American History Tellers - Philippine-American War | Into the Jaws of a Dragon | 1
Episode Date: December 8, 2021On February 4th, 1899, war broke out between the United States and the Philippines. The two nations had begun as allies against Spain the previous year, during the Spanish-American War. The S...panish had occupied the Philippines for three centuries, and the U.S. arrived promising to drive out the European colonial power. But after the Spanish left, the Americans stayed, in defiance of widespread calls for Philippine independence.America’s bloody war in the Philippines was the nation’s first major overseas conflict. It spanned the tumultuous early years of the 20th century and shaped the political destiny of Teddy Roosevelt, who began the war as Assistant Secretary of the Navy and ended it as President. And it marked the emergence of the United States as a true global power. But the war divided Americans and came at great cost to the people of the Philippines.Listen to new episodes 1 week early and to all episodes ad free with Wondery+. Join Wondery+ for exclusives, binges, early access, and ad free listening. Available in the Wondery App. https://wondery.app.link/historytellersSupport us by supporting our sponsors!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Imagine it's the night of February 4th, 1899.
You're a farmer, but tonight you hold a rifle in your hands.
You first took up arms to force out your hated colonial rulers.
And after two years of harsh fighting, you thought your people were on the verge of victory and independence.
But now, instead, you find yourselves in another tense armed standoff.
Your four-man unit walks along a riverbank in
the moonlight. You're on patrol in disputed territory, looking for a place to establish
a new outpost. At your side, a younger fighter chatters away. You keep shushing him, but you
can tell he's nervous, hiding his fear by running his mouth. Have you seen the American ships in the
bay? And their guns? Cannons with endless ammunition.
But they say they're here to keep the peace.
And what do you think?
I've spoken to some of them down in the village.
Their history is like ours.
They fought off their colonial masters.
They say their government is based on liberty and equality.
It's what we want too, right?
Before you can answer, you hear a sound from across the field.
You grab the young fighter by the shoulder to keep him quiet.
You raise your rifle, scanning the tall grass for movement.
But there's nothing.
You give an all-clear sign and resume walking.
I've run into the Americans too.
I've heard the names they call us.
And seen how they treat our women and children. It's true, they're disrespectful, but I don't understand
why we're not still allies. The Spanish are the real enemy. You may be right, but then why are
the Spanish gone and the Americans still here? Suddenly another sound snaps you to attention.
Just a few yards away, three American
soldiers step out from behind some trees. They have their rifles raised, and one of them shouts
a command in English. The young fighter beside you puts his own rifle against his shoulder
and points it back at them. No, wait! In the darkness, it's hard to tell who's shooting at who.
But then the young fighter drops to the ground.
You grab him by the shoulders and drag him into the brush and out of harm's way.
In the distance, more gunshots.
Already, the fighting is spreading.
Out there in the darkness, you know more of your Filipino comrades are falling to American gunfire.
Just like this young fighter at your feet.
You search for his wound to maybe stop the bleeding,
but you realize it's too late.
He's already dead.
A few months ago, you thought this war was finally over.
Your leaders had declared Philippine independence,
and the Americans had driven the last of the Spanish out of Manila.
It seemed like at long last, your freedom was at hand.
But tonight, a new conflict has started with a new enemy, the United States.
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you now. On the night of February 4, 1899, the first gunfight between American and Filipino
soldiers broke out in the Philippines. U.S. forces had arrived the year before as part of the Spanish-
American War. The Philippines had been a colony of Spain
for centuries, and the U.S. found a useful ally in a Filipino-led rebellion that was already underway.
But relations between the Americans and the rebels grew tense, and soon the fragile alliance broke
down, erupting into open warfare. America's bloody war in the Philippines was the nation's
first major overseas conflict.
It spanned the tumultuous early years of the 20th century, defined the presidency of William McKinley, and shaped the political destinies of two other presidents, Theodore Roosevelt
and Howard Taft.
For the United States, expansion into Asia was the first step towards becoming a true
global power.
But for the people of the Philippines, the war
left a legacy of brutality and destruction that would linger for generations. The war also became
a flashpoint for Americans at home. The cruelty with which it was waged and confusion over
America's objectives in Asia gave birth to a vibrant anti-imperialist movement. Many Filipinos
and Americans forged strong friendships as they
lobbied for peace, building a complex bond between the two nations that has endured to the present
day. To help tell the story of this conflict, we've enlisted actors Andrew Arellano and Cynthia
San Luis to voice the characters you'll hear throughout our series. This is Episode 1 in our
four-part series on the Philippine-American War, Into the Jaws of a Dragon.
