American History Tellers - Reconstruction Era | The Panic | 5

Episode Date: June 28, 2023

On Easter Sunday, 1873, an armed white mob battled a Black militia over control of a courthouse in a rural Louisiana parish. In the end, as many as 150 Black citizens were massacred. It was one the deadliest incidents of racial violence during the Reconstruction era.As anti-Black violence ravaged the South, President Ulysses S. Grant entered his second term. Soon, the North’s commitment to defending Southern Black political rights faltered when disaster struck Wall Street, triggering bank failures across America. Tens of thousands of freedpeople saw their meager savings disappear, as their political rights came under threat from armed Southern Democrats determined to reclaim power once and for all.Listen ad free with Wondery+. Join Wondery+ for exclusives, binges, early access, and ad free listening. Available in the Wondery App. https://wondery.app.link/historytellersSupport us by supporting our sponsors!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Wondery Plus subscribers can binge new seasons of American History Tellers early and ad-free right now. Join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. A listener note, this episode contains graphic descriptions of racial violence and may not be suitable for everyone. Imagine it's April 13, 1873, in Grant Parish, Louisiana. You're a member of an all-black militia regiment. Local elections were held a few months ago, and both the Republican and Democratic candidates have claimed victory. For the past three weeks, your Republican-affiliated militia has occupied the local courthouse to prevent the anti-Reconstruction Democrats from taking control of the government.

But you've just gotten word that their forces are gathering to attack and seize the courthouse. Now you're riding as fast as you can upriver to confront the Democratic candidate for sheriff, Christopher Columbus Nash, hoping to head off any violence. Whoa, girl. You come to a stop at a collection of old slave cabins and dismount. Nash appears from the side of one of them wearing a battered Confederate army cap and walking towards you with a firm grip on his rifle. You stand a little straighter. I got your message, Nash. What do you want? I want to know when you're planning to leave the courthouse. I hear you've been joined by half the

black women and children in the parish. We're not leaving until we're sure our leaders are in charge of the government and able to do the jobs they were elected for. People are sheltering with us because they don't feel safe staying at home with your posses riding through the parish. Nash glares at you with inky eyes. Your leaders lost the election fair and square. As the sheriff-elect of this parish, I demand you relinquish that courthouse immediately. No. We represent the true winners of the last election, and we're going to stay right where we are until we get some assistance from the Army. My captain has gone to New Orleans, and he's going to come back with federal troops. If your people stack up your arms and leave the courthouse in peace, you won't be harmed.

And we can resolve this disputed election amicably. For a brief moment, you consider the offer. If push comes to shove, you're not sure how many of your men will stand and fight. You have women and children to consider, but then you think the better of it. How am I supposed to trust your word? One of your men killed my neighbor last week, shot him dead in his own front yard, right in front of his wife and son. We're not going anywhere. Nash puffs out his chest, staring at you fiercely.

So be it. Go back and tell your people that we're coming, and they better get out of that courthouse if they want to live. I'll give you a 30-minute head start to evacuate the women and children. You look Nash dead in the eye and spit on the ground. Then you turn and climb back onto your horse and gallop off. You hoped it wouldn't come to this. But now you know you have no other option than to dig in and fight.

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Stream free on Freebie and Prime Video. Have you ever wondered who created that bottle of sriracha that's living in your fridge? Or why nearly every house in America has at least one game of Monopoly? Introducing The Best Idea Yet, a brand new podcast about the surprising origin stories of the products you're obsessed with. Listen to The Best Idea Yet on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. From Wondery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers. Our history, your story. In the spring of 1873, Grant Parish, Louisiana, was in chaos. In the aftermath of a disputed election, an all-Black militia occupied the local courthouse to prevent their Democratic rivals from taking power. The Democrats resolved to fight back.

Their battle for control would result in one of the deadliest days of the Reconstruction era. prevent their Democratic rivals from taking power. The Democrats resolved to fight back. Their battle for control would result in one of the deadliest days of the Reconstruction era. Rampant violence toward freed people continued as President Ulysses S. Grant entered his second term. But in the wake of a crushing nationwide depression, political priorities shifted and Reconstruction lost momentum. With the economy faltering, Northern Republicans pulled back from protecting Black rights, and this signaled the retreat from Reconstruction had begun. As the Norse commitment to Reconstruction waned, especially in the wake of a financial crisis, Southern Democrats resolved to topple the region's remaining Republican regimes. They launched a bloody crusade for power, forcing Black leaders and

voters to fight for their very survival. This is Episode 5, The Panic. The 1872 election for Louisiana governor was bitterly contested. Both parties claimed victory and staged separate inauguration ceremonies. In February 1873, a Republican federal judge settled the race by declaring Republican candidate William Pitt Kellogg the victor. But the conflict was still far from over. Kellogg had secured his control in the Capitol, but turmoil between the warring factions continued across the state. In Grant Parish, Louisiana, both Republican and Democratic candidates claimed victory in races for the positions of judge, sheriff, and parish council.

