American History Tellers - The Carter Years | Crisis of Confidence | 2
Episode Date: April 16, 2025In 1979, after two years in office, President Jimmy Carter faced a series of crushing challenges: a deepening energy crisis, soaring inflation, rising oil and gas prices, and unemployment. Vo...ters’ dissatisfaction with his leadership grew. Then, dozens of Americans were taken hostage at the U.S. Embassy in Iran. Carter’s efforts to free them would consume his final year in office, and by 1980, his chances at a second term looked bleak.Be the first to know about Wondery’s newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Imagine it's April 9, 1979. You're a public opinion pollster in Washington, D.C., and
you've been called to the White House for breakfast with First Lady Rosalind Carter.
You got to know the Carters when you advised them during the 1976 campaign, but over the
past two years the President has become too busy to pay much attention to your polls and
memos.
Thankfully, though, you still have the ear of the First Lady.
So over breakfast this morning, you're hoping to convince her to alert the president to
his dismal approval ratings, which recently dropped to 25 percent, even lower than Richard
Nixon's numbers during the worst of the Watergate scandal.
So you put down your fork and get straight to the point.
Ma'am, these latest numbers are frightening.
It's clear that people are feeling alienated, disillusioned, and angry.
They're looking for someone to blame.
So they're blaming my husband.
It would appear so.
These problems, the long lines of gas stations, inflation, unemployment, he didn't create
them.
We all know that.
But they are threatening the political and social fabric of the country.
The problem is the president is focusing a lot on foreign affairs, but he's ignoring
the urgent pocketbook issues facing everyday Americans.
People are in a funk.
What do you mean, a funk?
Well, they're losing faith.
There's a level of pessimism I haven't seen before.
Call it a crisis of confidence.
This sounds grim.
Yeah.
And I know the president is an optimist, but at this rate, he's an optimist who's destined
to be a one-term president.
After saying this, you worry you said too much.
But the First Lady nods her head.
He's been trying to run the country.
He's not thinking about re-election.
Well, I think he needs to start.
The campaign's only a year away.
Will you talk to him?
I will, but I suggest you write him a memo
explaining this so-called crisis of confidence.
I'll make sure he reads it.
Yes, ma'amam and thank you. You
believe the president can seize the current crisis as an opportunity to
become a transformational president, a Lincoln or a Roosevelt, but he needs to
speak directly to voters. He needs to be a healer. You stand and shake the First
Lady's hand. You know ma'am it's like Napoleon said, glory only comes in great
danger. The First Lady smiles and you're relieved.
You sincerely hope she'll convince her husband to take decisive action
and do something to save his faltering administration.
His legacy and the country's future are at stake.
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Allen Rarig was found dead in a parking lot in Oklahoma.
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I don't know which.
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These guys didn't really see her coming.
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If something ever happened to me, then they would know who did it.
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Search for Fatal Beauty wherever you get your podcasts to start listening today. From Wandery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers, our history,
your story. In 1979, after two years in office, President Jimmy Carter faced a series of crushing challenges
on the home front.
The deepening energy crisis, soaring inflation, rising oil and gas prices, and unemployment
all led to voters' growing dissatisfaction with his leadership.
His approval ratings plummeted and his administration seemed unable to find the right message to reassure the public.
So that summer, Carter gave his most famous address, an inspiring speech that took aim at
the crisis of confidence that his staff had come to believe was affecting the nation.
And in the wake of this speech, Carter's prospects for re-election seemed to improve.
But when dozens of American diplomatic staff were seized and held hostage in Iran, Americans
looked to the president for swift action. But he would spend the next year working to
free the hostages, and if he failed, the American people would hold him to account.
This is episode two of our three-part series on the Carter years, Crisis of Confidence.
In early 1979, President Jimmy Carter was riding high from the success of the Camp David Accords,
and he turned his attention to diplomacy in other regions of the world.
He reopened diplomatic relations with China aiming to increase trade,
and he began working towards an arms treaty with the Soviet Union. The Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, or SALT II,
would cap two years of work to limit nuclear weapons and would prove a
significant foreign policy win for Carter's administration if it succeeded.