In the fall of 1896, most Americans had never heard of the Philippines.
They were far more concerned with the upcoming presidential election and an economic crisis at home.
The Panic of 1893 had unleashed mass unemployment, bank failures, and labor unrest.
After three years of financial hardship, voters headed to the polls demanding change.
Both Republican William McKinley and his Democratic challenger William Jennings Bryan
promised jobs and economic reforms. But it was McKinley's pledge of a full dinner pail for all
Americans that carried the day over Bryan's attacks on business leaders and U.S. monetary policy. Voters chose McKinley in
a decisive win. The 53-year-old McKinley was a former governor and senator from Ohio. Since
the Civil War, Ohio had been the powerhouse of political life, sending five presidents
to Washington. McKinley was the son of an ironmaker, famous for his genial nature
and tendency to shake every hand at a rally.
But in private, he was reserved
and chose his words carefully.
He was also a Civil War veteran
who had served in Ohio's Buckeye Regiment
and he was haunted by the carnage
he had witnessed on the battlefield.
As president, McKinley was determined
to focus on his most abiding passion,
tariffs and the protection of American trade and business.
Ohio was at the forefront of industry and innovation,
and his campaign had been driven by close ties to big business.
With his decisive win, McKinley felt he had a mandate
to restore the faltering economy on his terms.
But the new president could not ignore another pressing issue,
growing tension
over Spain's brutal war against revolutionaries in its colony, Cuba. This conflict, just 90 miles
off the coast of Florida, divided Congress and drove a wedge within McKinley's own Republican
party. Some leaders wanted to intervene and drive out the Spanish. Others, like McKinley,
believed America's struggling economy could not
afford a war. In his 1897 inaugural speech, McKinley outlined his policy of non-interference
and warned against expansion abroad, saying, We want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the
temptation of territorial aggression. And privately, he spoke about his aversion to the horrors of the
battlefield, telling an aide, I've been through one war, I've seen the dead piled up, and I do not want to see another.
For decades, most of the American public had agreed with him.
After the carnage of the Civil War, America lost its appetite for conflict and neglected its armed forces.
But the growing international trade of the Industrial Age demanded a major military rebuilding.
The conflict with Spain over Cuba was just one front.
In Asia, the U.S. found itself competing with Germany, Belgium, and Russia over trade routes.
And Japan had challenged America's control over its lone military outpost in the Pacific, Hawaii.
As these tensions grew, the U.S. government rebuilt its fighting force,
with an emphasis on modernizing its Navy. One of the main proponents of the buildup was
McKinley's young, energetic Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt. The Navy's new
fleet of iron warships could rival European powers, and Roosevelt was eager to demonstrate
their strength. He and his allies pointed to graphic accounts of massacres and atrocities
committed by the Spanish in Cuba.
Newspaper reports told sensationalized stories of Spanish troops
rounding up Cuban civilians in concentration camps, imposing misery and starvation.
As these and other reports grew in public prominence,
finally McKinley could no longer ignore the crisis.
In January 1898, he sent the
battleship USS Maine to Cuba. The aim, he said, was to help humanitarian missions for the civilian
victims of the war. But he also wanted a military presence in Havana, where riots had recently
threatened American property there. The move required delicate diplomacy. McKinley was in
back-channel peace talks with the Spanish and did not want to provoke them.
He remained opposed to war with Spain, despite the obvious show of force the Maine represented.
And so for three weeks, the 300-foot warship stayed docked in Havana's crowded harbor
while nearby, Cuban and Spanish forces clashed on land.
But then, on the night of February 15th, 1898, a sudden turn of events
would force McKinley's hand. Imagine it's just after 2 a.m. on February 16th, 1898. You're a
secretary at one of the top newspapers in New York. You stride quickly down the hallway that
leads from the newsroom to your editor's office, holding a slip of paper that contains shocking news.
It's the middle of the night, so most of the staff is out or asleep at their desks.
So you've been left to field cables and telegrams in the front office.
It's an assignment you've grown used to.
You even penned a few articles at times like these,
though you've never gotten your name in the paper.
Tonight, though, seems like it might be a slow one,
until a telegram that comes through that grabs your attention.
