American History Tellers - Philippine-American War | Under the Free Flag | 2

Episode Date: December 15, 2021

In 1898, America’s victory over Spanish forces in the Philippines suddenly thrust the United States onto the global stage. It also drew the country into a more complicated conflict with the very people it claimed to be liberating.As the U.S. expanded its occupation of the Philippines, American soldiers drove Filipino rebels deeper into the countryside. Some rebels began to question the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, the face of the Philippine independence movement. In response, Aguinaldo attempted to consolidate power and shift his strategy toward guerilla warfare, setting both nations on a path towards more violence and conflict.Listen to new episodes 1 week early and to all episodes ad free with Wondery+. Join Wondery+ for exclusives, binges, early access, and ad free listening. Available in the Wondery App. https://wondery.app.link/historytellersSupport us by supporting our sponsors!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Wondery Plus subscribers can binge new seasons of American History Tellers early and ad-free right now. Join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Imagine it's November 21st, 1899. You're a prominent member of a large Methodist church in Ohio. And today you're with a small group of religious leaders visiting President William McKinley at the Executive Mansion in Washington, D.C. You've supported McKinley throughout his political career. And now that he's the Commander-in-Chief, you still have his ear. But recently, you've found some of his policy decisions troubling.

You all stand up as the president strives into the room. Gentlemen. Mr. President, sir, it's an honor. McKinley takes a seat behind a large desk. Behind him, a wide map covers most of the wall. Please, call me Major. I earned that title in the war. Yes, sir, I understand. I was in Antietam myself, and fought valiantly, I'm sure.

So, what can I do for you? Well, sir, as you know, we were big supporters of the war in Cuba. Your defeat of the corrupt Catholic Spanish was a great victory for God and America. But this business in the Philippines, it has some of us, well, concerned. Are you sure that sending our young men overseas is worth it? The president nods. Gentlemen, I'll be direct with you. In the beginning, I had no intention of taking the Philippine Islands. In fact, I paced the White House many a night, and I'm not ashamed to say that I fell to my knees in prayer. Finally, it came to me like a thunderclap.

It is our moral and religious duty as Americans to protect the islands and the people there. Yes, sir, that's certainly admirable. But how much longer are you prepared to let this war drag on? We've lost some boys in my congregation back home in Columbus. Good boys. It is a terrible sacrifice, I know. And if you're serious, war alone will not work. We need to provide schooling, proper religious and civic education. It's hard to bestow such gifts at gunpoint. I couldn't agree more. Gentlemen, we are not there to conquer. We are there to uplift and, I dare say, to civilize and Christianize the Filipino people.

But force will still be necessary. They may not know it now, but they will soon realize our purpose. He pauses and looks directly at you. I know you are all men of faith. Some of you are also men of industry. Certainly you understand that those islands are on the doorstep to China and the untapped markets of the Orient. These are interests we must protect. You consider the president's words. Your family has a stake in an import-export company back home, and lately it's been faltering. New markets could make all the difference. Well, Mr. President, if you think the cause is just, and there will be a role for the church in this new territory, then you have our support. McKinley smiles and rises from behind his desk. Excellent. Once I set my mind to this course, I felt great peace.

And I'm sure you will too. One of the first things I did was send for our chief mapmaker at the War Department. I told him to put the Philippines on the map of America right there. He gestures to the large map on the wall behind him. And by God, there it will stay for as long as I am sitting in this office. Your fellow church leaders crowd around the president to shake his hand. You study the map, looking at those tiny little islands so far from America and the cause of so much strife. But if your church and your country can be instruments of faith and progress there,

then you have a duty to act. And after this meeting, you're confident that this president is the right leader for this moment. From Wondering comes a new series about a lawyer who broke all the rules. Need to launder some money? Broker a deal with a drug cartel? Take out a witness? Paul can do it. I'm your host, Brandon Jinks Jenkins. Follow Criminal Attorney on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. From the team behind American History Tellers comes a new book, The Hidden History of the White House. Each chapter will bring you inside the fierce power struggles, intimate moments, and shocking scandals that shaped our nation. From the War of 1812 to Watergate. Available now

wherever you get your books. From Wondery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers. Our history, your story. In 1898, America's victory over Spanish forces in the Philippines suddenly thrust the United States onto the global stage. It also drew the country into a more complicated conflict with the very people it claimed to be liberating. America's war against the Philippine Revolutionary Army would ignite a fierce debate among politicians, business leaders, and everyday citizens over America's role as a military aggressor and emerging global power. But while the debate raged, the war continued. And as the U.S. expanded its occupation of the Philippines and drove the rebels deeper into the countryside, the Filipino revolutionary government teetered on the brink of collapse. Some began to question the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, the face of the Philippine independence movement.

