American History Tellers - Reconstruction Era | Impeachment | 3

Episode Date: June 14, 2023

In the spring of 1867, over President Andrew Johnson’s veto, the Republican-controlled Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts, putting the U.S. Army in control of the South and giving Black Southerners expanded political rights. For the first time they organized and attended political rallies, registered to vote, and even helped draft new state constitutions across the South. Back in Washington, D.C., the conflict between Johnson and Congressional Republicans reached a boiling point, and Johnson became the first president in American history to be impeached. While he fought for his presidency, Black voters in the South faced a backlash of vigilante violence, as the white supremacist Ku Klux Klan unleashed a wave of terror.Listen ad free with Wondery+. Join Wondery+ for exclusives, binges, early access, and ad free listening. Available in the Wondery App. https://wondery.app.link/historytellersSupport us by supporting our sponsors!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Wondery Plus subscribers can binge new seasons of American History Tellers early and ad-free right now. Join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Imagine it's May 4th, 1867 in New Orleans. The sun is beating down and the air is thick with the smell of horse manure. You're a veteran of the 1st Louisiana Native Guards, one of the first all-Black regiments in the Union Army. As a former soldier, you're allowed to ride on the city's streetcars. But for Black civilians, most streetcars remain off-limits,

making it difficult to run errands or to get to work. Just last week, one Black man was arrested for trying to board a whites-only car. Now you're helping your fellow Black residents fight back. You're leading a group of protesters down the sidewalk, looking for a streetcar to force your way onto. There's one. Come on, boys, follow me. A large mule pulls the 20-foot long streetcar as its iron wheels rattle along a track in the road. Painted on the side is a sign reading whites only. As it approaches, an older white man hails it down. You and your fellow protesters stride up as the white passengers climb aboard. At the front of the car, the driver

holding the mule's reins looks down at you and scowls. Don't even think about it, boy. This car is for whites only. Let us on. Some of us have jobs to get to. I don't make the rules. I just follow them. You all just have to wait for a colored car. The driver cracks his whip to drive on, but you're not done with him yet. Come on, boys. Let's block the path. You and the other men form a semicircle around the front of the streetcar. Get out of the way! You stand firm.

The mule paws the ground in frustration as the driver scans the road, desperately looking for some sort of exit. You're going to get yourselves arrested for kicking up all this fuss. Why don't you be smart and move? Suddenly, you're struck with an idea. You run forward and leap onto the platform at the front of the car, where the driver is standing. Hey, get out of here. Are you crazy? The driver tries to push you off, but you're too quick. You snatch the reins out of his hand and push him out of the car. Your friends move out of the way as you snap the reins.

As you drive off, exhilarated by your victory, you almost feel like you're flying. Rolling down the street, white residents look up at you in shock. But you also register pride in the faces of Black men and women. You know that change is coming. With Audible, there's more to imagine when you listen. Whether you listen to stories, motivation, expert advice, any genre you love, you can be inspired to imagine new worlds, new possibilities, new ways of thinking. And Audible makes it easy to be inspired and entertained as a part of your everyday routine without needing to set aside extra time. As an Audible member,

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Visit audible.ca to sign up. From Wondery comes a new series about a lawyer who broke all the rules. Need to launder some money? Broker a deal with a drug cartel? Take out a witness? Paul can do it. I'm your host, Brandon Jinks Jenkins. Follow Criminal Attorney on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. From Wondery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers. Our history, your story. In May 1867, Black residents of New Orleans rose up in protest against segregation in city streetcars. It was just one of many battlegrounds in Black Southerners' fight to gain true freedom and equality. Earlier that spring, progressive Republicans in Congress had overridden President Andrew Johnson's vetoes and passed the Reconstruction Acts.

