. Thank God. He squints in the darkness to make out your face. You squint back, trying to read his expression. The American blockade has pressured many local politicians into collaborating against the rebels, so you're not sure he can be trusted. But he's been a good ally in the past, and your ailing fighters desperately need the food and medicine he claims to have. Did anyone see you come in?

No. But the city is crawling with American soldiers. So let's be quick. Where's the shipment? We'll get to that. But first, I have important news. The Americans have approached the city council with a promise to hold elections. They'll give us a chance to have power in the new government, to shape the future of our country. Now you're really suspicious of his motives. You've already heard the talk of elections and dismissed it as American propaganda. If you believe the promises from the Americans now, you're a fool.

Look at what they've done to our island. Our homes are burned. Our crops destroyed. You really think they'll let you run whatever's left of this city if we just, what, surrender? Look around you. People are starving. Most of our fighters in the hills have been captured. You're all that's left. And they won't hold elections until there is no more fighting. Until you give up your arms. Now you can see what's going on here. This whole thing was a setup. You glance at the door you entered, then at a narrow staircase that runs up to the shop, trying to determine your best escape route. There are no supplies, are there? That was just to lure me here. I can give you some anti-malarial medicine.

But only if you tell your comrades out there to stop their attacks. We may never get another opportunity like this. No. We'll never give up. Our only way forward is to fight for our freedom. And win it on our own terms. It's too bad. We both want the same thing. is to fight for our freedom and win it on our own terms. It's too bad. We both want the same thing.

I had hoped you would come to your senses. Suddenly, two men rush down the stairs toward you. It's an ambush. You kick over a table to block their path then lunge for the door. Outside the shop, you slip into the shadows and follow a deserted side street out of town, back to the mountains. You know you're lucky to live to fight another day.

But now, without the support of city counselors, the odds are more stacked against you than ever. You wonder how much longer your shrinking band of guerrilla fighters can hold out. Theresa Mabbanua was a fearsome guerrilla leader on the island of Panay. Before the war broke out, she had been a teacher and a farmer, but she learned to shoot and ride a horse in order to join her brothers in the revolutionary forces. At first, local military commanders and even her own husband opposed her fighting alongside

the men, but she persisted and soon proved her bravery in multiple battles across the island. When she and other guerrillas drove the Americans out of Panay in 1899, she led fighters on a tall, white horse, striking an indelible image for the resistance. But by the spring of 1901, her forces were under siege. Local Filipino business leaders broke with Magbanua and the remaining guerrillas and began to collaborate with the Americans. Magbanua at first refused to surrender and continued to fight in the hills. But eventually, she and other Panay rebels laid down their arms. But elsewhere, other pockets of resistance remained. Though the U.S. now had more of the

Philippines under its control than ever before, the remaining Filipino fighters were backed into remote areas which were harder to drive out. And while these rebels remained elusive and fighting, it was civilians that bore the brunt of American advances. MacArthur's tougher new policies had driven many Filipinos out of their farms and villages. Tens of thousands of civilians now crowded into makeshift refugee camps, often under military guard. Local American commanders struggled both to fight the ongoing resistance and maintain order in the crowded camps. Many feared that the Filipino civilians under their guard were still aiding guerrillas or just biding their time to rise up again. One overwhelmed commander wrote back to headquarters in Manila, complaining that nearly half his troops suffered from nervousness due to the constant strain. American field commanders and their troops

remained confused about their objectives and how much force they should use to maintain order and root out insurgents. Officially, U.S. military conduct was guided by a policy known as General Orders 100. Created during the Civil War, it stated that American soldiers had to treat civilians and prisoners of war with justice and humanity, and it imposed limitations on the military's use of force against civilian targets. But when General MacArthur shifted his strategy towards harsher measures, he invoked an important caveat to General Orders 100. It said that for the United States to honor its own policy, the enemy had to follow the same code of conduct. In MacArthur's view, Filipino fighters violated this conduct.