Rumors spread that in order to validate their claims, Democrats intended to seize control of the courthouse in the tiny town of Colfax, the seat of Grant Parish. In response, local Republicans decided it was time for bold action. Leading the charge was William Ward, a Union Army veteran and captain of an all-black state militia unit in Grant Parish. Ward had a large scar on his forehead from a barroom brawl and a powerful personality that earned him the respect of black people and the hatred of whites. He was deeply committed to his role as militia captain, and when white vigilantes assassinated one of Ward's white allies in 1871, he deployed his men to arrest the murderers, a move that aggravated racial tensions in the parish. In his determination

to safeguard Republican control of Grant Parish, Ward decided to occupy the courthouse, a rudimentary building fashioned out of an old stable. On the night of March 25, 1873, Ward's militia marched into Colfax and took over the courthouse. They were joined by several black and white Republican political leaders. Ward cordoned off the area and posted armed sentries around the perimeter. The next day, the militia stood guard as the Republican candidates were sworn into office. To make it official, they had a messenger carry their oaths of office to the Louisiana Secretary of State. Democrats were furious. On the morning of April 1st, a group of armed white men arrived at the courthouse, hoping to drive the Republicans out. But the courthouse was so well defended

that the attackers were forced to retreat. As news of this occupation spread, tensions grew. When a band of armed whites killed a black farmer in his own front yard, in front of his wife and six-year-old son, panicked black families fled to Colfax for protection. By April 7th, roughly 400 men, women, and children were camped out in or around the courthouse. But the Democrats kept coming. Soon, an army of vigilantes, many of them former Klansmen, descended on Grant Parish. Ward set out for New Orleans, hoping to return with federal troops. He left his fellow militiaman Levi Allen in charge. The black defenders hastily dug a trench around the courthouse. A handful of remaining white Republicans fled, leaving roughly

150 black men as defense. Only about half of them were armed. The conflict came to a head on Easter Sunday, April 13th. That morning, the Democrats' candidate for sheriff, Christopher Columbus Nash, met with Allen and delivered an ultimatum. He demanded control of the courthouse, promising safe passage out of Colfax to the black defenders if they surrendered their weapons. But rather than trust Nash, Allen decided to stand his ground, hoping that Ward would soon return from New Orleans with reinforcements. He hastily evacuated the black women and children and settled his men into defensive positions. At noon, Nash's men arrived at the courthouse and started shooting. The two

sides exchanged fire for the next two hours. Then, when Nash's men opened fire with a cannon, some of the black defenders fled into the woods, only to be captured or killed. One freedman was overtaken by his former owner, who shouted, God damn you, I told you what I would do if I caught you here. The freedman was shot dead while he begged for his life. Back at the courthouse, Nash decided to set the building on fire to try to smoke out the men inside. His men soaked a cotton rag in kerosene and wrapped it around the end of a bamboo fishing pole. They lit this makeshift torch and forced one of their black prisoners to walk up to the building and set it ablaze. As flames licked the roof of the courthouse,

a dozen black defenders laid down their weapons and came out waving white handkerchiefs. Despite their surrender, the attackers shot them dead. Nash's men fired their guns so indiscriminately that they accidentally wounded and killed some of their own. By four o'clock, bodies littered the ground all over Colfax. Nash promised the remaining handful of black men inside the smoking courthouse that they would not be harmed if they gave themselves up, and faced with no other choice, the men came out and surrendered. But later that night, a group of younger white men defied Nash's promise of safety. They lined up the prisoners and shot them at point-blank range. Two days later,

Deputy U.S. Marshals rode into Colfax to put an end to the violence. By then, as many as 150 black residents were dead. Just three white men had lost their lives. This Colfax Massacre was one of the bloodiest events of the Reconstruction Era. The violence made headlines across the country, and though authorities indicted nearly 100 white men for their crimes, only nine were charged with violating the Enforcement Acts, which empowered the federal government to prosecute those who violated civil rights. But despite the brutal assault at the courthouse, Republicans managed to maintain a tenuous hold in Grant Parish. But in the meantime, elsewhere in the South, the Colfax Massacre inspired new outbursts of white supremacist violence.