In response, Aguinaldo attempted to consolidate power and shift his strategy, setting both nations on a path towards more violence and conflict. This is Episode 2, Under the Free Flag. In the spring of 1898, when war broke out between the United States and Spain, President McKinley turned his office at the White House into a modern war room, humming with activity. McKinley installed a switchboard of 20 telegraph lines that kept him in close contact with his military leaders in the field. He took a hands-on approach, setting policy, dictating orders, and monitoring updates from the front lines.

But America's sudden capture of Manila on August 13, 1898 confronted him with a dilemma. Immediately, he began to receive tense messages from his commanders in the Philippines. They had blocked their former allies, the Filipino rebels, from entering the capital. But soon the Filipinos were pressing for a joint occupation of the city. McKinley's officers warned that the situation was difficult. General Wesley Merritt led the ground troops now occupying Manila, and he sent McKinley an urgent question. Is our government willing to use all means to make the natives submit to the authority of the United States?

McKinley knew that expanding the conflict in the Philippines was risky, but he had also shown a willingness to seize other lands when the opportunity came. Just a month before Manila fell, he had successfully pressured Congress to annex Hawaii, extending America's naval presence into the middle of the Pacific. The Philippines would be the next logical step into Asia. McKinley sent word back to his military commanders. There must be no joint occupation of Manila by the insurgents. He directed General Merritt to use whatever means is necessary to this end. Merritt moved quickly and banned Filipino troops from the city and cut

off their supplies. Meanwhile, McKinley had to finalize the terms of peace with Spain. On the table were the former Spanish colonies of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guam. But the Philippines were by far the biggest prize, a chain of thousands of islands strategically situated with a population of more than 7 million people. Still, even as the president sent his delegates to Paris to negotiate a treaty for the islands, he was unsure about what to do with them. For McKinley, lowering the American flag in Manila and recognizing Philippine independence was out of the question. His military advisors were only pushing for control of the ports and waterways, but such a partial occupation would be tenuous. On the other hand, if America took the entire country, it would risk looking no better than Spain, colonizing a distant land

against the wishes of its people. To help him make up his mind, McKinley went on the road to test his options with the American public. During a whirlwind two-week tour in October 1898, McKinley made nearly 60 public appearances across Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, and Nebraska. Before the crowds, McKinley's lofty oration and accessible demeanor endeared him to the public. His main topic was America's victory against Spain and its future destiny in the Philippines. Then on October 12th, he attended the World's Fair in Omaha, Nebraska. The international exposition drew huge crowds, eager to see the latest in American technology and innovation. But the most popular attractions were those that featured live performers,

including a Philippine village featuring 16 Manila warriors dressed up in primitive costumes. Hordes of visitors gawked at the dark-skinned men who were described as having cannibalistic proclivities. For many Americans, it was their first and only encounter with Filipinos. At the exposition, McKinley spoke passionately to a massive crowd of 75,000 people. The president said it was America's divine ordination by God to shoulder international responsibilities in the Philippines and protect a more primitive race who did not have the capacity to rule themselves. The crowd cheered him on. The public's enthusiasm erased McKinley's ambivalence. He sent his representatives at the treaty negotiations in Paris a curt telegram,

ordering them simply to take the Philippines. He wrote, Duty requires it. On December 10, 1898, the Treaty of Paris was signed. Cuba became an American protectorate, and the U.S. took possession of Puerto Rico, Guam, and all of the Philippines in exchange for $20 million, or $660 million in today's money. McKinley soon issued a proclamation to the Filipino people, calling his new policy

benevolent assimilation. He promised that Americans came not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends to protect their personal and religious rights. But he also warned that the strong arm of authority would be used to repress any challenges to American control of the islands. From now on, he said, the people of the Philippines would be governed under the free flag of the United States. Filipino insurgent leader Emilio Aguinaldo was crushed to learn of the treaty and McKinley's new order. Aguinaldo had sent a delegate to Paris to join the peace talks,