Their guerrilla tactics and lack of proper uniforms put them outside the rules of war. And by aiding and abetting the guerrillas, civilians made themselves fair game too. President McKinley's War Department agreed that MacArthur's tougher measures still met the standards of General Orders 100. But the new, more brutal strategies left many of the details in the hands of local commanders who now had to decide where to draw the line between civilians and combatants or between interrogation and torture. The decisions they made in the field opened up a new deadly phase of the war. But the crisis in the Philippines was about to be met by one at home. On September 6, 1901, President William McKinley headed north

to Buffalo, New York, to speak at the Pan-American Exposition. While standing in a crowd shaking hands with admirers and well-wishers, an assassin leapt forward and shot him twice in the chest. At first, aides thought that the president would recover, but his condition soon deteriorated, and his staff sent increasingly urgent messages to his vice president, Theodore Roosevelt, who was vacationing in the Adirondacks. The final telegram sent was dire. Lose no time coming.

Roosevelt rushed by horse and train to reach Buffalo just after McKinley died on September 14th. There, he was quickly sworn in as president. Roosevelt was only 42 years old, a popular war hero and full of ambition. But he had plenty of critics, including some of McKinley's advisors, who were worried about Roosevelt's ambitious agenda of American economic and military expansion. Upon becoming president, Roosevelt's first task of American economic and military expansion. Upon becoming president, Roosevelt's first task was to respond to the troubling reports from the Philippines. Graphic accounts of American war atrocities were growing, especially on an island called Samar. There, American forces had escalated their tactics by rounding up and imprisoning entire villages, torching crops, and killing livestock. And far from

discouraging rebels, such vicious tactics only inspired them to respond with even greater violence themselves. Violence that would culminate in a massacre. Dracula, the ancient vampire who terrorizes Victorian London. Blood and garlic, bats and crucifixes. Even if you haven't read the book, you think you know the story. One of the incredible things about Dracula is that not only is it this wonderful snapshot of the 19th century, but it also has so much resonance today. The vampire doesn't cast a reflection in a mirror. So when we look in the

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To recognize Ghost Story being chosen as the first series essential, Wondery has made it ad-free for a limited time, only on Apple Podcasts. If you haven't listened yet, head over to Apple Podcasts to hear for yourself. On September 28th, Filipino fighters on the island of Samar ambushed and killed nearly 50 American soldiers and captured 25,000 rounds of ammunition. It was the worst defeat for the U.S. in the entire war and became known as the Massacre of Balangiga after the town where it took place. The U.S. response, led by Brigadier General Jacob Smith, was swift and merciless. The 61-year-old Civil War veteran had a loud, foul-mouthed leadership style that earned him the nickname Hell-Roaring Jake. Scandal dogged his career. He had profited from Civil War black markets, lied under oath, and failed to pay personal debts.

He was court-martialed in 1885, only to be saved by then-President Grover Cleveland, who let him off with a presidential reprimand. But Smith found renewed glory in the Philippines during the early months of the war. After the massacre of Balangiga, he was assigned to lead the American response and launch a vicious campaign of revenge. Smith's forces swept across Samar, burning entire villages, destroying crops, and killing every rebel they encountered, real or suspected. Many civilians were caught in the attacks, and the results were so disturbing, an American journalist accompanying

the troops broke from the typical glowing versions of the events to write, they have tried rough tactics by destroying and killing everything in sight. Soon, more accounts found their way back to U.S. newspapers, horrifying the public. The Washington Post called it a campaign of extermination and destruction. President Roosevelt worried that the stories of Smith and his forces in Samar would tarnish the entire war effort. He ordered the military to identify and punish the worst atrocities that had occurred on Smith's watch. Soon, officials in Manila found their case. A Marine major named Littleton Tony Waller had abandoned some of his own men on a disastrous trek through the jungles in Samar. Ten Marines either died of starvation or were lost as the trails were washed out by monsoon flooding.