While Republicans fought to retain power in the South, the nation was abuzz with stories of corruption and scandal in Reconstruction state governments. In the spring of 1873, journalist James S. Pike toured South Carolina and published a series of widely read articles about his findings. Originally from Maine, Pike was a correspondent for the New York Tribune, the nation's most influential Republican newspaper. When Reconstruction began, Pike was a radical Republican, but by 1872 he had defected to the Liberal Republican Party, supporting his boss, Tribune publisher Horace Greeley, for president. Greeley had campaigned against Reconstruction,

and Pike quickly came around to his boss's views. In his articles, Pike depicted South Carolina's Reconstructionist government as rife with corruption, bribery, and incompetence. He later compiled his reporting into an influential book called The Prostrate State, South Carolina Under Negro Government. In it, he declared South Carolina to be controlled by a mass of black barbarism, the most ignorant democracy that mankind ever saw. Pike accused black lawmakers of spending taxpayer dollars on expensive Belgian carpets for their private apartments. He also reported that legislators voted to reimburse the House Speaker for $1,000 lost in a horse-racing bet. Pike claimed to be a neutral observer of South Carolina,

but he sourced most of his reporting from interviews with white Democrats and only spoke with one Black South Carolinian during his visit. Pike's articles and editorials in the Tribune were republished in other Republican newspapers across the country, and his racist accounts had powerful influence on Northern public opinion. Even newspapers supportive of Reconstruction began to condemn South Carolina's black legislators as the myth of rampant black corruption spread and support grew for restoring white Southern elites to power under the slogan of Home Rule. This push for Home Rule grew even stronger in the fall of 1873,

when an economic catastrophe struck the nation and sapped Northern resolve for defending black rights in the South. The catalyst for the crisis was a post-Civil War boom in railroad construction, which had fueled astonishing economic expansion. But the industry was built on speculative fever and shaky financing. When investments in railroads began to falter, years of economic growth came crashing down. On September 18, 1873, the nation's largest banking house declared bankruptcy, triggering a nationwide economic collapse. In what became known as the Panic of 1873, thousands of businesses failed and three million Americans lost their jobs. It was the worst economic depression the nation had ever faced.

But few groups suffered more than Southern black farmers, who were already struggling to escape a cycle of grinding poverty. Imagine it's November 1873, and you're in Wilcox County, Alabama. The sun is setting over the cotton fields as you make your way back to your small cabin. You're a sharecropper, and you've spent the day picking what remains of this season's cotton harvest. You've been working since sunrise, the same as every day since you signed a contract with Mr. Cole, the white man who owns this land. But as you trudge up the steps to your cabin, the sight of Mr. Cole on your porch stops you in your tracks. Good evening, sir. We need to talk. Your heart races as you step up onto the porch. Mr. Cole's grim expression tells you that he's

come bearing bad news. Harvest is almost over and I'm still owed the tools and seed I advanced you in the spring. It's time to settle up. I'm sorry, sir. I know I'm behind on my payments, but if you could just give me more time. Cotton prices are down. I've got my own expenses to pay for. It's been a bad yield this year. The weather's been against us.

Cole crosses his arms in front of his chest. That's the life of a farmer. Get used to it. Mr. Cole, it's the 50% interest you're charging that's killing me. Maybe if you lowered it, I could find a way to come up with the money. You signed a contract. You're bound to the terms we agreed to. You feel a cold sweat breaking out on your back.

Could you give me another advance, just to make it into the next planting season? Sure, I could do that. But I'll have to charge a higher interest rate. His gaze travels to the small plot beside your cabin, where you and your wife have planted peas, corn, and sweet potatoes. And I suggest you stop wasting your time with all this gardening and plant more cotton. We grow those vegetables to live on. My family needs to eat. You could feed them on what you earn from your cotton plantings if you weren't

so lazy and stupid. I'll give you one more year, but if you can't make your payments, I'll have to evict you. As Mr. Cole walks away, you sink onto the porch steps. You feel like the system is rigged against you, and no matter how hard you work, it's never enough to climb out of this bottomless pit of debt. Black Southerners endured immense hardship in the aftermath of the Panic of 1873. The South already lagged behind the North in industrial and agricultural output, and the region was hit hard by economic depression.