These new laws gave the U.S. Army command of the South and required Southern states to adopt new constitutions, introduce Black suffrage, and ratify the 14th Amendment, which provided equal protection under the law regardless of race. For the first time, Black Southerners became part of the political process. They organized and attended rallies, registered to vote, joined Abraham Lincoln's party, the Republicans,

and helped draft new state constitutions that would transform Southern society. But as Black people exercised their new political power, white supremacist groups gathered to oppose them. The Ku Klux Klan launched a campaign of terror against Black communities, and President Johnson did everything in his power to block Republican initiatives to shore up Black civil rights. But Congress was prepared to fight back and take an extraordinary step to remove Johnson from power. This is Episode 3, Impeachment. In the spring of 1867, Black Southerners stepped up their demands for better treatment as free citizens. Black dock workers struck for higher wages,

walking off the job in Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, Richmond, and New Orleans. In South Carolina, hundreds of Black residents refused to pay taxes to the state government, which was still controlled by former Confederates. And in Virginia and Louisiana, Black residents organized protests to demand equal access to public transportation. On April 24, one Black man attempted to board a whites-only streetcar in Richmond, Virginia. Black crowds rushed to the scene to support him, shouting, Let us have our rights, and we will teach these damned rebels how to treat us. Soon after, transportation was integrated in the city.

Days later, a larger protest erupted in New Orleans, after a black painter named William Nichols fought to take a seat on a whites-only streetcar. The white driver forcibly removed him, prompting Nichols to sue the driver for assault and battery, hoping to challenge segregated streetcars in court. And after this Nichols incident, protests spread throughout the city. On May 4, a Creole cigar maker and veteran named Joseph Guillaume jumped onto a segregated streetcar. When the driver tried to remove him, Guillaume took the reins, forced the driver out, and drove off. The next day, 500 black protesters took to the street to demand integration. As white counter-protesters began to gather, the New Orleans mayor addressed the crowds, promising to reconsider the segregation policy, and three days later, the streetcars were integrated. Similar protests forced desegregation and transportation in

Nashville and Charleston. And protests were not limited to the South. Streetcars were also integrated that spring in Philadelphia. But despite the local victories, Black Americans knew that in order to achieve broader and more lasting change, they needed to become more politically active. Only then could they have a say in the people and policies determining their future. A local Black leader in South Carolina captured the feelings of the moment when he declared to a crowd of followers, now is the Black man's day. The whites have had their way long enough. Now is our time. And thanks to Congress's newly passed Reconstruction Acts, Black Southerners had the opportunity to participate in politics for the first time.

To implement the new laws, Congress tasked the Army and the Freedmen's Bureau with registering Black men to vote. All across the South, military commanders orchestrated a massive voter registration campaign, the first of its kind in the nation's history. This new electorate would vote for delegates to some state constitutional conventions. But military officers did not act alone. The Republican Party was virtually non-existent in the South, so Northern Party officials sent in hundreds of speakers to encourage freed people to register to vote and join their party ranks. Southern Black churches and political clubs also mobilized voters. Black ministers, teachers, and Union Army veterans

traveled deep into the countryside to educate Black men about their new rights. In Georgia, one of the most effective Black organizers was Reverend Henry McNeil Turner. After serving as the Army's first Black chaplain during the Civil War, Turner spent the first years of Reconstruction founding dozens of African Methodist Episcopal Churches, or AME churches. After Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts, Turner channeled his organizing skills into politics, building up the Georgia Republican Party through a group called the Union League. Northerners had created the Union League in 1862 to inspire patriotic support for the Union war effort. After the war, the League rapidly

spread south to encourage Black political activism, especially in the Republican Party. In the spring and summer of 1867, Turner launched Union League chapters across Georgia. He later boasted, I have put more men in the field, made more speeches, and organized more Union Leagues than any other man in the state. And through the efforts of Turner and others, by the end of 1867, virtually every Southern Black voter would become a member of the Union League or a similar organization. Union League meetings were held in homes, churches, stores, and schools. Sometimes men walked as much as 25 miles to attend gatherings and learn about their new political rights. But what was said in these meetings was often not known. Union League members

were bound by secrecy, and elaborate rituals helped cement party cohesion. At a typical meeting, organizers would display a Bible, a copy of the Declaration of Independence, and an anvil symbolizing labor. After a minister opened with a prayer, new members would take initiation oaths, pledging to uphold the Republican Party. To educate Union League members, Turner borrowed the call-and-response format traditionally used in Black sermons and prayers. At his league meetings, he called out questions such as, which party gave us the right to vote? And those gathered would roar out their answer, the Republican Party. And though formal membership was restricted to adult men, Black

women joined Union League meetings and organized mass rallies, and members did not restrict themselves solely to politics. Local leagues raised funds for the needy and built churches and schools. But as the Union League grew into a potent political force, it also became the target of white hostility. Imagine it's late at night in May 1867 in Nottoway County, Virginia. You're a member of the local Union League, and you're standing guard outside a small wooden church where your fellow members have gathered in secret. The air is heavy and humid, and you fan yourself as you scan your surroundings for signs of trouble.