but they'd been shut out. The delegate then sped off to Washington, but was ignored there, too. Aguinaldo had one last hope. He closely followed America's domestic politics, and he knew that if Congress failed to ratify the treaty, McKinley would be forced to consider Aguinaldo's declaration of Philippine independence. The crucial vote in Congress was scheduled for February 1899, and Aguinaldo had reason to be optimistic. Strong opponents in the Senate were rising up to object to McKinley's colonialist ambitions. The most serious challenge came from within McKinley's own Republican Party. On January 9, 1899, the senior Republican senator from Massachusetts, George Frisbee Hoare, delivered a stinging

condemnation of the pro-treaty crowd. He thundered, you have no right at the cannon's mouth to impose on an unwilling people your Declaration of Independence and your Constitution and your notions of freedom. He called the debate the greatest question ever discussed in this chamber from the beginning of the government. To him, nothing less than the ideals of American democracy were at stake. Senator Hoare was joined by Southern Democrats, who warned that expanding American territory into the island chain would dilute the Anglo-Saxon race. Business tycoon Andrew Carnegie and his allies added yet another argument, fearing the fallout from a war in the Philippines would damage the economy. Debate over the treaty became bitter.

Theodore Roosevelt, the assistant Navy secretary, called the actions of Hoare and his supporters treasonous. He had no qualms of American expansion. Meanwhile, the situation on the ground in Manila was fast deteriorating. More than 20,000 American troops were in the country, most fanned out across Manila, and they were growing tense and anxious. Filipino forces, resentful that they had been blocked from entering the city, eyed the Americans with suspicion. In some places, the two sides faced off less than a hundred yards from each other. Then, just before midnight on February 4, 1899, President McKinley was awakened with an urgent message. Fighting had erupted in a disputed region just outside Manila. A private with an American patrol had stumbled across several Filipino fighters in the dark

and ordered them to halt. When they advanced, he opened fire. Within hours, the fighting had spread across a 16-mile front encircling the city. But when President McKinley heard the news, he said, this means the ratification of the treaty. He reasoned that Senator Hoare and his holdouts could not go against their own troops. And two days later, on February 6, 1899, the treaty was passed. He reasoned that Senator Hoare and his holdouts could not go against their own troops. And two days later, on February 6, 1899, the treaty was passed by just one vote.

U.S. forces now had a clear mandate to possess and control not only Manila, but the entire island chain. Senator Hoare called it a path to tyranny. Andrew Carnegie warned that McKinley had now opened his own Pandora's box. By the end of the first week of fighting, it was clear the American forces had many advantages. Superior equipment, better training, and efficient field coordination. Filipino forces were quickly driven north and away from the city. Aguinaldo set up headquarters in the city of Malolos, twenty miles north of Manila. He finally dropped his attempts at averting war, sending a weary message to his people. I know that war has always produced great losses. I know that the Philippine people have not yet recovered from past losses and are not in the

condition to endure others. But I also know from experience how bitter is slavery. He urged his people to fight on. Just weeks before the conflict broke out, Aguinaldo and his allies had gathered in Manolos to draft their constitution for a free nation. Now, as American forces swept north through marshes and rice fields, Aguinaldo's forces hunkered down in Manolos,

trying to defend that freedom. Imagine it's March 29, 1899. You're a field commander in the Filipino Revolutionary Forces, leading a small unit a few miles south of the besieged base in Malolos. Gunsmoke blackens the sky over the dusty hills you're trying to hold against the American advance. You've swapped your usual blouse and dress for a pair of trousers like the men who serve under you. Your trademark sword clangs at your hip. You leap into a trench, shouting at your men.

Hold your fire! Our ammunition is nearly gone. Save your bullets for their next charge. Most of your men have machetes, not rifles. But the ones who do stop shooting right away. They respect your leadership. You've been fighting in battles for two years. First against the Spanish, now against the Americans. You fought hand to hand in the trenches and have your share of battle scars.

The courier skids to a stop on a horse and dismounts. Captain, the general says he needs an update right away. Well, see for yourself. We have the higher ground but are far outnumbered. I'm guessing we can't expect reinforcements. No, I am afraid not. The rest of the squadrons have already retreated back to the city. Good.