Over the next few years, the price of cotton fell by nearly 50%. Farmers descended into poverty, and merchants went bankrupt. Hopes for creating a modernized, industrial Southern economy were shattered. Black Southerners were especially hard hit because most did not own property. Despite some of the early promises of Reconstruction, federal and state officials had failed to provide land for freed people. Without land, most Black families remained poor and trapped in the sharecropping system. Even the rare black farmers who had managed to purchase land were soon reduced to sharecropping, which became all but universal. But for Democrats, the economic misery presented a political opportunity. In 1874, Democrats prepared to

stage a comeback by exploiting economic suffering and stories of Southern corruption to turn public opinion against the Republicans. With Reconstruction and the fate of Southern corruption to turn public opinion against the Republicans. With Reconstruction and the fate of Southern democracy at stake, Democrats plan to ride a wave of discontent to reclaim their dominance. In a quiet suburb, a community is shattered by the death of a beloved wife and mother. But this tragic loss of life quickly turns into something even darker. Her husband had tried to hire a hitman on the dark web to kill her. And she wasn't the only target. Because buried in the depths of the internet is The Kill List, a cache of chilling documents containing names, photos, addresses, and specific instructions for people's murders.

This podcast is the true story of how I ended up in a race against time to warn those whose lives were in danger. And it turns out, convincing a total stranger someone wants them dead is not easy. Follow Kill List on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to Kill List and more Exhibery app or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to Kill List and more Exhibit C True Crime shows like Morbid early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus. Check out Exhibit C in the Wondery app for all your true crime listening. In November 1991, media tycoon Robert Maxwell mysteriously vanished from his luxury yacht in the Canary

Islands. But it wasn't just his body that would come to the surface in the days that followed. It soon emerged that Robert's business was on the brink of collapse, and behind his facade of wealth and success was a litany of bad investments, mounting debt, and multi-million dollar fraud. Hi, I'm Lindsey Graham, the host of Wondery Show Business Movers. We tell the true stories of business leaders who risked it all, the critical moments that define their journey, and the ideas that transform the way we live our lives. In our latest series, a young refugee fleeing the Nazis arrives in Britain determined to make something of his life. Taking the name Robert Maxwell, he builds a publishing

and newspaper empire that spans the globe. But ambition eventually curdles into desperation, and Roberts' determination to succeed turns into a willingness to do anything to get ahead. Follow Business Movers wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen ad-free on the Amazon Music or Wondery app. On January 5th, 1874, ailing Georgia Congressman Alexander Stevens was wheeled into the House of Representatives. The former Confederate vice president spoke out in a thin, shrill voice, attacking a proposed civil rights bill that would outlaw racial discrimination in public accommodations such as trains, restaurants, or hotels. The next day, crowds filled the galleries to hear black South Carolina congressman Robert Brown Elliott deliver his rebuttal. The spectator sat spellbound as Elliott poured scorn on Stevens and traced the history of black Americans, from their sacrifice in the American Revolution

to their steadfast loyalty during the Civil War. He declared that Stevens had served in a government of greed, pride, and tyranny that trampled on the rights of black Americans who, even in the darkness of slavery, kept their allegiance to freedom and union. He continued, The passage of this bill will determine the civil status not only of the Negro, but of any other class of citizens who may feel themselves discriminated against. It will form the capstone of that temple of liberty, realizing the highest hopes of those who laid the foundation stones. As Eliot finished, shouts and applause echoed through the galleries and drowned out the banging of the speaker's gavel.

Eliot's impassioned plea became one of the most celebrated speeches of the era. But Eliot was speaking on behalf of a bill that white Republican Senator Charles Sumner had first drafted in 1870. The bill had languished for years in Congress. In 1873, President Ulysses S. Grant endorsed it in his second inaugural address. But a year later, Congress was still debating the measure. Only the tireless campaigning of Sumner and his black colleagues kept it alive. Sumner continued the fight from his deathbed, begging visitors not to let the bill fail. But it was only shortly after Sumner died in March 1874 that the Senate finally passed the Civil Rights Bill

as a tribute to the tireless champion of black equality. But the bill still faced an uphill battle in the House. All seven black congressmen spoke forcefully on behalf of passing the measure, recounting stories of racial discrimination that they had faced in their own lives. But most House Republicans feared a backlash from white constituents who resented such a sweeping change to the social order. They decided to push a vote on the bill until after the 1874 midterm elections. And for many, the delay

signaled that Congress's commitment to protecting black rights was faltering. As Reconstruction and black equality were debated in Congress, the nation continued to reel from the economic fallout of the Panic of 1873. In June of 1874, with the country still in the grip of its worst depression in history, the Freedmen's Savings Bank collapsed. Congress had chartered this bank in the final months of the Civil War to help freed people save and invest their wages. Along with individual freed people, black churches and other organizations had also entrusted their funds to the bank, which had been established as a private corporation with no legal connection to the Freedmen's Bureau or other branch of government.