But on the home front, Carter was in trouble. Beginning in the spring of 1979,
Americans faced long lines of gas
stations across the country, leading to mounting frustration. The top oil-producing countries had
doubled the cost of crude, leading to soaring gas prices and double-digit inflation, all of which
coincided with a rise in unemployment. So, by late April, 1979, Carter's advisors warned him that
America's mood was souring
and he was in danger of becoming a one-term president.
Proof came from his trusted pollster, Patrick Cadell, who reported that Carter's approval
rating had sunk to a dismal 25 percent.
Cadell was just 29 years old and had been working for Carter since the 1976 election,
and some in Carter's circle called him a prodigy and a genius,
but he also earned a reputation for being quick-tempered and hard to work with,
with one aide calling him the Darth Vader of politics.
Still, he had become close with First Lady Rosalind Carter.
Cadell explained to Rosalind his view that a crisis of confidence was affecting the country.
Cadell argued that Carter was losing touch with the nation, trying to solve too many problems abroad but not focusing enough on people's dissatisfaction with the
economy. Rosalind encouraged Cadell to write to her husband, so he drafted a 100-page memorandum
urging Carter to give a speech that directly addressed America's unrest over the gas shortage.
Cadell hoped an impassioned address to the nation would inspire people and hopefully turn Carter's presidency around.
But first, Carter wanted to better understand the reasons
for his abysmal approval ratings.
So in early July, Carter called a special summit
with national leaders at Camp David.
He spent ten days listening as hundreds of political, civic,
religious, and business leaders shared their views about the troubled country and what they saw as Carter's lack of leadership.
His communications director, Gerald Rafshun, summed up the mood in blunt terms,
You were elected to kick ass and you haven't.
Carter took these criticisms seriously and began working with his team to draft what
would become the most significant speech of his presidency.
On July 15, 1979, Carter delivered this 33-minute speech on television, viewed by 65 million people. Borrowing Cadell's phrase, he told the nation it was suffering from
a crisis of confidence, but he vowed to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country, which
he believed could be achieved in part by asking Americans to sacrifice and consume less. The speech was a risky public
relations move. While it acknowledged the nation's suffering in recent years, it
also seemed to place the responsibility for change back on the American people.
Carter seemed to scold the American public, saying too many of us now
worship self-indulgence and consumption, and ended with a call for a rebirth of the American spirit. Though he didn't use the word,
the address to the nation would soon become known as Carter's Malay's speech, as it pointed to what
he saw as the root cause of America's angst. But despite its heavy tone, initial reactions
to the speech were positive. Carter's approval ratings climbed 11 points, though
they started so low they still only reached the high 30s.
But then, just two days later, Carter shocked everyone when he arrived unannounced at a
senior staff meeting and asked his entire cabinet to resign. He appeared to be acting
in response to the advice of some of his aides, who felt that a cabinet shakeup would be a
sign of vigorous leadership. Even Rosalind had suggested that it was time for her husband to fire people who are disloyal
or no good.
So as a result of this demand, Carter accepted the resignations of five high-level cabinet
members.
When Vice President Walter Mondale learned about this purge, he was furious and began
to seriously question his boss's leadership.
Imagine it's a sweltering hot evening in July 1979. You're President Carter's domestic affairs advisor,
and you're grateful to be sitting
in an air-conditioned Chinese restaurant
near Capitol Hill,
waiting for Vice President Walter Mondale to arrive.
Mondale has been in Nashville, Tennessee,
meeting with newspaper editors to stir up support
for Carter's arms treaty with the Soviets. But after hearing about the recent cabinet fiasco,
Mondale cut his trip short and rushed back to Washington. He asks you to meet him here at
his favorite restaurant because it's quiet and rarely crowded. After a few bites of the food,
you understand why. As you put down your chopsticks, the Vice President rushes in and drops into the booth
beside you.
He seems agitated and despondent.
Oh, what the heck is going on?
Why would the President decide this was the time to ask his entire cabinet to resign?
Why wasn't I consulted?
I feel totally blindsided here.
Mr. Mondale, honestly, we were all surprised by this.
It was one of the strangest meetings I've ever been in.
The President was so angry, he accused some of his cabinet of being disloyal.
Well, it looks like a mass execution. Total pandemonium.
Was this Pat Kaddell's idea? He's been poisoning that man. He and Rosalind both.