Sir, the cable from Havana just came through.
As you burst into your editor's office,
he sits up and scrambles to put his glasses on.
From his messy hair and bleary expression,
you can tell he was sleeping too.
How many times have I told you to knock first?
Sorry, sir, but this couldn't wait.
See for yourself.
The mains exploded.
You thrust the paper in front of him, your hand shaking.
He grabs it and reads, astonishment washing over his face.
How many men were on board?
It happened at night, so probably the whole crew.
About 350, I believe.
Any word on casualties?
Only what it says on the cable. Dozens, at least. Maybe more.
He starts rifling through the mounds of papers on his desk.
What's on the front page tomorrow?
Well, there's the Brooklyn murder suspect, then the follow-up on that fire at the opera house.
Never mind. There is no other news tomorrow. Here's our headline.
Spanish scoundrels sink Maine and Havana. American sailors killed.
You grab a pad and start scribbling notes. But then a thought occurs to you. You look up at your editor.
But, sir, the cable just says the Maine exploded.
And?
It says right there, cause unknown. He glares at you. What other cause could
there be? It's obviously a sneak attack by those cowardly Spaniards. Our president is too weak to
challenge them. Well, now he'll have no choice. Um, yes, sir. And our correspondent in D.C.,
should we have him get a quote from the White House?
Sure, sure. Call him up. But don't wait. This needs to get written up right away.
Those bastards across town at the World are going to have a field day with this.
I want our morning edition out early to beat them to the punch.
And what about the cause of the explosion? How should we write that up?
Who cares? Our boys have been killed. We've got our tragedy.
Now get this to the front page desk. Hurry.
You nod and leave the office.
You've been running stories about the Spanish atrocities in Cuba for weeks now.
And the public's outrage has been escalating.
But you know tomorrow's paper will change everything.
Just after 9.30 p.m. on the night of February 15, 1898, the USS Maine exploded in Havana's harbor,
killing more than 260 Americans on board. Decades later, an investigation would find that the cause
was most likely a coal fire near the ammunition stock, not an enemy attack. But at the time, even though the cause was
uncertain, war fever gripped the American public, spurred on by wild and inaccurate headlines.
The New York Journal declared ominously,
Destruction of the warship Maine was the work of an enemy. Not to be outdone,
the Evening Journal wrote, Maine destroyed by Spanish. Newspapers competed for more harrowing tales of
Spanish cruelty and violence, and circulations exploded. Soon, media tycoon William Hurst was
taking aim directly at the president, asking, will anything make him fight? President McKinley
continued to urge caution and restraint, but his young assistant secretary of the Navy,
Teddy Roosevelt, had other ideas.
Before an investigation had even begun, he wrote to a friend,
The Maine was sunk by an act of dirty treachery by the Spaniards, I believe.
So Roosevelt wasted little time in taking action. On February 25th, he sent a telegram to Commodore
George Dewey, head of the Navy's Asia Fleet. His message was blunt. Upon declaration of war with
Spain, Dewey should attack Spanish forces in the region. His target would be the Philippines,
Spain's largest colony in Asia and home to most of its fleet. That same day, Roosevelt also ordered
huge amounts of additional ammunition for the nation's warships and sent requests to both
houses of Congress to quickly recruit more sailors.
While most of America's attention was fixed on nearby Cuba, Roosevelt had grander ambitions.
He believed that if the United States could defeat Spain across its empire on both sides of the globe,
it would mark the beginning of a new era of American dominance.
Roosevelt's frenzy of orders was a vast overreach of his power. When his boss,
the U.S. Navy Secretary, returned the next day after an illness, he declared,
In my short absence, I find that Roosevelt has come very near causing more of an explosion than
happened to the Maine. But he let the orders stand, as did McKinley. With Roosevelt's orders
in hand, Navy Commodore Dewey acted quickly. He moved his fleet to Hong Kong and began stocking up on coal and ammunition.
He fanned out a network of spies, ordering them to gather any intelligence they could on Spanish defenses in the Philippines.
The strength of the Spanish Armada was legendary, and he would need whatever advantages he could find.
Because Dewey had no doubt what lay ahead.
He was preparing to attack.