But in the 1870s, the bank's all-white board had joined the frenzy of speculation that gripped the post-war economy. The board made unsecured loans to several companies that then went bankrupt in the Depression. So for thousands of black depositors, the impact of the Freedmen's Bank collapse was devastating. that then went bankrupt in the Depression. So for thousands of black depositors, the impact of the Freedmen's Bank collapse was devastating. Imagine it's June 1874,

and the sun is beating down on the streets of Richmond, Virginia. Since the end of the war nine years ago, you've been earning wages as a seamstress, scrimping and saving every penny to put towards your daughter's future. You're clutching your deposit book as you walk toward the local branch of the Freedmen's Savings Bank, feeling a sense of pride at the thought of your growing nest egg. But as you approach the bank, you see two older women walking away with angry expressions. Behind them, a young red-haired banker is nailing shut the door to the bank.

Hello, sir. Can I go in? I'd like to deposit some money. The banker turns around, patting the sweat off his forehead with a handkerchief. I'm sorry, ma'am. I'm afraid I can't help you. Bank is closed. Already? It's only two o'clock in the afternoon. When will you reopen? Never. The bank is closing for good. You feel a knot forming in your stomach. But I don't understand. What about my savings? Can I withdraw them? Ma'am, I'm sorry to tell you that all the deposits are lost. What do you mean lost? How can they just be gone? Please help me. I've been banking here for years. I have all of my information here with me. You brandished your deposit book. The banker shakes his head sympathetically.

There's nothing I can do. I'm out of a job as of today. Blame the men at the headquarters. The place was completely mismanaged. Your heart sinks. You've heard rumors that the bank was having problems. You never imagined all your hard-earned savings could just be lost in the blink of an eye. Okay, then I'll just have to be patient until the government

steps in and reimburses us. Any idea of when that will be? Banker heaves a heavy sigh. I've had this conversation a dozen times today. You don't understand. The Freedmen's Bank is a private institution. The government doesn't back your deposits. They aren't going to step in. That can't be right. It just can't be right. The banker shrugs and picks up his hammer again.

You turn around to see a small crowd forming in the front of the bank. As you look into their shocked faces, the weight of the news hits you, and you feel tears stinging your eyes. You're dreading the moment you'll have to go home, tell your family that everything you've worked for over the last decade, is suddenly gone. The closure of the Freedmen's Savings Bank caused more than 60,000 black depositors to lose their entire life savings, a collective $3 million. Most accounts only held between $5 and $50, but overnight, this hard-earned wealth of a generation had vanished.

Many depositors assumed the bank was run by the federal government. It often shared offices with the Freedmen's Bureau, and bank pamphlets and newspaper ads included drawings of Abraham Lincoln, American flags, and bald eagles. But the bank was legally private, and there was no protections in place for the assets it held. The bank's collapse contributed to black disillusionment and distrust of banking institutions. It bank's collapse contributed to black disillusionment and distrust of banking

institutions. It also provided ready ammunition to Democrats seeking to prove the folly of Reconstruction. As the midterm elections approached, Southern Democrats called for an end to Republican rule in their states, a goal they euphemistically labeled redemption. Seeking to drive voters from the Republican Party, Democratic Redeemers championed a return to what they called home rule. Exploiting the plight of poor white farmers, Redeemers blamed the Depression on corrupt and wasteful Republican financial policies. They demanded tax cuts and an end to social welfare spending, which they argued largely benefited freed people. And above all, they used racism, seeking to unify whites under the banner of white supremacy.

An editor in Alabama explained, we must render this either a white man's government or convert the land to a Negro man's cemetery. And increasingly, Democratic Redeemers turned to violence. In the summer of 1874, Democrats allied with newly formed white supremacist rifle clubs used violence and terrorism to undermine Reconstruction and strengthen Democratic Party control. Earlier that spring, Confederate veterans had founded a rifle club known as the White League in Grant Parish, Louisiana. Its early members included Christopher Columbus Nash and other veterans of the 1873 Colfax Massacre.