We need to save as many men and as much equipment as we can. The young soldier glances nervously to the city. Good. We need to save as many men and as much equipment as we can. The young soldier glances nervously to the south, where heavy smoke is rising from the Americans' artillery. Capitan, perhaps we should pull back too, find a better place to defend. Those American cannons will be able to reach us soon. No. We're staying right here. You raise your voice loud enough for the men around you to hear. We stay and fight! Malolos will fall. Nothing can stop that now. But we must hold this position for as long as we can. We need to give the President and his cabinet time to escape.

Our last hope. You turn to the young courier his cabinet time to escape. Our last hope. You turn to the young courier. Go back to the General. Tell him that until I hear President Aguinaldo and the government are safe, we will not budge. The courier climbs on his horse and rides off. You know that this will be your last message out. Now, you have to get your men ready for the final assault. You just hope that you can stall the American advance long enough

for the leaders of your rebellion to live another day. In March 1899, Trinidad Perez Texon led revolutionary troops against the American advance on Aguinaldo and his government. She was 47 years old when the revolution against Spain first broke out, but she entered the battlefield and soon earned a reputation as a fearless fighter, skilled with the sword. She took part in raids on arsenals to seize weapons and survive getting shot in the leg. While recovering, she led efforts to establish field hospitals for her comrades,

prompting Aguinaldo to name her commissary of war in the revolutionary government. But on March 29, 1899, Texone's forces were unable to stop the American push north. Two days later, U.S. troops overran Malolos, but they found Aguinaldo's headquarters abandoned. He had survived, along with Texon, who retreated further north into the mountains. She would continue to fight a dozen different battles throughout the war. After the fall of Malolos, the Philippines' revolutionary forces were scattered. The American military's swift and decisive victories caused a split in Aguinaldo's camp. Some questioned his poor judgment and urged peace with the Americans, even if it meant surrendering. But a voice from within his circle soon emerged that would inspire

Filipino forces to keep fighting, using cunning new tactics that would put the Americans back on their heels. In a quiet suburb, a community is shattered by the death of a beloved wife and mother. But this tragic loss of life quickly turns into something even darker. Her husband had tried to hire a hitman on the dark web to kill her. And she wasn't the only target. Because buried in the depths of the internet is The Kill List, a cache of chilling documents containing names, photos, addresses, and specific instructions for people's murders.

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Join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app, Apple Podcasts, or Spotify. Apollinario Mabini grew up in a poor farming family south of Manila, where he had witnessed firsthand the corruption and cruelty of Spanish rule. He showed a keen intellect from an early age. His mother urged him to become a priest, but instead, he earned a scholarship to study law in Manila in the early 1890s. At school, Mabini joined other Filipinos in advocating for a peaceful end to colonial rule. But when the Spanish cracked down on their activities, Mabini and his allies moved to open rebellion. In 1896, when the first battles for Philippine independence broke out, Mabini was ready to join the fight. But that same year, he was struck with polio, leaving him paralyzed in both legs. He would never walk again. Still, his brilliant and strategic mind could not be held back. Mabini became known as

the brains of the revolution, writing many of Emilio Aguinaldo's proclamations, speeches, and policies, including an early draft of the revolutionary constitution. By January of 1899, he was the head of Aguinaldo's cabinet and the secretary of foreign affairs. During fierce fighting, he was carried on a hammock between rebel hideouts. Mabini's poor rural background often put him at odds with Aguinaldo's other advisors, most of whom came from the Filipino upper classes. Like Mabini, these landowning elites wanted the Spanish out of the islands. But for them, independence was a way to preserve their wealth and privilege.

If they could keep their advantages under another sympathetic colonial power, they were willing to compromise. So, in April 1899, after the fall of Malolos, many of Aguinaldo's wealthiest advisors lobbied for him to engage in peace talks with the Americans. This strategy alarmed Mabini. He had tried to negotiate with the Americans before the war started and felt they could not be trusted. He believed that a colony run by the U.S. would be no different than it had been under the Spanish, who had kept families like his in grinding poverty. So he strongly advised Aguinaldo to keep fighting. He was joined by Aguinaldo's most effective field general, Antonio Luna. Luna had been the one bright spot in the Filipino military during

their string of defeats. He showed a knack for strategy and discipline and a strong commitment to the cause. So even when the revolution was at its weakest, Mabini and Luna lobbied for Aguinaldo to continue the war. Imagine it's April 1899. You're a chief strategist for the Philippine revolutionary government, and you're meeting with President Aguinaldo in his makeshift office. Really, it's just the dusty back room of a store in a small town about 100 miles north of Manila. The revolutionary leaders have scattered. Tomorrow, Aguinaldo is heading to the mountains with a few aides and armed guards to regroup.