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In early 1895, three years before the sinking of the USS Maine,
an ambitious 25-year-old named Emilio Aguinaldo
started hearing rumors about a secret rebel society that was intent on overthrowing Spain
in his home country, the Philippines. Aguinaldo came from a well-connected family in Cavite,
just south of the capital, Manila. He had studied law, but never took to the classroom
and struggled to master Spanish, the language of the colony's
elites. Instead, he found that his quick intellect was more suited to the deal-making of local
politics. Aguinaldo became mayor of his hometown and started to build strong alliances with other
merchant and farming families in the area. But their livelihoods were restricted by their
colonial overlords, the Spanish. As he got older, Aguinaldo witnessed the
abuses Filipinos had to endure under Spanish rule with growing anger. Spain had occupied the
Philippines for more than three centuries, but its hold had always been tenuous. The European power
valued the colony more for its geography than for its natural resources. Manila Bay was an ideally
situated port, close to trade routes
between China, Europe, and the Americas. The rest of the colony was made up of thousands of islands,
many remote, making it tough to rule. So beyond Manila, Spain's influence on local culture was
limited, native languages flourished, and kinship and tribal ties endured. But one aspect of Spanish
rule did spread throughout the islands,
the powerful Catholic Church. As the church set out to convert Filipino natives, it seized vast
areas of lands and imposed a strict and punishing system of tributes, taxes, and bribes. Even the
farms of wealthy Filipinos like Aguinaldo and his family were eaten up by huge church-owned
haciendas, plantations that grew
sugar, tobacco, and abaca fiber. Trade in these goods made the church wealthy while keeping most
Filipinos in poverty. But by the 1890s, many Filipinos had had enough and openly called for
independence. In March 1895, Aguinaldo joined the revolutionary movement, known as the Katipunan, or the Gathering.
They denounced the Spanish crown, launched daring raids on Spanish arsenals, and drew widespread support from Filipinos.
They soon became the most serious threat to Spanish rule.
Aguinaldo himself quickly rose through the ranks of the Katipunan, becoming a top rebel general.
His forces in Cavite had a
string of successes against the much larger Spanish army. Then in March 1897, Aguinaldo
became the president of the Katipunan's revolutionary government. He was a shrewd
and popular leader, but he could also be ruthless in consolidating his power. Two months later,
in May, he and his allies orchestrated the execution of
his main rival in the rebel movement. But internal strife was not what kept Aguinaldo busy. Throughout
1897, Aguinaldo's forces were pursued by Spanish soldiers in the foothills of Luzon, the Philippines'
largest island. But they put up a good fight and continued issuing calls for independence and stirring up the local population.
The fighting put Spain in a bind.
Thousands of Spanish troops were already struggling to put down an insurrection of Cuban rebels on the other side of the globe.
The Spanish monarchy feared facing two growing battlefronts over 8,000 miles apart would be too much for Spain to bear.
But Aguinaldo was also eager for the fighting to end.
His forces were poorly equipped and cornered in a remote area north of Manila. Rather than
continue the conflict, he decided to pressure Spain to grant at least one of the rebellion's
main demands, the removal of corrupt Catholic Church officials. When Spanish colonial leaders
agreed, both sides began to seek a truce.
At the end of the year, in December 1897, Aguinaldo signed a peace deal with Spain,
accepted a payment of 800,000 Spanish pesetas, and went into exile in Hong Kong.
But both sides quickly broke the terms of the truce.
Spain never paid the full amount,
and church officials never relinquished control of their vast Philippine land holdings. In Hong Kong, Aguinaldo continued to meet with his cabinet,
who called themselves a government in exile. He used what money he did collect from Spain to buy more weapons. And he kept a close eye on the rising tension between Spain and the United
States. Then on April 21, 1898, the U.S. broke off diplomatic ties with Spain,
paving the way for war, and with it, a chance for Aguinaldo to rekindle his revolution.
Imagine it's a humid morning in Singapore on April 24, 1898. You're the American consul,
and you're waiting at a friend's private residence for a very important diplomatic meeting.
Normally, you'd take such a meeting in your office, but you need to keep this one quiet.
You rise as your guest enters, Emilio Aguinaldo, the Filipino rebel in exile.
He's accompanied by several advisors and a British interpreter.
You shake Aguinaldo's hand.
I'm glad you finally accepted my invitation.
I was afraid you were going to ignore us.
He nods politely, and you're struck by how young he looks.
He's not much more than five feet tall, with a slight frame.
Still, there's determination in his dark brown eyes.