The founders declared that Louisiana was menaced by stupid Africanization and under the command of the most cunning and unscrupulous Negroes who may at any moment plunge us into a war of races. The White League spread quickly across the state, operating as a paramilitary arm of the Democratic Party. Over the next several months, they targeted Republican officeholders for assassination, disrupted court sessions and black political rallies, and drove freed people from their homes. But unlike the Ku Klux Klan,

the White League did not use secrecy or disguises. Members moved in broad daylight, their identities were known, and they even solicited coverage of their attacks in newspapers. They were far more organized than the Klan, and they acted with the explicit goal of overthrowing Reconstruction governments. In August 1874, the White League's summer of terror climaxed in the town of Cushata in Louisiana's Red River Parish. The majority Black area was controlled by a White Republican family, the Twitchells. Marshall Twitchell was a Union Army veteran from Vermont who led black troops during the Civil War. After the conflict ended, he moved to Louisiana to work for the Freedmen's Bureau and was elected to the state Senate, where he fought for black public education. He appointed his brother and three brothers-in-law to local positions in Red River Parish. But in the summer of 1874, the local chapter of the White League was looking for any excuse to overthrow Twitchell and his family.

They staged random attacks on black residents, and the first fatality happened on August 25th, when the White League dragged a black man out of his home and shot him in the head. Only two days later, a young black farmer fired a shotgun at a passing White League member on horseback, leaving him with a broken arm. That act of retaliation gave the White League the excuse they were looking for. In the early hours of the following morning, members rode through the surrounding countryside claiming the Twitchell clan was planning to incite a black rebellion. Later that day, the White League seized six leading white Republicans, including Twitchell's brother and brothers-in-law, and locked them up in jail.

The next day, the White League forced their hostages to sign documents resigning their offices and swearing they would leave Louisiana forever in exchange for safe passage out of town. The Republican officials quickly packed up their belongings and prepared to head to Texas. Not much later, on August 30th, two dozen guards escorted the six Republicans out of town. But on the road, just a few hours later, a band of 50 armed white riders approached and opened fire.

The guards made no effort to protect their prisoners. The White League had prearranged the massacre. The writers shot all six officials dead and buried them in shallow graves. Then, back in Cushata, white mobs murdered four black men. This Cushata massacre made headlines all across America. Northerners were stunned to learn about the execution of all of the Republican officeholders in a single parish. Even more shocking was the fact that the victims were white. It seemed no one was safe, and just two weeks later, the White League carried its campaign of violence to the state capitol in New

Orleans, targeting the Republican government there. They were determined to depose Republican Governor William Pitt Kellogg and replace him with his Democratic opponent from the 1872 election. On September 14, 1874, 3,500 members of the White League marched on New Orleans and fought a pitched battle against an equal number of police and black militiamen. Ultimately, the White League emerged triumphant and seized control of the Statehouse, the City Hall, and the arsenal. But this insurrection did not last. President Grant ordered federal soldiers to New Orleans to retake control of the city. The White League surrendered and the Republican government was reinstated. But the White League's brazen tactics marked a dramatic escalation in the Redeemer's battle against Reconstruction.

When Americans went to the polls in November 1874, Democrats made a massive comeback. Republicans held on to the Senate, but Democrats picked up a stunning 94 seats in the House. For the first time in 18 years, the Democrats now held a majority in one of the two chambers of Congress. Voters suffering from economic hardship had decided to punish the Republicans, the party in power. But the politics of Reconstruction also contributed to Republican defeats. Americans were growing weary of endless stories of Southern corruption, turmoil, and violence, and many of them blamed Republican policies aimed at helping freed people. One Northern Republican confessed, the truth is our people are tired out with this worn-out cry of Southern outrages.

Hard times and heavy taxes make them wish blacks were in hell or Africa. Republicans feared, especially in the South, that these election results signaled the looming end to national efforts to continue reconstruction and safeguard black rights. By the start of the new year, as new state governments were sworn in, only four Southern states remained under Republican control—South Carolina, Florida, Mississippi, and Louisiana. But Democrats in Mississippi soon began devising a new strategy to take back control of their state. The summer of 1875 would bring a new wave of deadly violence to the Mississippi countryside, suppressing black votes

and forcing President Grant to choose between protecting the rights of freed people and securing the future of his party. Are you in trouble with the law? Need a lawyer who will fight like hell to keep you out of jail? We defend and we fight just like you'd want your own children defended. Whether you're facing a drug charge, caught up on a murder rap, accused of committing war crimes, look no further than Paul Bergeron. All the big guys go to Bergeron because he gets everybody off.