Food is scarce and the mood is tense. Sitting across from you, Aguinaldo uses a spoon to slowly stir a bowl of soup. My men assure me they're still in high spirits, but I'm not sure how much longer I can keep them running on these meager rations. This broth is just salt and sweet potato leaves. We launched this revolution on less than that. Plus, I'm sure you'll find a pig in the next village. The locals are eager to help.

The president looks at you closely, taking in your thin frame and tattered shirt. And you? How are you holding up? Same as before. Look, my shoulders are feeling out from all this writing. He chuckles and pushes aside his soup bowl and leans forward, hands folded under his chin. This may be our last chance to speak for a while. What's on your mind? Mr. President, I'm aware that some of our men have been meeting with the Americans in secret. Yes, I've heard, Though they are not acting on official business. Official or not, such meetings are dangerous. The Americans want nothing less than unconditional surrender.

We already know this. And there can be no surrender in this fight. Not now and not ever. I admire your commitment. But we've all seen the American strength. I don't want any more of my countrymen to die for a lost cause. But with the right strategy, we still have a chance. What would you propose? You choose your words carefully. Your enemies in the administration, commanders who have the president's ear,

are constantly reminding him that you are not a military man. We cannot beat them in sad battles, near the coast coast or the city where they can get supplies quickly. We must be smarter. We must move to smaller forces. Quicker attacks. We know this land, these jungles and mountains. That's our biggest advantage. General Luna has recommended this strategy too.

At Luna's name, Aguinaldo winces. Luna has been by far your most effective general, but you know that he and Aguinaldo are sometimes at odds. Still, you can't stop arguing your case now. And what's more, we have justice and law on our side. To live like slaves in our own country, that's not a life worth living. Remember what we are fighting for. Freedom for all of us. Aguinaldo picks up his soup spoon and gives you a wary smile. I remember it well. Thank you for your advice.

As long as there is a path to victory, I will continue to lead us in this fight. Two soldiers lift your cot and carry you out of the room, leaving the president to finish his meal. Aguinaldo doesn't like to give away much, but you think your argument has won him over. He trusts your counsel, and he's a practical man. This new strategy you've recommended, one of guerrilla warfare, could turn the tide of the entire conflict and silence those advisors telling Aguinaldo to accept American rule. Mabini's passionate call to continue the revolution helped persuade Aguinaldo to reject any talk of surrender. But Mabini's refusal to collaborate with the U.S. created enemies among those Filipinos who had much to gain from getting in the Americans' good graces. Soon Mabini lost influence, and in May 1899, he was ousted from Aguinaldo's government.

Without Mabini, Aguinaldo moved to consolidate his power. In the following month, June, Aguinaldo's presidential guards ambushed and killed his capable and independent-minded general Antonio Luna. Aguinaldo feared Luna's growing influence and saw him as a rival, but his death left Aguinaldo more isolated than ever. Mabini was disappointed with Aguinaldo's rash choices and poor judgment, but he was also attuned to the mood of the people and knew Aguinaldo was a critical symbol of resistance. Despite the defeats on the battlefield, Aguinaldo still a critical symbol of resistance. Despite the defeats on the battlefield, Aguinaldo still had thousands of loyal fighters who could strike American forces and rally the people.

So Mabini continued to support the revolution with his influential writings, refusing to back down. In the summer of 1899, American forces in the Philippines were led by General Elwell Otis, who had replaced General Wesley Merritt soon after the U.S. took control of Manila. Otis was a Harvard Law School graduate and a stickler for regulations. He ran the war from a governmental palace in Manila, spending long hours spinning his battle reports into upbeat and detailed memos to Washington.

His obsessiveness kept him up late into the night, but it also cut him off from the reality outside. Commodore Dewey, the hero of Manila Bay, saw Otis as timid and ineffectual. His squat stature and mutton-chop sideburns hardly made him the stuff for battle. Dewey dismissed him as a pincushion of an old woman. But Otis held tremendous power as the head of the war effort and McKinley's main source of information on the Philippines. To Otis, Aguinaldo and his men were nothing more than bandits and outlaws, and most other Filipinos were ignorant and treacherous. He felt if he could capture Aguinaldo, the rest of the people would fall in line.