Not everyone on your staff agrees with you,
but you think Aguinaldo
is the key to America's success in the Philippines. Please, have a seat. May I offer you a brandy?
He declined silently with a wave of his hand. General Aguinaldo, you must know by now,
we have just declared war with Spain. Our forces are already moving against them in Cuba. You try to gauge his
reaction, but he just nods. We also know that Spain has betrayed its peace agreement with you.
You are not bound by it. We are hoping that you will return to your homeland and resume your fight.
He seems to study your words carefully before he finally speaks. As you know, we have been
fighting Spain for years.
Many of my people have sacrificed everything to drive them out. My own brother was killed in
battle. Everyone I know has a story like this. I understand what you've given to your cause.
There have been other rebellions before ours. They did not succeed, but I believe we can.
I still have many loyal followers back home who are ready to take up arms.
He pauses, searching for the right phrase.
We would be glad to have America as an ally in our fight against the Spanish.
But I need to assure my followers that our country will still be ours when the fighting is over.
You don't have the authority to give such an assurance.
But you doubt this young rebel leader knows that. You shr't have the authority to give such an assurance, but you doubt this young
rebel leader knows that. You shrug and sip your brandy. My friend, America is vast and rich.
We do not desire any colonies. We ourselves were a colony once, suffering under tyranny from a
European power. We too paid in blood for our freedom. And after we gained our independence,
we founded our nation on the ideals of liberty and justice for all.
Yes, I am aware of your history.
You know, we also cherish freedom.
In my language, we call it Kalayaan.
And it is indeed worth dying for.
Then we are in agreement.
General, time is of the essence.
We know there are still some who are continuing to fight back in the Philippines,
even as you are forced to live in exile.
Your people need you.
We could help you get back to lead them.
For a moment, Aguinaldo is silent.
You're about to further plead your case,
but then he flashes an enigmatic smile.
You know, I have always admired
America. I have read your constitution and have not seen anywhere that says you can rule over
others or take colonies. Am I correct? Yes, that's correct. Very well. How soon can you help me
return to Manila? Now you both smile. You've watched the political rivalries in Asia play
out from your post in Singapore. There's a lot at stake. And you have a feeling that once the
Spanish are gone, the Philippines, and your clever young guest, will only become more important to
your nation's interests. In April 1898, Aguinaldo met with a U.S. consul in Singapore, E. Spencer Pratt,
to discuss their mutual enemy, Spain. Both men left the meeting feeling optimistic.
They had agreed in principle to join forces to drive Spain out of the Philippines.
After the meeting, Aguinaldo insisted that Pratt had given clear assurances that the Americans
would recognize Philippine independence. Aguinaldo's British translator supported that account, but Pratt would later
claim that he only agreed in general terms to the ideals of freedom and democracy. And because
nothing was put in writing, this key point remained unsettled. But for the moment, Aguinaldo was
anxious to return to his homeland. He believed that with American support,
his rebels could finally defeat the Spanish. Pratt sent Aguinaldo back to Hong Kong, putting him in
touch with arms dealers. He also suggested that he join the American fleet as it set sail for Manila
under the leadership of Commodore George Dewey.
Dewey had survived several battles during the Civil War, most notably the bloody fight for New Orleans.
He was a native of Vermont and known as a brawler in his youth.
Assistant Navy Secretary Teddy Roosevelt helped get Dewey his post as head of the Asian fleet
and saw him as part of a new generation of leaders, unafraid to flex America's growing military might.
And his post, Asia, was fast emerging as a contested region for global powers.
Russia, Germany, England, and Japan were all vying for control of valuable trade routes.
Roosevelt and Dewey knew that if America didn't act soon, it would be left behind.
But establishing America's naval power would not be easy. Soon after arriving in Asia,
Dewey wrote to his son, things look decidedly squally, and I should not be surprised to see a general war at any time. War did come, but not the general war Dewey predicted. On April 21,
1898, in response to the alleged attack on the Maine, the U.S. Navy blockaded Spain's ports in Cuba. It was the start
of the Spanish-American War, and as part of it, Dewey was soon ordered to attack Spanish forces
in the Philippines. From his base in Hong Kong, Dewey urged Emilio Aguinaldo to come as soon as
possible. He wanted the Filipino leader as an advisor when he confronted the Spanish armada
in Manila Bay. But Dewey was impatient,
and his fleet was ready. On April 27, he set sail for Manila with seven warships led by the cruiser
Olympia. Aguinaldo was not on board. Spanish sea power was legendary. Dewey expected to find
armored Spanish ships in the port and lethal mines protecting the harbor entrance. The consensus in
Hong Kong was that
Dewey's men were sailing into certain death. One British officer commented,
A fine set of fellows, but unhappily we shall never see them again.