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Oh, my God. Are we excited for this moment? Ah! I cannot believe it. Woo! Buy It Now. Stream free on Freeview and Prime Video. On January 4, 1875, Democrats attempted to seize control of the Louisiana state legislature. The previous year's election had produced a new round of contested results. Democrats appeared to have won the majority in the House, but the Republican board responsible for counting votes threw out the results in parishes that reported voter intimidation.

Five seats remained in dispute. So in January, Democrats took matters into their own hands by forcibly installing their five candidates. Only four months had passed since federal troops suppressed the White League's insurrection in New Orleans. And once again, President Ulysses S. Grant answered Governor William Pitt Kellogg's request for aid and again dispatched federal troops. Soldiers marched into the Louisiana Statehouse and escorted the five Democrats out. But this time, Grant's actions sparked uproar in both the South and the North. Even many Northern Republicans thought the President had overstepped his authority. In Boston, a large number of prominent residents

gathered in Faneuil Hall to demand the removal of troops from Louisiana. One speaker there compared the White League to America's founding fathers. Sitting in the audience and listening with alarm was 63-year-old abolitionist Wendell Phillips. Nearly 40 years had passed since Phillips rose to the forefront of the anti-slavery movement in the very same hall when he gave an emotional speech criticizing the murder of a fellow abolitionist. But now, as Phillips rose to speak in favor of protecting black civil rights,

the audience interrupted him with hisses and laughter. Hecklers cried out, That's played out. Sit down. The New York Times declared that Phillips represented ideas in regard to the South which the majority of the Republican Party have outgrown. Feeling the momentum of Reconstruction had been lost, Republican lawmakers in Washington made a last ditch attempt to pass Reconstruction legislation in a lame-duck session before the new majority Democrat Congress took office. In February, they resumed debate on Senator Sumner's long-delayed civil rights bill.

Among the lawmakers pushing for its passage was John Roy Lynch, a 27-year-old black congressman from Mississippi. Lynch was born into slavery, and he had only learned to read after the end of the Civil War. But now he stood on the House floor and declared that if American people were going to tolerate discrimination, then I can only say that our boasted civilization is a fraud, our Republican institutions a failure, our social system a disgrace,

and our religion a complete hypocrisy. After much debate, both houses finally passed the bill just days before the new Congress took their seats. On March 1st, President Grant signed the Civil Rights Act of 1875 into law. But the document Grant signed bore little resemblance to the bill Charles Sumner and Robert Brown Elliott had championed. Though it banned racial discrimination in public transportation and public accommodations, many of its protections had been stripped out, including a provision guaranteeing equal access to public schools,

and the law provided no mechanisms for enforcement. Republicans tried to celebrate the Civil Rights Act of 1875 as a major achievement, but in truth, it was largely toothless. After the Civil Rights Act passed, John Roy Lynch returned to Mississippi to begin his re-election campaign. When he arrived, he confronted an all-out assault on Reconstruction. Democrats had devised a strategy to redeem the state in the fall elections. They called it the Mississippi Plan.

The first step was to persuade 10 to 15 percent of white Republicans to switch parties, but Mississippi still had a 55 percent black majority. To overcome this numerical disadvantage, Democrats planned to keep black voters from the polls through threats, intimidation, and violence. The campaign of terror was led by a group called the Whiteliners, Mississippi's counterpart to Louisiana's White League. On September 4, 1875, some 2,000 black men, women, and children

gathered for a Republican Party barbecue in the town of Clinton, Mississippi, just 15 miles from the state capitol in Jackson. But while a Republican speaker addressed the rally, a group of armed Democrats in the crowd fell into military formation and began firing. Terrified mothers scooped up their children and fled in every direction. One hid her infant in the hollow of a tree. And when the shooting stopped, three white men and five black people were dead, including two children. Another 30 people were wounded. But the massacre was not yet over. Soon, the attackers were joined by hundreds of white-liners from neighboring towns,

descending on Clinton and killing another 50 black residents. A Republican at the rally described the slaughter, declaring, The white-liners just hunted the whole country clean out. Every black man they could see, they were shooting at them just the same as birds. Mississippi Governor Adelbert Ames begged President Grant to send federal troops to the state, but Grant refused, fearing another backlash. He wrote his attorney general declaring, the whole public are tired out with these annual autumnal outbreaks in the South and are ready to now condemn any interference on the part of the