Who's there? You squint through the darkness, tensing at the sight of a white man on horseback who suddenly emerges from the trees. The man flicks his eyes over to you with a look of disdain. What are you doing out here, boy? You carefully arrange your face into a neutral expression. My reverend is hosting a prayer service inside. The man dismounts, takes a step closer to you, narrowing his gaze. At this time of night? Yes, sir. We often gather at night after all the work is done. I've heard rumors of secret political meetings.

How do I know that's not what's happening? You feel your heart starting to race. Just two weeks ago, white men killed a black speaker at a Union League meeting in the neighboring county. You turn your head and lock eyes with the reverend through the window. He nods. The men inside begin to sing a hymn to disguise the gathering as a religious service. You turn back to the intruder.

Like I said, it's a prayer service. Then what are you doing standing outside? I've never heard of a prayer service having a guard. You try to keep your voice calm and steady. I just came outside for some air. The heat was stifling in there. I don't believe you. I think there's something more going on here, and I'm gonna find out what it is.

The man takes a step toward the door. You quickly reach into your jacket pocket, pull out a revolver, and aim. Whoa! You better leave now. You got some nerve, boy. But all right. I'll be on my way. You get back to your prayer service.

The man backs away, climbs up on his horse and gallops off. You breathe a long sigh of relief, but you know that there could be dangerous consequences for pulling a gun on a white man. You head inside to break up the meeting before the man comes back with reinforcements. For much of Reconstruction, Black political organizing demanded secrecy and armed self-defense. Union League members were careful not to draw attention to themselves, especially in areas with smaller Black populations.

They gathered at night, posted armed guards at the doors, and relied on word of mouth to communicate information. To further ensure their safety, some League councils organized or partnered with local black militias. But by the summer of 1867, after organizing largely in secret, many Black Union League members were ready for more public action. They traveled to their state capitals for Republican Party conventions. State parties needed to formalize their organizations and ratify platforms in advance of the upcoming Constitutional Conventions. And turnout was high. Black men made up the majority of convention delegates in Alabama,

Texas, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. In August, so many black workers attended the Virginia Convention that Richmond's tobacco factories were forced to shut down for a day. But for the Republican Party to succeed in the South, it needed white supporters too. The party found some backing from southern-born white Republicans, denounced by their critics as Scalawags, a term for scrawny livestock. Most Scalawags supported the Union during the Civil War and aligned themselves with the Republicans more for economic reasons than

out of concern for Black civil rights, counting on the Republican Party to bring new railroads, factories, and farming technology to the South. But in joining the Republican Party, Scalawags risked being shunned by their friends and neighbors. One Georgia Republican wrote, it costs nothing for a northern man to be a union man, but the rebuff and persecution received here by scalawags tells a horrible tale. The Republican Party also drew support from northern transplants, both black and white. Southern Democrats used the derogatory nickname carpetbaggers to conjure images of opportunistic Yankees who had packed their belongings into cheap sacks made of carpet fabric and moved

South to profit off the misfortunes of the war-torn region. In reality, the majority of so-called carpetbaggers were middle-class Union Army veterans, teachers, missionaries, and political leaders who moved South either out of a desire for personal advancement or to help build interracial governments. Some of the most influential carpetbackers were middle-class black men who hoped to take advantage of the new opportunities available to black people in the south. One of those men was Tunis Campbell, who had attempted to establish a freedman settlement on St. Catharines Island off the Georgia coast. After Campbell was forced to abandon St. Catharines in off the Georgia coast. After Campbell was forced to

abandon St. Catharines in 1866, he set up a new base on the nearby Georgia mainland in McIntosh County. There he leased a 1,250-acre plantation and rented plots to Black families. Standing six feet tall and dressed in a top hat, bow tie, and three-piece suit, Campbell made a powerful impression on his new community. His career as a minister had made him a forceful and persuasive speaker. A white Democrat described his commanding appearance, declaring that he possessed the faculty of attaching the masses to him in the most wonderful degree. There, in McIntosh County, Campbell became an election registrar, working tirelessly to register voters.