But his attempts to apprehend Aguinaldo were floundering. By July 1899, the rainy season had begun, pounding the muddy roads, flooding rivers, and stalling the American offensive. Soon, typhoid, dysentery, and other diseases began to take their toll. And Otis had another problem. In the rush to fill the fighting ranks early in the Spanish-American War, volunteers had only signed up for as long as the war lasted. With the Treaty of Paris signed, the volunteer troops had finished their duty, and soon Washington was scrambling to recruit more soldiers to send to the Philippines. Some of the most ardent volunteers were

black soldiers. Many were the famous Buffalo soldiers who had fought against Native Americans in the Plains Wars, but others were new recruits, lured by the promise of good pay and the dignity of a military uniform. But when they arrived in the Philippines, many Black soldiers were struck by the racism their white counterparts directed at Filipinos. White soldiers even called Filipinos by the same racial slurs that they used for African Americans back home, shadowing them with such regularity that the Filipinos clearly grasped their meaning. In a letter home, one black sergeant with the 24th Infantry wrote, I'm constantly haunted by the feeling of what wrong morally we Americans are doing in the

present affair. The future of the Filipino, I fear, is that of the black man in the South, for no white soldier has any scruples as regards to respecting the rights of the Filipino. He's kicked and cuffed at will, and he dare not fight back. Still, more than 6,000 black soldiers went on to serve in the Philippines, even as opposition to the war grew among African Americans back home. In October 1899, bolstered by new recruits, General Otis resumed attacks on the Filipino forces. But these battles would prove far more difficult than the Americans' early victories that spring. U.S. troops were now far from Manila. Supply chains were slow and vulnerable to attack. The Filipino fighters struck quickly in smaller groups and were able to surround Otis' thin columns as they crossed open ground. Otis was

slow to grasp the changing circumstances and the new threats posed by his enemy. Intent on proving success, he continued to send bullish reports back to Washington. By the next month, November 1899, Aguinaldo made official what was already happening on the ground. He declared a change of strategy from conventional combat to guerrilla warfare. It was an ominous development for the Americans. The enemy was now harder to identify, as Filipino fighters attacked without warning, then slipped back into the countryside or the civilian population. Making matters worse, Otis found that Filipino villagers were still stubbornly resisting. His men brought him a

pamphlet that was circulating widely, condemning the American occupation and calling for Filipinos to rise up. Its author was Aguinaldo's former ally, Mabini. Otis was incensed, calling Mabini the most dangerous insurgent in the Philippines and stepping up efforts to capture him. In December, those efforts succeeded. Otis' forces found Mabini in his hideout outside Manila. They had been tipped off by a Filipino rival from within Aguinaldo's circle. Otis jailed Mabini and kept him under close watch. So with Aguinaldo cut off and Mabini captured, Filipino resistance weakened. Soon Otis's men were reporting only minor attacks from guerrillas on remote American garrisons. His troop numbers, meanwhile, had swelled to 60,000 strong.

So by a few months later, March of 1900, General Otis was full of confidence. He dissolved the army's tactical unit and replaced it with an administrative arm, a move he hoped would pave the way for civilian rule. He also overhauled the corrupt Spanish courts with a modern legal system, hoping to prove that Americans were genuine in their promise to bring reforms. Late that spring, in May 1900, Otis departed from the Philippines, assured that victory was imminent. He boasted to President McKinley, the war has terminated. But soon, a series of troubling updates hit McKinley's desk. Several remote units of American soldiers had been ambushed, captured and killed. Far from being terminated, the unrest in the Philippines appeared to be on the rise. I'm Tristan Redmond, and as a journalist, I've never believed in ghosts. But when I discovered

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Come for the products you're obsessed with. Stay for the business insights that are going to blow up your group chat. Jack, Nintendo, Super Mario Brothers. Best selling video game of all time. How'd they do it? Nintendo never fires anyone. Ever. Follow the best idea yet on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to The Best Idea Yet early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus. As a new century dawned in January 1900, American support for the war in the Philippines was flagging.