government. So without federal help, Mississippi Republicans were left to fend for themselves. Chaos reigned on the eve of the election. Newspapers openly called for the assassination of Republican candidates. Armed vigilantes rode throughout the state, driving freed people out of their houses and threatening to kill them if they tried to vote. Come election day, this campaign paid off. The Democrats won in a landslide. For the violent white groups and their allies, Mississippi was officially redeemed. In Washington, Congressman John Roy Lynch demanded an explanation. Imagine it's late November 1875 in Washington, D.C. You're a Republican congressman from Mississippi,

and you're in the president's office in the executive mansion meeting with Ulysses S. Grant. It's a far cry from your childhood in slavery. You're amazed to find yourself sitting across from the famous general who helped win your freedom. You've been discussing federal appointments in your district where you narrowly won re-election. But now you want to change the subject to a far more delicate manner. Mr. President, there's something else I'd like to talk to you about. The recent election in Mississippi. Grant shifts in his chair. What about it? Governor Ames asked you to send soldiers to the state to fight the insurrection. We were

surprised and disappointed when none came. I still don't understand why, and I would be pleased if you could enlighten me on the subject. Grant pauses to draw a puff from his cigar. I'm happy to give you an honest reply, Congressman. I sent the request to the War Department and the Attorney General and asked them to review the matter without delay. So, what happened? A group of Ohio Republicans called on me. Our candidate for governor was facing a tough race. These men insisted that the Democrats were going to win control of Mississippi no matter what I did. But they said if I sent troops to Jackson, the Republicans wouldn't just lose Mississippi, they would lose Ohio too. I see.

Grant blows out another puff of smoke. I assure you, Congressman, it was with great reluctance that I yielded. I acted against my own judgment and sense of duty. You raise your eyebrows and scratch your mustache. You surprise me, Mr. President. I've never known you to back down so easily. What would you have had me do? You should have rebuked those men. You should have told them that it is your duty as president to enforce the Constitution to protect American citizens trying to exercise their rights, even if it meant losing Ohio. No victory is worth such a terrible cost. Grant breathes a heavy sigh and turns his seat to gaze at the portrait of Abraham Lincoln hanging on the wall.

Yes, I admit you're right. I knew at the time I was making a grave mistake. I was torn between duty and party obligation, and I chose the latter. It was a choice of head over heart. My heart was in the right place, I assure you. I don't doubt your good intentions, sir. But Mississippi was left utterly defenseless. Congressman, I'm sorry. But even if I had acted, Mississippi was a foregone conclusion. And I'm sure what happened in Jackson is only the beginning.

Grant stands and tosses the stub of his cigar into the fireplace. You're frustrated to see the man who risked everything to win the Civil War make such a calculated political choice and abandon your state to the Redeemers and Whiteliners. In November 1875, Grant confessed to Congressman Lynch that he effectively gave up Mississippi for Ohio. He admitted, It requires no profit to see that the results of the war of rebellion will have been in large measure lost. Lynch was the only Republican congressman in Mississippi who managed to hang on to his seat.

The Democratic legislature impeached and removed the black lieutenant governor from office and forced Governor Adelbert Ames to resign. He soon left the state for good. Now Republicans remained in control of just three southern states, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. But the Mississippi election signaled that the federal government was no longer willing to intervene in the South, and America was just one year out from the next presidential race.

Reconstruction had become a dangerous political liability. The tenuous gains of millions of free people were in peril, and many Black Americans feared that no matter who won the presidency, Reconstruction was doomed. From Wondery, this is Episode 5 of our six-part series, Reconstruction from American History Tellers. On the next episode, on Election Day 1876, Democrats in Louisiana and South Carolina violently suppress the black vote. The race becomes one of the most bitterly contested elections in American history, sparking a constitutional crisis and leading to a backroom deal that throws the fate of Reconstruction into jeopardy. If you like American History Tellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad-free right now

by joining Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Prime members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey. by Cat Peoples and Ace Anderson. This episode is written by Ellie Stanton, edited by Doreen Marina. Our series consultant is Ashley Lawrence Sanders, produced by Alita Rozanski. Coordinating producers are Desi Blaylock and Christian Banas. Managing producer is Matt Gant. Our senior managing producer is Ryan Lohr.

Senior producer, Andy Herman. Executive producers are Jenny Lauer-Beckman and Marsha Louis for Wondery. This is the emergency broadcast system. A ballistic missile threat has been detected inbound to your area. Your phone buzzes and you look down to find this alert. What do you do next? Maybe you're at the grocery store.

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