He quickly built a black political machine in the county, complete with a citizen's militia and a justice court to settle conflicts between black laborers and white employers. Then, in the fall of 1867, Campbell was elected to the Georgia Constitutional Convention, which began in December and lasted for three months. Campbell successfully introduced a provision to ban imprisonment for debt and served on a committee that passed a proposal for universal free public education. All across the South that winter, more states held Constitutional Conventions. Most antebellum officials were barred from attending, so three-quarters of the delegates were Republicans.

Black Republicans worked side-by-side with Southern white Republicans and Northern transplants to create the bylaws for their new state governments. Among these black Republican delegates was Robert Smalls, a formerly enslaved man who had captured the North's attention in 1862 when he commandeered a Confederate warship and sailed his way to freedom. As a delegate in the South Carolina Convention, Smalls also helped pass a measure to provide free public education. But some Black proposals at the state conventions fell short. Delegates made little progress in their efforts to advance land ownership for freed people. Still, the conventions all drafted modern, progressive constitutions that guaranteed Black civil and political rights. All ten former Confederate states created the South's first public school systems. Eight states abolished imprisonment for debt, while six

abolished property qualifications for running for office. Nine states recognized the right of married women to own property. Georgia abolished whipping as a punishment. And every southern state enacted universal male suffrage, regardless of race, putting them ahead of even most northern states. A year after Republicans took control of Reconstruction, Black Southerners had made remarkable progress. But back in Washington, President Johnson was determined to hinder their efforts. The next great battle between the president and Congress was about to begin.

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or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to Criminal Attorney early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Richard Bandler revolutionized the world of self-help all thanks to an approach he developed called neurolinguistic programming. Even though NLP worked for some, its methods have been criticized for being dangerous in the wrong hands. Throw in Richard's dark past as a cocaine addict and murder suspect, and you can't help but wonder what his true intentions were. I'm Sachi Cole.

And I'm Sarah Hagee. And we're the hosts of Scamfluencers, a weekly podcast from Wondery that takes you along the twists and turns of the most infamous scams of all time, the impact on victims, and what's left once the facade falls away. We recently dove into the story of the godfather of modern mental manipulation, Richard Bandler, whose methods inspired some of the most toxic and criminal self-help movements of the last two decades. Follow Scamfluencers on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to Scamfluencers and more Exhibit C

true crime shows like Morbid and Kill List early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus. Check out Exhibit C in the Wondery app for all your true crime listening. As soon as the Republican-led Congress began passing the Reconstruction Acts in March 1867, President Andrew Johnson began doing everything in his power to block their enforcement. He replaced Republican Army generals in the South with Democrats. In speeches, he questioned Black men's capacity to vote, with harsh rhetoric that encouraged Southern whites to obstruct Black voter registration. He also had his attorney general issue a ruling to limit the military's authority in the South, prompting Congress to pass supplementary legislation,

declaring the Army's supremacy over Southern civilian governments. Because Johnson preferred a limited federal government and a lenient policy toward the South, he was firmly against the use of federal power to force states to expand black civil rights. And he was willing to use his authority as president to thwart Congress's Reconstruction efforts. His continued defiance convinced many Republicans that their vision of Reconstruction could not succeed as long as he remained in office. Talk of impeachment spread through Congress in the spring and summer of 1867, and soon Johnson provided his enemies

with a justification for it. Johnson had long wanted to remove Secretary of War Edwin Stanton from office. Stanton was a holdover from the Lincoln administration and a fierce ally of the Radical Republicans. In his role at the War Department, he controlled the military in the South, which meant he was charged with enforcing Congress's Reconstruction agenda. Knowing Johnson wanted to remove Stanton, in March 1867, Congress sought to protect the Secretary's position by passing the Tenure of Office Act over the President's veto. This law prohibited the removal of cabinet officers without the Senate's consent. Johnson believed the Tenure of Office Act was an unconstitutional overreach, so he decided to put it to the test, hoping the

courts would strike it down. On August 12, while Congress was in recess, Johnson suspended Stanton and named General Ulysses S. Grant as his replacement. Grant had led the Union Army to victory in the Civil War, making him a national hero. Johnson hoped that by replacing Stanton with the most popular man in the North, he could silence any potential critics. But Johnson's defiance of the Tenure of Office Act enraged Republicans. When Congress reconvened in December, the Senate promptly voted to reinstate Stanton. Grant, who disliked Johnson and privately opposed his policies, willingly resigned.