I really couldn't say. It certainly was a rash decision, though.
He just undid any gains he may have gotten from that speech.
Now the ship seems rudderless. And he thinks he's gonna have the backing of
the Democratic leadership he's dreaming. We just opened the door for Ted Kennedy
to run against us next year. I'm not sure I can stick around and go down with this
ship. What do you mean? You can't just quit. Oh I can't? I've told him time and
again to focus more on the economy, that he's spending too much time on foreign
affairs. It's clear he's not listening to me. I've talked to my wife about it, and she agrees.
If I stick with him, my entire political future is in jeopardy.
But that would be a disaster. I mean, I get what you're feeling. I don't understand what he's
thinking either. He seems erratic. But he needs you. You can't throw in the towel now.
It'll bring down the whole administration. Well, it's already fallen apart. He picked me as a running mate to be a liaison
with the Democratic party, but they don't trust him anymore.
They've even become hostile to him.
With this latest fiasco, well, so have I.
The vice president shakes his head in disgust
and gets up to leave.
You're hoping he doesn't follow through
on his threat to resign.
That would undermine everything he and the president have worked for and destroy any chance for
a second term.
Throughout the summer of 1979, the news kept getting worse for Jimmy Carter. In the wake
of the cabinet resignations, Vice President Walter Mondale complained that the message
the American people got was that we were falling apart.
He seriously considered resigning.
But after Ted Kennedy hinted he might run against Carter for the Democratic nomination in 1980, Mondale grudgingly changed his mind,
deciding his role now was to prevent the Democratic Party from falling apart during an election year.
At the same time, though, the economy continued to decline.
Inflation hovered between 13 and 15 percent and interest rates rose into the double digits.
Fan mail to the White House slowed to a trickle and Carter's poll numbers cratered.
So in an effort to get inflation under control in August 1979, Carter decided to shake things
up even more by appointing a new chair of the
Federal Reserve. He hoped that Paul Volcker, a rumpled Wall Street veteran who had served
in Nixon's Treasury Department, might be able to finally solve the country's prolonged
economic problems. Advisors warned Carter, though, that Volcker might take actions that
could hurt the economy in the short term, which could jeopardize his chances for re-election,
where Carter was willing to take the gamble.
And sure enough, shortly after being confirmed, Volcker raised the federal funds rate, an
aggressive move to curve inflation.
Then he raised the rate two more times.
This caused interest rates to soar further to 19%.
Volcker's aggressive approach threatened to tip the economy into a full-blown recession
and the American public responded by turning against Carter.
Early polls showed him trailing Ted Kennedy by a 2-to-1 margin, and then things got even
worse.
During the summer of 1979, reports of turmoil in Iran were becoming harder to ignore in
American newspapers. For months, a revolution in the country was escalating.
The deposed leader of Iran, Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, had long been an important U.S. ally
in the region.
Two years earlier, Carter had visited Tehran and made a televised toast to Shah Pahlavi,
praising his leadership, saying he had created an island of stability in one of the more
troubled areas of the world.
But for many Iranians, the Shah's brutal crackdowns on dissent made him a reviled figure,
and they resented America's backing of the Shah's rule.
But by January of 1979, the Shah was battling cancer, and as a result had become a distracted and ineffective leader.
He fled the country and was soon replaced
by fiery cleric Ayatollah Khomeini, who had been living in exile.
Then in October of 1979, Carter granted the deposed Shah asylum in the US and allowed
him to come to New York for cancer treatment. Reformists in Iran, led by Khomeini, were
outraged. Protesters filled the streets of Tehran, many chanting anti-American
slogans and demanding the Shah's return. Fearing that the Shah would be executed if
he was sent home, Carter refused. And then, on November 2, 1979, the Ayatollah stirred
things further, stating,
"...it is incumbent upon students to expand their attack on America and Israel."
Two days later, on a drizzly Sunday morning, hundreds of Iranian students and protesters
marched from Tehran University to the U.S. Embassy.
This crowd easily breached the embassy's front gates and stormed inside.
Protesters routed up 66 Americans, blindfolded them, and took them captive.
President Carter was at Camp David with his family when he received the early
morning call with the news. At first, his aides reassured him that the crisis would be over
in a few hours, but it soon became clear that these American hostages would not be released
quickly and in fact, their lives were in grave danger.