The public had been told that this would be a quick victory, and President McKinley's generals in the Philippines had assured him of success. Yet the conflict dragged on. On January 9, 1900, a close ally of McKinley's, Senator Albert Beveridge of Indiana, stood before the Senate after a visit to the Philippines. His goal was simple, to shore up support for the war. And in his address to Congress, Beverage cited the island's great natural wealth, deep forests, vast fisheries, and precious minerals. The U.S., he said, must not back down from controlling such resources. The Philippines

are ours forever, he said, and just beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. We will not retreat from either. Beveridge also warned of chaos and bloodshed if Filipinos were left to control their own future, calling them a barbarous race, incapable of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon sense. His conclusion was unmistakable. The U.S. would have to carry on its war to the end, for the good of the natives and for American interests. In June 1900, yet another general took command of America's Philippine forces. Arthur MacArthur had directed troops in Manila during the early heavy fighting, and he was more attuned to the reality on the ground than his predecessors. His reports home began to strike a much more pessimistic tone. MacArthur saw that his troops were fighting a guerrilla enemy who had growing local support.

In one cable to Washington, he complained, At one time the enemies are in the ranks of soldiers, and immediately afterwards are within the American lines in the attitude of peaceful natives speaking a dialect which few white men and no Americans have any knowledge of. MacArthur's warnings weren't the only bad news coming out of the Philippines. More and more Americans had begun to hear directly from soldiers writing home. Their gruesome accounts of attacks on Filipino civilians were often published in local newspapers, along with candid reports about the war's apparent confusion and lack of clear objectives.

One soldier captured the anger and frustration, writing to his family, We feel every man of ours that's lost is worth more than the whole damn island. We don't know what we're fighting for, hardly. The soldier's reports home gave McKinley's critics fresh ammunition in an election year. In the presidential race, his opponent once again was the popular Democrat William Jennings Bryan in a rematch of the 1896 contest. Bryan hammered McKinley repeatedly with his powerful anti-imperialist rhetoric. But the 1900 race had a crucial difference from the previous one. McKinley's new running mate was Teddy Roosevelt, who quickly emerged as a vigorous and effective campaigner. Roosevelt barnstormed the country, championing the war and U.S. expansion

overseas. Two years earlier, he had quit his post in the Navy to fight in Cuba, earning glory in the Battle of San Juan. Wherever he traveled, crowds cheered him as a war hero. From the Philippines, Aguinaldo watched the U.S. presidential race closely. He believed America was headed for a Brian win, which would mean the recognition of Philippine independence. He directed his forces to step up guerrilla warfare ahead of the election in hopes of swaying the outcome. And on the islands south of Manila, they began to find success. In Marinduque, repeated attacks by Aguinaldo's troops exposed American vulnerabilities.

Though the Americans still held Manila, it was becoming clear that areas farther away were out of their control. General MacArthur was irate. He felt he needed to send a strong message, but he was restricted by the rules of war. In September 1900, he lobbied the War Department in Washington for approval to use a harsher strategy, one that would allow him to suspend civil rights and even target civilians. His officers told him that the Filipinos were using torture and executing American prisoners. He was facing a brutal enemy, and new measures were called for. When approval came, MacArthur was careful to reassure Washington that he would hold off

until after the election. He did not want to give Bryan and the Democrats any more ammunition against McKinley or the war, because there was plenty of opposition already to the war. Much of it came from the Anti-Imperialist League. Two years since its founding, it had spread to cities across the country and drawn high-profile voices to its cause, including Mark Twain and Booker T. Washington. And some of the League's more radical members defied authorities to bring Filipino leaders to the U.S. to make their own case for independence. Imagine it's October 1900. You're a Filipino activist just arrived in the United States.

You step off a train in downtown Philadelphia, careful to keep your collar up and your hat pulled low over your eyes. This isn't your first time in the U.S. advocating for Philippine independence, and your actions have made you a marked man. If American authorities knew what you were up to, you could be imprisoned or exiled. So you're traveling carefully under an alias. You grab your luggage and scan the crowd on the

platform. A woman makes eye contact with you. Sir, you look like you've been on a long journey. You nod. It's a code you agreed on. She turns and starts walking, leading you inside the station. You follow half a step behind. You're from the League? She gives a small nod, then takes you to a corner of the lobby, where the columns of a staircase provide some privacy. I'm sorry we couldn't give you more of a welcome, but we thought it would be better if there wasn't a crowd to greet you. Of course. Our ride is on its way. We just need to wait until the crowd thins out. She looks over her shoulder at the passengers rushing back and forth. No one's giving the two of you a second glance, so she finally seems to relax a little.