Republican leaders assumed the matter was settled, but Johnson was soon emboldened by the results of the fall 1867 elections. Republicans suffered losses across the North, especially in states where black suffrage was on the ballot. Believing the weakened Republicans would not challenge him again, Johnson made a fateful decision. On February 21, 1868, in full defiance of the Tenure of Office Act,

Johnson dismissed Stanton again and named another new Secretary of War. But this time, it was Stanton himself who was not willing to go down without a fight. Imagine it's February 22nd, 1868, in Washington, D.C. You're an Army general, and you're hurrying down a corridor in the War Department. Yesterday, President Andrew Johnson fired your longtime rival, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, and named you as his replacement. You went out last night to celebrate, and you're still a bit hungover from the festivities. But this morning, before you could take over the post, you were arrested and briefly jailed on Stanton's orders,

charged with illegally seizing his office. This morning, a friend bailed you out, and now you've come here to confront Stanton and claim your new position. You burst through the door to the secretary's office. Stanton is sitting on a worn sofa. He looks up at you through his small wire-framed glasses. Hello, General. I see your stay in jail was a short one. You shake your head, anger bubbling up in your chest. I am interim secretary of war, and I have been ordered by the president to take charge of this office.

Standing gives you his famous stern glare. That won't be happening. I order you to return to your own office and your duties as adjutant general. I am no longer an adjutant general. I am an interim secretary of war. I will not obey your orders. I will only answer to the president now. Nonsense. As you well know, the president has no authority to remove me from office. Therefore, I am still secretary of war, and I order you to return to your office as adjutant general. You throw your arms up in frustration. I will not. This is ridiculous. You march over to the secretary's desk and start rifling through the mail. Stanton rises and follows you.

Stop that at once. Why should I? It's addressed to the Secretary of War. That would be me. I knew I should have asked the judge to set a higher bail. You know, the next time you have me arrested, try not to do it before I've had something to eat. I'm still hungover from last night's masquerade ball. Stanton laughs and walks over to the cabinet behind his desk. He pulls out a bottle and two glasses. I'll keep that in mind.

I'm afraid I don't have any food, but here, have some hair of the dog. As Stanton hands you the glass, you take in his disheveled appearance. His suit is wrinkled, and his long beard is even more scraggly than usual. Did you sleep here last night? Like I said, I'm not going anywhere. As you take a sip, you notice a charred, acrid odor lingering in the air. You look over at an iron pot on the floor in front of the fireplace. Stanton follows your gaze.

I tried to make Irish stew. It's harder than you would think. You shake your head in disbelief at the farce of this situation. You down the rest of your glass, relishing the burn of whiskey. Fine. If you refuse to leave, I have no choice but to go. For now. You walk out of the office, resolving to take up this matter with President Johnson. This childish feud isn't how you envisioned the next step in your illustrious career playing out. On February 22, 1868, Johnson's new Secretary of War, General Lorenzo Thomas, arrived for his first day on the job, planning to evict his predecessor, Edwin Stanton. But Stanton refused to leave his post. He barricaded himself in the office and would remain there for the next two months, much to the chagrin

of his wife. Both moderate and radical Republicans were outraged by Johnson's attempt to remove Stanton. One newspaper publisher wrote to Republican Senator Charles Sumner, asking, Is the president crazy or only drunk? I'm afraid his doings will make us all favor impeachment. The New York Times called his actions wild and wanton. Johnson's former attorney general asked whether the president intended to start another rebellion. For Republicans, it was the final straw. They immediately began preparing for impeachment proceedings. Johnson was unfazed, though, simply declaring, let them impeach and be damned. On February 24th, the House of Representatives

voted to impeach Johnson for high crimes and misdemeanors. The vote fell along strict party lines. 126 Republicans voted yes, 47 Democrats voted no. Johnson was the first president in American history to be impeached. The House quickly brought 11 articles of impeachment against him. Nine charged him with various violations of the Tenure of Office Act. One charged him with publicly ridiculing Congress, accusing him of intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues. Radical Republican Congressman Thaddeus Stevens wrote the final article, accusing Johnson of failing to execute the law by interfering with the Reconstruction Acts. After being charged by the House,