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On November 4th, 1979, just hours after the news broke that Americans had been taken hostage in
Iran, President Jimmy Carter's inner circle had to turn their attention to another political concern.
That evening, the national program 60 Minutes aired an interview with Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy, Carter's most formidable challenger for the Democratic Party's nomination.
Carter's team knew that the president was in a vulnerable position with low poll numbers and a struggling economy, and Kennedy had been generating excitement.
They worried that the senator from the popular political family dynasty could be a serious
threat.
But in his interview on 60 Minutes, Kennedy came across as bumbling and unfocused.
When he was asked why he wanted to become president, Kennedy paused and delivered a
rambling and lengthy response that failed to make the case for his candidacy. After Kennedy's poor performance, Carter breathes a sigh of relief. He now believed that
he'd have no problem beating Kennedy for the Democratic nomination, and a month later he
formally announced his decision to run for re-election. But Carter was still faced with
the hostage crisis in Iran. Iran was an important player in the Middle East, the world's second largest oil exporter and strategically located between the Soviet Union
and the Persian Gulf. With an energy crisis at home, Carter knew he had to tread carefully.
Nevertheless, in the weeks after the takeover of the American embassy,
Carter initially struck a defiant tone, refusing Iran's request to exchange the hostages for the
Shah, Iran's deposed leader.
Then he went further. America stopped buying oil from Iran. Carter deported Iranians who had been
demonstrating in America, and he froze more than a billion dollars in Iranian assets held in U.S.
banks. Americans initially responded well to Carter's tough stance against Iran's demands.
His approval rating more than doubled, from 30 to over
60 percent. But the crisis dragged on without resolution. Behind closed doors, Carter began
exploring military options, like placing mines in Iranian harbors or bombing an Iranian refinery.
Even Rosalind grew impatient and encouraged her husband to do something, do something.
But Carter still hesitated, worried that the Revolution's
leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini, might respond by executing the hostages.
And it didn't help Carter's image when ABC News launched a nightly broadcast devoted
exclusively to the hostage crisis. Ted Koppel hosted the show, which was initially called
America Held Hostage, but later renamed Nightline. Night after night, it broadcast
images of angry mobs of Iranians shouting anti-American slogans and burning U.S. flags.
To many Americans, it seemed that the world was in chaos. And making matters worse, on
Christmas Day, 1979, the Soviet Union launched a surprise invasion of civil war-torn Afghanistan,
hoping to prevent
Afghanistan from being taken over by Islamic fundamentalists and at the same time from
aligning with the United States.
For Carter, this invasion ended any hope of ratifying the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty,
which Carter believed would make important strides in limiting the threat of nuclear
war and was still awaiting Senate approval.
He confided to Rosalind, there goes salt too. Rosalind later recalled she'd never seen her husband as upset as he was in the
final days of 1979, after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Initially unsure how to respond,
Carter decided to impose an embargo on grain exports to the Soviet Union,
even though aides warned it could hurt American farmers in the Midwest. But to his relief, U.S. farmers supported the embargo, and that gave Carter enough of a
boost to beat Ted Kennedy in the Iowa caucuses held in January of the new year. But heading into
1980, the U.S. economic situation continued to deteriorate, with inflation still high
and unemployment at 7 percent. On January 23, 1980, Carter gave his fourth State of the Union address.
He focused on the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which he called the most serious threat to
world peace since World War II.
Carter issued a warning to the Soviets, telling them to pull out within a month or face the
consequences, one of which was a proposed boycott of the Summer
Olympic Games scheduled to be held in Moscow that June. Congress backed this boycott idea,
and most voters seemed to favor it. But the International Olympic Committee did not,
and neither did angry American athletes who fell caught in a game of global politics.
Imagine it's March 21, 1980.
You're a member of the U.S. Olympic volleyball team, and today you're joining more than
a hundred other American athletes in the East Room of the White House.
President Jimmy Carter has just left the room after pledging to go ahead with the boycott
of the Summer Games in Moscow.
That's left you devastated and angry.
You turn to an athlete beside you.
She looks as upset as you feel.
You can see tears welling in her eyes.
You put a hand on her shoulder.