Making the prognosis worse, as the fleet near Manila, monsoon rains were in the forecast.
One of the journalists that Dewey brought along with him described the tense mood on deck, writing,
It seems like we are sailing into the jaws of a dragon.
Then on May 1, 1898, Dewey's ships swooped into Manila Harbor.
But instead of finding a mighty armada, they found a handful of outdated, unarmored Spanish ships.
Soon the American guns were blazing, pummeling the Spanish fleet.
The Spaniards returned fire, but their cannons had less range,
and the few rounds that reached the American vessels could not penetrate their armored hulls.
The lopsided attack continued for five hours until every Spanish ship was destroyed or abandoned.
Nearly 400 Spanish sailors were killed or wounded.
Incredibly, only one American died during the battle, and fewer than ten were
wounded. Dewey was victorious and keenly aware of his moment. He sent a telegram to the U.S.
Not one Spanish flag flies in Manila Bay today. Not one Spanish warship floats, except as our
prize. When the word reached American shores, Dewey quickly became a national hero.
100,000 people crammed into New York's Madison Square for a victory celebration with fireworks and brass bands.
Vendors sold hats, plates, and scarves covered with Dewey's mustachioed image.
The sudden triumph also shifted the politics of the Spanish-American War.
Resistance to conflict with Spain on the home front waned, and after months of Cuba being the center of national attention, suddenly the Philippines were in the spotlight.
There, in Manila, Dewey blockaded the port, preventing all foreign ships from entering.
But on land, the conflict was far from settled. Spanish troops were still scattered around the
city's outskirts. Aguinaldo had not yet arrived.
In his absence, armed Filipino groups gathered in the countryside, eyeing the capital.
They saw that the Spanish were weakened and demoralized.
Many believed the time was finally right for them to storm Manila and take their country back.
I'm Tristan Redman, and as a journalist, I've never believed in ghosts.
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Dracula, the ancient vampire who terrorizes Victorian London. Blood and garlic, bats and
crucifixes. Even if you haven't read the book, you think you know the story.
One of the incredible things about Dracula is that not only is it this
wonderful snapshot of the 19th century, but it also has so much resonance today.
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the only thing we see is our own monstrous abilities.
From the host and producer of American History Tellers
and History Daily comes the new podcast,
The Real History of Dracula.
We'll reveal how author Bram Stoker
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to his strange creatures of the night.
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Commodore George Dewey's victory over the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay was so sudden,
it took many by surprise. When President McKinley heard the news, he had to rush to the nearest globe to even locate the Philippines. He admitted, I could not have told where those darned islands
were within 2,000 miles. But for the Spanish, the defeat was a crushing blow. The U.S. was now
beating them on two fronts. Their forces were pinned down in Cuba, and they could send no
reinforcements to the Philippines. Dewey had closed off the port of Manila, but he had troubles
brewing on land and sea. German warships soon
showed up, defying the blockade. Dewey also sighted Japanese, French, and English ships nearby.
His orders were to secure the bay, but now that mission was in jeopardy. And on land,
Filipino fighters were restless, eager to seize control of the city of Manila. But Dewey had no
ground forces to keep them in check or to
move on Spain's remaining garrisons. If Manila fell to the rebels, other nations might use the
ensuing chaos to pounce on the strategically vital port and force Dewey to retreat. He wired
Washington with an urgent request. He needed American troops, and quickly. Imagine it's May 14th, 1898. You're a trusted assistant
to Commodore Dewey, and you've just boarded the USS Olympia, the ship that serves as his
headquarters. You dab your brow with a handkerchief as you cross the deck. The tropical heat here in
Manila Bay has made your uniform heavy with sweat. You've been charged with gathering intelligence on Spanish land forces
and establishing relations with the local insurgents.
After secret meetings with Filipino leaders and some clandestine trips around Manila,
you're returning to report your findings.
Yes, come in.
You enter to find the Commodore bent over a map of Intramuros,
a sprawling walled fortress the Spanish constructed inside Manila early in their rule.