Johnson's case then moved to the Senate for trial, and if convicted, he would be removed from office. The trial began on March 30, 1868, amid intense public interest and media coverage. For his defense, Johnson hired some of the nation's best lawyers, who skillfully exposed ambiguities in the Tenure of Office Act. They argued that because Stanton had been appointed by Lincoln, Johnson was not obligated to retain him as Secretary of War. Congressional Republicans conducted the prosecution, but they had a hard time building a strong legal case because none of the charges explicitly laid

out the real reason Johnson had been impeached. Congress was fed up with his stubborn politics and his handling of Reconstruction. So while Johnson's lawyers mounted their defense, the President took steps to defuse the situation. He hinted privately that he would stop obstructing the Republican agenda. He gave no more speeches attacking Congress, and he promised to appoint a respected general as the new Secretary of War. Despite their animosity, many Republicans were impressed by this dignified behavior as the trial proceeded. Another factor also helped Johnson's case. Because he had succeeded Lincoln

to the presidency, Johnson himself had no vice president. At the time, there was no constitutional provision for appointing a new vice president when the previous one had vacated office. And that meant if Johnson was removed, his successor would be Benjamin Wade, the president pro-temporary of the Senate. Wade's abrasive style, radical views, and pro-labor stance made him unpopular among moderate Republicans in the larger northern business community. So after a trial of more than six weeks, finally, on May 16, 1868, the Senate took a vote. Thirty-five senators voted to convict, nineteen to acquit. The tally fell one vote short of the required two-thirds majority.

The ailing Thaddeus Stevens was furious. As aides carried him out of the chamber, he cried out, This country is going to the devil. Seven Republican senators had crossed party lines and voted not guilty. One of them was Iowa Senator James Grimes, who explained, I cannot agree to destroy the harmonious workings of the Constitution for the sake of getting rid of an unacceptable president. The acquittal meant that Johnson would remain in office and serve out the rest of his term.

In the spring of 1868, while Johnson was fighting for his presidency, Southern voters went to the polls to elect local and state officials and ratify the new constitutions drafted during the winter conventions. A Northern transplant in Alabama described the enthusiasm of black voters, declaring that in their hunger to have the same chances as white men, they arrived at the polls in defiance of fatigue, hardship, and threats of employers. Southern black men weren't just casting votes. They were also on the ballot. In Georgia, Tunis Campbell ran for state senate. He was already a familiar figure to black voters, having registered many of them to vote. So in April, Campbell was elected by an overwhelming majority.

He was one of three black state senators in a body of just 44. Meanwhile, Union League leader Henry McNeil Turner won a seat in the Georgia House of Representatives. Turner would go on to fight for an eight-hour workday and legal protections for sharecroppers, while Campbell introduced bills to improve the state justice system and end discrimination in public transportation. But the adoption of new constitutions by the Southern states had another consequence.

In June 1868, seven former Confederate states were readmitted to the Union. Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, and South Carolina. And following South Carolina's ratification vote on July 9th, the 14th Amendment became law. For the first time, Black Americans were full U.S. citizens, entitled to equal protection under the law. By the end of the summer of 1868, the only Southern states that had not been reconstructed were Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas. Republicans were now in power in most of the South, but their future remained uncertain.

As these Southern states were readmitted to the Union, federal soldiers withdrew, and former Confederates were re-enfranchised, tipping the balance back in favor of Democrats. One Democratic newspaper warned, these constitutions and governments will last just as long as the bayonets which ushered them into being, and not one day longer. For now, Southern Republicans had gained a precarious hold on power, but they knew that the ultimate fate of Reconstruction still depended on the support of the federal government. And with the next presidential election looming, the future of the South hung in the balance. In November 1991, media tycoon Robert Maxwell mysteriously vanished from his luxury yacht

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Buy It Now. Stream free on Freeview and Prime Video. In May 1868, the Republican Party gathered in Chicago to rally around a new leader that could capture the presidency. Only one candidate was seriously considered, General Ulysses S. Grant, and he won the nomination by a unanimous vote. To many, Grant was the obvious choice for the first presidential election following the Civil War. He was a popular Northern War hero, and he had no record of divisive political opinions. After the turmoil of an impeachment trial, Republicans were eager to put a military man in the White House rather than a professional politician. And along with

their nomination of Grant, the Republican platform called for defending Congress's Reconstruction agenda. As was customary in the 19th century, Grant did not do any campaigning. Instead, Republicans borrowed a vague, unifying slogan from his letter of acceptance, Let Us Have Peace. To challenge Grant, the Democratic Party passed over Johnson in favor of Horatio Seymour, the former wartime governor of New York. Seymour ran on a platform denouncing the Reconstruction Acts and demanding the immediate abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau, running one of the most blatantly white supremacist campaigns in American history.