Hey, you okay?
I didn't think he'd seriously go through with it.
I thought he was bluffing.
Yeah, so did I.
I kept thinking he'd change his mind or the Soviets would agree to pull out or maybe they'd
move the games to a new location.
Yeah, me too.
I was sure the president or Congress or someone
would find a way to save the summer games.
Your training just gone.
It's not just the training.
I've been dreaming about the Olympics since I was a kid.
Yeah, so what are we supposed to do?
Just give it all up?
I don't know.
My coach has been telling me to look ahead
to the 84 games in LA,
but I still need to finish college.
I can't afford to train for four in LA. But I still need to finish college. I can't afford
to train for four more years. This was my shot. I'm afraid this was mine too.
You liked Jimmy Carter. You voted for him. And part of you understands Carter's argument. He
has to stand up to the Soviets the way the world should have stood up to Hitler before the 1936
games in Berlin. But you're so mad at Carter now, you can't
imagine ever forgiving him for letting down the country and dashing your
Olympic dreams.
In early 1980, Jimmy Carter stood by his decision not to send US teams to the
Olympics in Moscow while Soviet troops remained in Afghanistan. He was
determined to deny the Soviets a public relations
victory in hosting the games, believing that to do so might help the world forget that the Soviets
had sent 85,000 troops to invade another country. And at first, many Americans supported the boycott,
nearly two out of three according to one Gallup poll. But Carter's hard-line stance kicked off
weeks of messy debate, public posturing, and legal battles.
Caught in the middle were the more than 450 Olympic athletes who would be unable to compete.
Carter tried to salvage the games by lobbying the International Olympic Committee to move
them to an alternate site such as Greece or postpone or cancel them, but these efforts
failed.
In the end, Carter was left trying to minimize the political impact by winning over athletes with a series of high-profile White House gatherings. In one such meeting,
he told a group of athletes,
I understand how you feel, and I thought about it a lot as we approached this moment, knowing
what the Olympics mean to you, to know that you would be disappointed. He concluded that
it's not a pleasant time for me.
But the athletes weren't consoled. They felt betrayed,
and it didn't help when Carter threatened to revoke the passports of any athletes who tried
to compete for another country or under a neutral banner. In his diary, Carter wrote that the Olympics
boycott would be the most severe blow to the Soviets, but he also rightly predicted it would
cause me the most trouble. Carter would later call it one of my most
difficult decisions.
But in addition to the Olympic boycott, Carter imposed other economic sanctions on the Soviets.
He also secretly approved a CIA program, Operation Cyclone, to arm the Mujahideen, a group of
Islamist guerrillas fighting against the Soviets in Afghanistan, who he considered freedom
fighters. But by late March, the Soviets were still refusing to pull out of Afghanistan.
Eighty, mostly smaller, countries decided to participate in the games, but 65 other
nations joined the United States in their Olympic boycott.
In the meantime, Carter had been winning Democratic primaries and was poised to easily win his
party's nomination.
So he tried to stay focused on his re-election
campaign, but another unresolved problem was keeping him up at night.
Americans were still being held hostage in Iran, and although Iran had agreed to release
13 hostages a few weeks after their capture, more than 50 still remained in captivity.
Carter was desperate to see them released, later saying, no matter what else happened,
it was always there, painful, because I was failing to accomplish them released, later saying, No matter what else happened, it was always there, painful because I was failing to accomplish
what seemed to be a simple task.
So President Carter decided to finally listen to his wife Rosalynn and other advisors and
take bold action to bring the hostages home.
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This assailant starts firing at him.
And the suspect,
He has been identified as Luigi Nicholas Mangione,
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most divisive figures in modern criminal history.
I was meant to sow terror.
He's awoking the people to a true issue.
Listen to Law and Crime's Luigi exclusively on Wondery Plus.
You can join Wondery Plus in the Wondery app, Spotify or Apple podcasts. In the spring of 1980, as the Iran hostage crisis neared its fourth month, Americans
began tying yellow ribbons around trees, a gesture to symbolize that the hostages had
not been forgotten.
On the campaign trail, Jimmy Carter was often asked by voters and reporters when he would
bring the hostages home.