I'm the co-founder of the Anti-Imperialist League chapter here in Philadelphia. Thank you for traveling all this way to address our meeting tonight. And thank you for supporting our movement. The situation back home is desperate. Thousands of villagers are caught up in the fighting. The American military calls them combatants.

But most of them are just farmers. And they're going hungry. Yes. MacArthur's latest tactics are inhumane. Your constitution clearly lays out the rights for your citizens. But that document is still valid. Or it should be. You stare at her, surprised at how informed she is.

I've read all your writings. We like to stay updated. And not just from the American press, which is heavily censored. I'm impressed. We Filipinos are so often depicted as savages, or at best, ignorant children. I spend so much time fighting those lies, I barely have a chance to talk about independence. I think I understand, in a way. so much time fighting those lies, I barely have a chance to talk about independence. I think I understand in a way. Not everyone agrees with having women in leadership roles,

even within our movement. And it's infuriating that I don't have the right to cast my own vote in this election when so much is at stake. She glances over your shoulder to the lobby. Okay, we can make it to our ride. Keep your head down and follow me. She leads you out across the station lobby. You grab your suitcase and follow, quickening your pace. You're grateful to have found Americans like this woman who are sympathetic to your cause. But you need to find many, many more if you have any hope of one day ending this war and freeing your nation. In October 1900, a Filipino independence advocate named Sixto Lopez arrived on American shores for

a speaking tour. The 37-year-old wore dark, somber suits, but when speaking, his voice rose with passion. He addressed the press and small public meetings, making the case for Philippine sovereignty and an end to the war. But his activism put a target on his back. When he left the U.S., he was blocked from returning to the Philippines and forced to go into exile in Hong Kong. His hosts in America were allies and members of the Anti-Imperialist League, people like Helen Murat, a writer, labor organizer, and one of the co-founders of the Anti-Imperialist League. People like Helen Murat, a writer, labor organizer, and one of the co-founders of the League's Philadelphia chapter. Murat was a passionate ally in the Filipino cause,

linking America's expansion abroad to the struggles for worker rights and equality in the United States. But the efforts of Murat and other anti-imperialists were not enough to stop the war. In November, McKinley won re-election with a margin of victory that was even greater than four years before. Many pointed to the growing influence of his vice president, Theodore Roosevelt, whose popularity helped defeat Bryan in the rural heartland, including Bryan's home state of Nebraska. McKinley's win was a

devastating blow to the anti-imperialist cause, but it was a boost to America's war effort in the Philippines. And with the election over, on December 19, 1900, General MacArthur followed through with his new strategy on the islands. He issued harsh orders to his military commanders to target not just the guerrillas, but any Filipino civilian who supported the rebellion. He told his men, Whenever the action is necessary, the more drastic the application, the better. Soon, U.S. forces were rounding up civilians by the thousands and holding them in detention camps.

Villages suspected of harboring rebels were purged, their structures and crops burned to the ground. But MacArthur reserved the most ruthless measures for the island of Marinduque, where American soldiers had been ambushed. There, he directed his troops to treat all males over the age of 15 as enemies. They could be arrested, captured, or shot. The gloves were off. A new policy of war was now sanctioned and widespread. MacArthur and his officers hoped they could finally turn the tide and achieve victory.

But their tactics would backfire, leading to more entrenched resistance in the Philippines. And back home, a growing political crisis. From Wondery, this is Episode 2 of the Philippine-American War from American History Tellers. On the next episode, the chase for the rebel leader Emilio Aguinaldo takes American forces deep into the chase for the rebel leader Emilio Aguinaldo takes American forces deep into the mountains of the Philippines, and a presidential assassination upturns politics at home, just as news of war atrocities prompts calls for a federal investigation. You can binge all episodes early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts.

Prime members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey. If you'd like to learn more about the Philippine-American War, we recommend The Philippine War, 1899-1902 by Brian McAllister Lynn. American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsey Graham, for Airship. Audio editing by Molly Bach. Sound design by Derek Behrens. Music by Lindsey Graham. Voice acting by Andrew Arellano and Cynthia San Luis.

This episode is written by Dorian Marina. Our senior producer is Andy Herman. Our executive producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman and Marsha Louis for Wondery. Now streaming. Welcome to Buy It Now, the show where aspiring entrepreneurs get the opportunity of a lifetime. I wouldn't be chasing it if I didn't believe that the world needs this product. In each episode, the entrepreneurs get 90 seconds to pitch to an audience of potential customers. This is match point, baby.

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