Seymour's running mate, Frank Blair, set the tone when he attacked Republicans for putting the South under the rule of what he called a semi-barbarous race of blacks who longed to subjugate the white woman to their unbridled lust. Democrats like Blair played into white voters' resentment of growing black political power. And nowhere was that resentment stronger than in Georgia. In the Republican-dominated state legislature, Tunis Campbell, Henry McNeil Turner, and the other 30 newly elected black lawmakers faced a barrage of criticism. White legislators of both parties went so far as to deny their right to be there.

They argued that the new Georgia Constitution only gave Black men the right to vote, but did not empower them to hold office. And that fall, when federal troops withdrew from Georgia, White legislators decided they had free reign to oust their black colleagues. So on September 3rd, the Georgia House of Representatives voted to expel all black legislators just a few short months after they had won their seats. Turner delivered an impassioned speech criticizing the decision, declaring, we will light a torch of truth that will never be extinguished. When you expel us, you make us forever your political foes, and you will never But the Georgia State Senate followed suit a few days later. Tunis Campbell took to the Senate floor and called the decision

illegal, unconstitutional, and oppressive. But the Democratic senators, who flashed guns as Campbell spoke, made it clear for his own safety he had no choice but to leave office. and oppressive. But the Democratic senators, who flashed guns as Campbell spoke, made it clear for his own safety he had no choice but to leave office. In the fall of 1868, the momentum of Black political power came under threat throughout the South amid an outbreak in vigilante violence. Several underground organizations began to materialize, including the Knights of the White Camellia in Louisiana and the White Brotherhood in North Carolina, but none were more notorious than the Ku Klux Klan. Shortly after the Civil War, Confederate veterans in Tennessee founded

the Klan as a white social club, but by 1868, it morphed into a violent terrorist organization dedicated to upholding white supremacy. The Klan quickly spread into nearly every southern state in response to Reconstruction and the mass mobilization of freed people. Its goal was to destroy black political power and terrorize Republican Party leaders and voters. Masking their identity in ghostly white robes and hoods, mounted Klansmen stalked the countryside at night, dragging Black people from their homes, beating them, and sometimes killing them. The Klan drew legions of Confederate veterans, but all classes of white society took part,

including ministers, merchants, professionals, and poor farmers. So soon, Klan violence reached unprecedented levels. During the 1868 election season, Klansmen assassinated a white Arkansas congressman, one Black and two white members of the South Carolina state legislature, and several men of both races who served in state constitutional conventions. In Louisiana alone, Klansmen killed nearly 1,000 people in the eight months leading up to the election. In Georgia, Henry McNeil Turner began traveling with an armed guard. The worst violence took place in the small town of Opelousas in St. Landry Parish, Louisiana.

There, an 18-year-old white teacher from Ohio named Emerson Bentley was also the editor of a local Republican newspaper, which made him a frequent target of threats. On the morning of September 28, 1868, Bentley was teaching a class of black children when three white men came to the schoolhouse door. They forced him to sign a retraction of an article he had written criticizing local Democrats. Then they began to beat him, sending Bentley's students fleeing in terror. Bentley managed to escape, but rumors of his death led black Republicans to organize and threaten revenge. The local chapter of the white supremacist group, Knights of the White Camellia, responded by mobilizing thousands of white men to take up arms. Over the next two weeks in Opelousas, the Knights murdered roughly 250

black residents. Some were killed in their homes, while others were shot in the street. One body was displayed in front of a local drugstore. Another 25 were found piled up in the woods. The Opelousas Massacre was one of the deadliest incidents of violence of the Reconstruction era, and it had its intended effect, wiping out the Republican Party in St. Landry Parish for years to come. As the November presidential election neared, Black Southerners knew how high the stakes were. A victory for Grant and the Republicans

could help counter the ongoing threats of violence and intimidation from the Klan and other vigilante groups, while a Democratic victory might spell the end of Reconstruction. No one was more aware of this than a group that still lacked political power, not just in the South, but throughout America, Black women. Though they could not vote, they did whatever it took to make sure that their husbands, brothers, and sons supported the Republican Party and wielded their rights to the ballot box. Imagine it's early morning in October 1868 in Yazoo County, Mississippi.