It was becoming obvious to everyone that his failure to do so was becoming the dominant theme
of his administration and his re-election campaign. But negotiations with authorities in Iran and
other attempted backdoor deals kept falling apart, sometimes at the last minute.
Brief flickers of hope were quickly followed by frustration. Carter complained at one point, our patience is beginning to look like cowardice.
Senator Ted Kennedy seized the opportunity and began criticizing Carter's handling of the ongoing
crisis and Carter's relationship with the deposed Shah, who was at the time in a military hospital
in San Antonio, Texas. Kennedy claimed the Shah had stolen billions from his own country
and that Carter should never have let Iran's former leader into the United States.
But Kennedy's comments backfired when George H.W. Bush, the former CIA director who was
running for the Republican nomination, warned that his criticisms would put the hostages'
lives at risk.
So despite the attention that Kennedy's comments attracted, by that point Carter's election
team was more focused on
the threat posed by his probable Republican opponent, Ronald Reagan, the popular Hollywood
actor and former governor of California. However, early polls showed Carter ahead
of both Reagan and Kennedy, which convinced Carter it was safe to cut back on campaigning
to stay in Washington. He was absorbed by the lingering hostage crisis and the
Soviets' ongoing occupation of Afghanistan, which had now stretched into its sixth month. to stay in Washington. He was absorbed by the lingering hostage crisis and the Soviet's ongoing
occupation of Afghanistan, which had now stretched into its sixth month. That conflict had escalated
as civilians fought back and Soviet soldiers killed protesters in major cities. As one aid put it,
there seems to be two White Houses, one that is taking care of business as usual and one which
is working on Iran and Afghanistan. For Carter, it felt like one crisis after another. Rosalynn agreed, saying,
they never stop coming, big ones and small ones, potential disasters and mere annoyances.
But some of the disasters were self-inflicted. In early March,
Carter announced a new round of anti-inflation budget cuts,
some of which would affect social programs in New York. Rosalyn was furious that he'd made this announcement just before the New
York primaries. So he lost to Kennedy in New York by 18 points, and Kennedy went on to
win Pennsylvania, too, giving new life to Kennedy's campaign. It was a surprising blow
to Carter's seemingly insurmountable lead.
And in early April, polls showed for the first time
that the public had begun to disapprove of Carter's handling of the hostage crisis.
Pressure was mounting to take more decisive action.
So, on April 7, 1980, Carter announced new economic sanctions against Iran.
He also expelled Iranian diplomats and called on U.S. allies in Europe to support his efforts
to pressure Iran into releasing the hostages. But behind the scenes he was considering an even more aggressive plan.
One night, as he and Rosalind were sitting on the Truman balcony on the second floor of the White
House, he confided in her that a rescue mission had been proposed and he was leaning toward proving
it. He called it the hardest decision I've made in my life. Rosalind encouraged him to take a chance on the mission, so days later, Carter met with
military leaders to finalize plans for a risky rescue operation dubbed Operation Eagle Claw.
Carter knew that if the mission was not successful, it could bring his presidency to its knees.
Imagine it's April 16th, 1980. You're the commander of the U.S. Army's elite Delta Force unit,
and you're sitting in the White House Situation Room waiting to meet with the president.
As Carter enters, everyone in the room rises. You salute the president,
who's dressed in jeans and a sweater and looks more like Mr. Rogers than Commander-in-Chief.
Carter motions for everyone to sit and nods for you to begin your briefing on Operation
Eagle Claw.
Mr. President, I'd like to walk you through the mission details.
Please do.
Well sir, the mission starts with eight helicopters landing at a site we call Desert One, 50 miles
outside Tehran.
Our men will wait till dark, then travel into the city by truck.
They'll scale the east wall of the embassy and blow a hole in it so we can extract the
hostages.
How many casualties do you anticipate?
Honestly, we don't know.
We'll do our very best to keep everyone safe, but there's always the possibility that some
of our Delta Force could be wounded or hostages.
We just can't know for sure.
And the Iranians?
My men are trained to fire on anyone carrying a weapon. And we will shoot to kill, sir." You see several people's eyes widen with
concern, but the president just nods his head.
Well, I understand. Whatever it takes to get the hostages home, what do you need from us,
Colonel? We only need one thing, sir, information. We still have very little intelligence. We
don't even know where all the hostages are being held.