Afterwards, Waller blamed his Filipino porters for the fiasco and ordered 11 of them to be executed. Military leaders hoped that if they could make an example of Major Waller, they could tamp down the public outcry over the many other atrocities in Samar. But the trial would lead to new revelations, pointing the blame higher up in the chain of command. Imagine it's the morning of April 8, 1902. You're a naval commander serving on the defense team of Marine Major Tony Waller,

the first officer court-martialed for the killings of unarmed Filipinos in Samar. You're sitting in a barracks in Manila that's been turned into a makeshift courtroom. The ceiling fan whirs overhead, but the air is still stifling. Across from you, a panel of 13 military officers sit behind a wooden table. Most are old veterans like yourself, career men with high ranks, and it'll be they who decide the outcome of this trial. Yesterday, Waller's superior, General Jacob Smith, testified against him, denying he had ever authorized Waller to execute civilians. Today, you have a last-ditch strategy to save the Major from conviction. You glance down at your notes as Waller takes his seat on the witness stand.

Major Waller, you're accused of murdering prisoners of war. Do you deny it? No, I do not. I ordered the executions, and I stand by that order. Waller sits in his full dress uniform, minus the sword. He is remarkably composed. You can only imagine what he must be feeling, to be put on trial for just doing his job. And you did not conduct any trial or investigation before your sentence? I didn't need to. My orders were to take no prisoners and to

punish any native treachery with death, and that's what I did. And who gave you those orders? My commanding officer, General Jacob Smith. General Smith. When was this? October 1901. We were aboard the USS New York, which was serving as his headquarters. And what exactly did he say? He said, I want no prisoners. That was the actual language he used. Then he said, I wish you to kill and burn. The more you kill and burn, the better you will please me. You see the panel of officers across from you shift uneasily in their seats. You lean across the defense table, eager to get to this next part of Waller's testimony.

And who did General Smith say would be the targets of this killing and burning? Anyone who could pick up a gun. I had my concerns on this point, so I asked him, in front of my men, to clarify his intent. And he said, anyone 10 years or older. And how did you respond to this order? I told my men to ignore it. We don't make war on women and children. But the general did not stop there, did he? He did not. What additional orders did he give you?

A few weeks later, he said, the interior of Samar must be made a howling wilderness. And what did you understand that to mean? That there would be no quarter. And that is why you ordered the execution of these porters who led your men to their deaths? It is. As Waller steps down from the stand, the room erupts into argument. The judge advocate calls for a recess. You take no pleasure

in how this trial has unfolded. If it were up to you, no officers would be court-martialed for punishing the natives of Samar. But it's clear to you that if any man must bear responsibility for brutal tactics, it should be General Hair-Roaring Jake Smith. On April 8, 1902, Major Littleton Tony Waller testified at his court-martial before a military panel in Manila, defending his conduct in Samar. Four days later, the sympathetic panel acquitted him of ordering the killing of 11 Filipinos. He would face no punishment, but his account of the orders in Samar created another storm of controversy. More officers were called to face charges,

and their testimony was just as damning as Waller's, and their accounts leaked to the press. Roosevelt and officials in the War Department tried to distance themselves from the atrocities, prompting one of the court-martialed soldiers to remark bitterly, Our responsible commanders did not protect us in doing that which they sent us to do. Finally, hell-roaring Jake Smith himself was court-martialed. He admitted to telling his troops to turn Samar into a howling wilderness, but he remained defiant, insisting that his harsh methods were necessary. As the controversy dragged on, Roosevelt was thrown on the defensive. The midterm elections were looming, and Roosevelt

and his Republican Party suddenly looked vulnerable. Opposition senators stepped up their attack, bringing American soldiers to testify in hearings in Washington, D.C. The public began to hear first-hand accounts from troops who were no longer in some far-off islands, but on their home soil. They described in disturbing detail the atrocities they had witnessed. Some especially shocking testimony came from a former army sergeant who described a horrific form of torture called the water cure. He testified to how American officers ordered men to pin down Filipino suspects, then repeatedly force water down their throats to simulate drowning in order to extract confessions.