You're bustling around the kitchen of your employer's house, preparing breakfast for the family. You've been up since before dawn, getting the fire started and ingredients ready. But your mind is on the upcoming election. Your husband Isaac walks into the kitchen, suppressing a yawn. Is breakfast ready? With your knife still in your hand, you point at his chest and frown. Where's your badge?

What badge? Your campaign badge. The one you got last night at the rally. I thought you were going to wear it. Isaac fidgets with the rag in his hand. But what if Mr. Thompson sees? You know he won't like it. So what if he sees? I never figured you for a coward. He doesn't like us talking politics. I know he doesn't, but we can't just sit by and let things happen. If we want things to change, we have to take a stand. We need to make sure Grant is elected. Now where is it?

Isaac shrugs. In the cupboard with the cleaning supplies. You rummage through the cupboard to find a tin star-shaped button behind a stack of rags. It shows the faces of Grant and his running mate Skylar Colfax. You grab your husband's hand and place it in his palm. Put it on. Isaac looks at the badge in his hand and then back at you. Come on, honey. If Thompson catches me wearing this, I could lose my job. And who knows what else he could do to me.

Look, I don't want any harm to come to you. But we have to fight for what we believe in. I won't do it. I'm sorry. Fine. Then I'll wear it. And I'll wear it proudly. I want everyone to see. You snatch the badge out of his hand and pin it on your own chest. You know I can't vote, so I'm counting on you. You better vote up and down the Republican ticket next week if you expect to stay married. Isaac shifts uneasily,

avoiding your gaze. You poke him with your finger. Isaac nods sheepishly as you return to the stove. You pat the badge on your chest. You don't care what anyone says. You're going to do everything in your power to fight for your future. During the 1868 election, Black women made a powerful contribution by pressuring men in their communities to vote Republican. They shamed men who were reluctant to participate in politics and threatened vengeance against those who were considered straying from the Republican Party. And when men went to the polls in November, many women accompanied them, hoping their presence would discourage violent attacks from white vigilantes. So when the votes were counted, Grant swept the election, winning 214 electoral votes compared to Democrat Horatio Seymour's 80. Half a million black men voted for the Union war hero, helping to deliver him a 53% majority of the popular vote.

But violence and intimidation did make the margins narrower. Seymour won Georgia and Louisiana, where Republican mobilization crumbled in the face of white violence. Eleven Georgia counties with Black majorities recorded no Republican votes.

Not a single Republican vote was registered in St. Landry Parish, Louisiana, the site of the Opelousas Massacre. But Grant's election guaranteed that congressional reconstruction would continue. Still, the 1868 election marked a shift in the Republican leadership. Republicans had long been the party of change, but Grant campaigned on peace and stability. The party also lost one of its most progressive leaders that August, when radical firebrand Thaddeus Stevens succumbed to his ailments and died.

As the radical generation began to pass, so too would the federal government's commitment to Reconstruction. And soon, white supremacist vigilantes would launch a full-blown reign of terror across the southern countryside, threatening to undo the hard-won gains of black men and women who were only just beginning to exercise their rights. From Wondery, this is Episode 3 of our six-part series, Reconstruction from American History Tellers.

On the next episode, Congress passes the 15th Amendment, guaranteeing universal male suffrage, and Black men hold office in higher numbers than ever. But as the Ku Klux Klan spreads murder and mayhem in the South, Black militias on Apple Podcasts. Prime members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey. American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsey Graham, for Airship. Audio editing by Christian Paraga.

Sound design by Molly Bach. Music by Lindsey Graham. Voice acting by Cat Peoples and Ace Anderson. This episode is written by Ellie Stanton. Edited by Dorian Marina. Our series consultant is Ashley Lawrence Sanders. Produced by Alita Rozanski. Our production coordinators are Desi Blaylock and Christian Banas.

Managing producer Matt Gant. Senior producer Andy Herman. Executive producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman and Marsha Louis for Wondery. Dracula, the ancient vampire who terrorizes Victorian London. Blood and garlic, bats and crucifixes. Even if you haven't read the book, you think you know the story. One of the incredible things about Dracula is that not only is it this wonderful snapshot of the 19th century, but it also has so much resonance today. The vampire doesn't cast a reflection in a mirror. So when we look in the mirror, the only thing we see is our own monstrous abilities. From the host and producer of American History Tellers and History Daily comes the new podcast, The Real History of Dracula.

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