They've now retreated inside its high walls to make their final stand.
Sir, I've just returned from scouting that very fortress.
How many civilians are inside?
Our guns can reach it from the water, but I worry that the destruction will be extensive.
It may not come to that, sir.
The Spanish have indicated that they will stand down.
They've agreed to hold their fire as long as we hold ours.
Well, that's good news.
That buys us some time.
Yes, but not much.
The situation inside the fortress is dire.
Food is in short supply.
There are rumors that the Filipino workers and
servants will rise up if the standoff lasts much longer. And we have another problem.
Yes?
It's the insurgents. They number more than 10,000 and have the city completely surrounded.
They may strike at any moment.
Well, Aguinaldo is on his way here. We've pledged him weapons and support. Once he arrives, I think he can convince the natives to stand down.
Yes, sir, but by the time he arrives, it may be too late. Their fighters don't seem to follow any military order. At least none that I've seen.
They've already been smuggling weapons into the city and laying plans for an uprising. If they act before Aguinaldo gets here, it could
mean chaos. Dewey leans back in his chair and peers out the window. Across the bay, Manila's
high walls face the glittering water. I don't care what the insurgents do in the countryside,
but it's crucial that we keep them out of the city. Every powerful country in Europe has offices
here. Consulates, shipping warehouses, the records for nearly every country in Europe has offices here. Consulates, shipping warehouses.
The records for nearly every business in the Orient are here. We have an obligation to protect
them. What's the status of our troops from San Francisco? General Merritt says they'll leave
California soon. They should arrive next month. Good. Until then, keep your contact with the Spanish open. They need to understand that
we will not hesitate to impose our rights. We do not want to fight. Not now. Yes, sir.
And the insurgents? We can't afford a battle on two fronts. Don't antagonize them. Right now,
they're keeping the Spanish in check. Let's see if we can hold them off until Aguinaldo arrives.
You salute and leave the Admiral's quarters as he continues to gaze out his window toward the city.
You hope your troops come in time.
Without ground support, you're not sure how much longer your fleet can hold the bay
or stave off a bloody confrontation between the Spanish and the Filipino rebels.
As Dewey's calls for reinforcements reached Washington, McKinley and his War Department were already scrambling to put together a fighting force. Most of the war's resources
were devoted to a planned assault on Spanish forces in Cuba, but McKinley called up 15,000
troops to be sent to San Francisco and prepared for deployment
to the Philippines. Major General Wesley Merritt, a veteran of the Indian Wars in the West, would
lead them. Merritt met with McKinley on May 12, 1898, but even after talking with the President
for several hours, he was still unsure of his mission. The next day, he wired McKinley for
clarification. He asked,
is it your desire to subdue and hold all of the Spanish territory and the islands,
or merely seize and hold the capital? McKinley only responded that he was sending an army of
occupation to the Philippines for order and security. The rest he continued to leave unclear.
Seven days after Merritt met with McKinley, on May 19th, Emilio Aguinaldo returned
to the Philippines to find Dewey's ships controlling Manila Bay but no American presence on land.
So the next day he met with the Commodore on the USS Olympia. The ruins of the vanquished
Spanish fleet still lay in the waters nearby. Dewey requested that Aguinaldo keep his forces
out of Manila but encouraged him to step up the rebels' fight against the Spanish in the surrounding countryside.
He furnished Aguinaldo with over 100 rifles and promised 3,000 more.
Aguinaldo quickly reorganized his troops and won key victories against the remaining Spanish outside Manila.
He then moved his forces to surround the city.
Some of Aguinaldo's officers urged him to attack the capital directly,
to run the Spanish out of the country for good.
But Aguinaldo held back, and not just because of Dewey's orders.
There were still thousands of Spanish troops inside the heavily fortified Intramuros.
To attack it would be costly.
Aguinaldo was convinced that the U.S. would soon recognize Philippine sovereignty.
He felt he had assurances, both from E. Spencer Pratt in Singapore and from Dewey,
who had insisted that the U.S. was only there to drive the Spanish out.
So on June 12, 1898, from his stronghold in Cavite, Aguinaldo declared an independent
Philippine republic. The flag he raised was red, white, and blue,
and featured a triangle with three gold stars representing the unity of the three major island
groups in the Philippines, Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. It was the first time the islands
were brought together under one national flag, and it made them the first Asian colony to declare
its independence. Aguinaldo invited Dewey to attend the declaration, but the Commodore declined.