Other former soldiers stepped forward with more accounts of the torture and killing of prisoners, among other abuses. Suddenly, the issue was no longer limited to Samar. The soldiers testifying had served across the Philippines spanning two years of the war, and the sheer scale of the carnage was becoming more apparent. One American official revealed that in an area south of Manila, about one-third of the local population, some 100,000 Filipinos, had died since the start of the war, either by casualty or disease. For a public that had been led to believe in the glory of the war abroad, these revelations were stunning. Even pro-war publications began to openly question the military. The Baltimore, Maryland wrote,

We've actually come to do the things we went to war to banish. The debate became a referendum on President Roosevelt. Unlike McKinley, Roosevelt shared none of the former leader's ambivalence toward war. From the very beginning, Roosevelt embodied the imperialistic spirit, embracing the war and its rationale. But as the controversy grew, Roosevelt embodied the imperialistic spirit, embracing the war and its rationale. But as the controversy grew, Roosevelt was forced to respond. Using his Memorial Day speech at Arlington Cemetery to counter the crisis, he minimized the atrocities.

He argued that both sides were guilty of brutality and that American troops had demonstrated restraint when facing a more savage and uncivilized enemy. He declared, For every guilty act committed by one of our troops, a hundred acts of far greater atrocity have been committed by the hostile natives. He called incidents that critics pointed to wholly exceptional and shamelessly exaggerated. Roosevelt concluded his speech with, The fact really is that our warfare in the Philippines has been carried on with singular humanity.

Roosevelt's allies in Congress also rallied to his defense and soon the popular president managed to quiet the outcry. In the end,

General Jacob Smith was convicted in his court-martial, but not for any of his actions on the battlefield. Instead, he was admonished

for improvident language to his subordinates. He was forced into early retirement and allowed to return home to Ohio, where he was greeted with a hero's welcome. It was there at home, with midterm elections approaching, that Congress hastily closed the hearings into atrocities in the Philippines without even writing a report. Roosevelt was also eager to put the war behind him and focus on the elections.

On July 4, 1902, he declared an official end to the war in the Philippines and victory for the U.S. To Roosevelt and his allies, the war had accomplished its purpose, establishing America on the world stage and securing U.S. control over a critical Asian colony. But the war left the islands devastated, and Filipinos soon found new ways to assert their hopes for independence. America had declared the war over, but to many Filipinos, the fight against American tyranny had just begun. From Wondery, this is Episode 3 of the Philippine-American War from American History Tellers. On the next episode, American officials in the Philippines impose a

new government as they struggle to put down the last of the rebellions. With peace finally drawing nearer, the first Filipino migrants arrive on American shores, transforming the unique relationship between the two nations. If you like American History Tellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Prime members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey. If you'd like to learn more about the Philippine-American War, we recommend Honor in the Dust by Greg Jones. American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsey Graham, for Airship.

Audio editing by Molly Bach. Sound design by Derek Behrens. Music by Lindsey Graham. Voice acting by Randy Guiaia and Cynthia San Luis. This episode is written by Dorian Marina. Our senior producer is Andy Herman. Our executive producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman and Marshall Louis for Wondery. In the Pacific Ocean, halfway between Peru and New Zealand, lies a tiny volcanic island.

It's a little-known British territory called Pitcairn, and it harboured a deep, dark scandal. There wouldn't be a girl on Pitcairn once they reach the age of 10 that would still have urged it. It just happens to all of us. I'm journalist Luke Jones and for almost two years I've been investigating a shocking story that has left deep scars on generations of women and girls from Pitcairn. When there's nobody watching, nobody going to report it, people will get away with what they can get away with. In the Pitcairn Trials, I'll be uncovering a story of abuse and the fight for justice that has brought a unique, lonely Pacific island

to the brink of extinction. Listen to the Pitcairn Trials exclusively on Wondery+. Join Wondery in the Wondery app, Apple Podcasts or Spotify.