Still, Aguinaldo was careful to declare Philippine independence
under the protection of a mighty and humane North American nation,
before asserting that all Filipinos had the right to be free and independent.
A band played the nation's new anthem as a crowd looked on.
And despite Dewey's absence, Aguinaldo felt proud that his rebels had finally managed to raise a Filipino flag
on his home soil. But no formal recognition came from the U.S. On June 30, 1898, the first American
ground troops arrived, about 2,500 soldiers from the 1st California and 2nd Oregon regiments.
Aguinaldo learned that there were more on the way. He watched warily as the U.S. soldiers dug
trenches ever closer to Manila. He asked Dewey and the newly arrived General Wesley Merritt
what their intentions were, but was met with vague reassurances and evasive answers.
Privately, Merritt and his staff viewed Aguinaldo's forces
with disdain. Merritt, second in command, called the rebels nothing more than a pack of robbers
and thieves and warned others that their goal was to kill every white man in Manila. He also
disparaged Filipino civilians as ignorant and superstitious. Relations grew tense as Aguinaldo
repeatedly sought to make his case with the American generals.
But all he received in response was a formal request to pull his troops back even farther.
Reluctantly, he complied.
Then, on the morning of August 13, 1898, as a heavy rain fell, U.S. troops attacked Manila.
Within hours, American soldiers broke through the damaged walls of Intramuros,
where they found the Spanish had raised the white flag of surrender.
The swiftness with which the battle ended was by design.
Before the fighting even started, American and Spanish emissaries had brokered a secret agreement.
Spain would put up some resistance for honor, then surrender to the U.S.,
but only if Aguinaldo's forces were prevented from entering Manila
and fighting alongside the Americans. For the Spanish monarchy, losing to America could be
tolerated, but defeat at the hands of their former wards, the Filipinos, was unacceptable.
The swift battle turned into a celebration for American soldiers. But for Aguinaldo and his
commanders, it was a moment of horror. His men
rushed from the suburbs to join in the fighting, but American troops blocked them from entering
the city. U.S. field commanders had been warned that the disorderly insurgents would pillage,
rape, and spread violence if given the chance. Some Filipino fighters surged forward anyway,
exchanging brief fire with U.S. soldiers, but most fell back in
confusion. Manila had fallen. Spain's colonial rule was over. But Aguinaldo and his rebels had
been betrayed. They had fought for years to throw off their colonial masters, pushing the Spanish
to the brink of defeat. But at the last moment, they were denied their victory by the United States, a country that
claimed to be their ally. For Aguinaldo, it was a bitter reversal, but now he would have to regroup.
The Philippine insurgency would continue, but now against a new, more powerful enemy.
From Wondery, this is episode one of the Philippine-American War from American History
Tellers.
On the next episode, as American troops face off against a determined enemy in the Philippines,
fierce debate breaks out at home, forcing President McKin in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts.
Prime members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music.
And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey.
If you'd like to learn more about the Philippine-American War, we recommend A War of Frontier and Empire by David J.
Silbey and 1898, The Birth of the American Century by David Traxell. American History Tellers is
hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsey Graham, for Airship. Audio editing by Molly Bach.
Sound design by Derek Behrens. Music by Lindsey Graham. Voice acting by Andrew Arellano and
Cynthia San Luis. This episode is written by Dorian Marina. Our senior producer is Andy Herman.
Our executive producers are Jenny Lauer-Beckman
and Marshall Louis for Wondery.
In the Pacific Ocean,
halfway between Peru and New Zealand,
lies a tiny volcanic island.
It's a little-known British territory called Pitcairn, and it harboured a deep, dark scandal.
There wouldn't be a girl on Pitcairn once they reached the age of 10 that would still have heard it.
It just happens to all of us.
I'm journalist Luke Jones, and for almost two years,
I've been investigating a shocking story
that has left deep scars on generations of women and girls from Pitcairn.
When there's nobody watching, nobody going to report it,
people will get away with what they can get away with.
In the Pitcairn trials, I'll be uncovering a story of abuse
and the fight for justice that has brought a unique, lonely Pacific island
to the brink of extinction.
Listen to the Pitcairn Trials exclusively on Wondery+.
Join Wondery in the Wondery app, Apple Podcasts or Spotify.