Some may have been moved from the embassy.
You see, the president grimaced at this.
So you quickly shift the focus back to the potential success of the mission.
But when we do reach the folks being held hostage, I want to make it clear that we are
the good guys.
So I'd like your permission to use your name to tell them the president of the United States
has sent us.
Carter shakes his head and gives a soft laugh.
I'm not sure that'll help.
Many of them are sure to be upset with me.
But sure, go ahead.
Our plan is to evacuate them to a nearby soccer stadium.
And once we get them safely there, we'll count heads and make sure we have everyone.
The President still looks nervous.
You know he wouldn't be authorizing this mission if he felt like he had any other choice.
Okay. Well, get over there and bring our people home.
But one more thing.
If there are casualties on our side, bring back the bodies, will you?
It's clear that the president is torn by authorizing this rescue mission.
Honestly, you didn't think he'd have the guts to do it.
But he has, and he's shown he'd have the guts to do it,
but he has, and he's shown extraordinary concern
for the fate of the hostages.
You know this mission is a risky one,
for the hostages, for your men, and for the president.
In mid-April of 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw,
a complicated rescue mission involving more than 100
personnel from the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a complicated rescue mission involving more than 100 personnel
from the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and the CIA.
The mission would be led by Delta Force, the Army's elite special operations unit created
less than three years earlier by Army Colonel Charles Beckwith.
Ever since November 4, 1979, when student protesters had overrun the U.S. Embassy in
Tehran, most of the hostages
had been held inside the embassy, while three others were held in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs building.
U.S. officials had warned Carter that the trickiest part of the operation would be getting
into Tehran undetected and then locating all the hostages.
The risky operation called for an assault force of 118 troops delivered by air force
planes from the neighboring country of Oman to a
remote site in the Iranian desert. From there, the troops would rendezvous with eight transport
helicopters launched off the USS Nimitz in the Gulf of Oman. These helicopters would deliver
the assault force to a hilly location just outside the city of Tehran. The next night,
the troops would drive by truck into Tehran, liberate the hostages and lead them to a nearby soccer stadium
where they'd be rescued by helicopters.
Most of Carter's team felt confident in the mission's prospects.
The lone holdout was his Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.
On April 21, 1980, three days before the planned mission,
he submitted his resignation in protest.
Carter accepted it, but insisted that the announcement be made after the mission was
over.
Colonel Beckwith had long believed that this mission could be accomplished with six helicopters,
but ordered eight to be assigned to the job to be safe.
And on April 24, 1980, as the mission got underway, a series of mishaps compromised
Beckwith's plans right from the start.
One of the helicopters encountered hydraulic problems, another was caught in a sandstorm,
and a third showed signs of a cracked rotor blade. With three of his eight helicopters
out of commission, Beckwith reluctantly recommended the mission be canceled.
Carter agreed to abort the mission, but just then one of the helicopters crashed into a transport plane that contained servicemen and jet fuel. The resulting fire destroyed both aircraft
and killed the eight servicemen aboard. Carter received word of this disaster at six o'clock
that night. He was devastated and convinced it would cost him the election. At the time,
Rosalynn had been campaigning in Texas, so Carter called and gave her a vague summary of what happened.
He couldn't go into detail, but he said the news is bad.
At seven the next morning, Carter addressed the nation and described the failed mission,
saying,
It was my decision to attempt the rescue operation.
It was my decision to cancel it.
The responsibility is fully my own.
Three days later, he met with Colonel Beckwith at a CIA camp in Virginia. The two men embraced
and wept together. Beckwith said, Mr. President, I am sorry we let you down.
But Iran's leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, gloated, proclaiming the incursion had been stopped
by an act of God, foiling the U.S. mission in order to protect Iran and its new Islamist
government. The hostages were still stranded, and now there seemed to be no hope of bringing
them home anytime soon. Carter's entire presidency seemed doomed, and it wouldn't be the last crisis
he faced during his final year in office. From Wondery, this is episode two of The
Carter Years from American History Tellers.
On the next episode, Jimmy Carter faces a punishing final year at the White House before
embarking on an ambitious post-presidency that reshapes the role of American presidents
in the world.
If you like American History Tellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad-free right now by joining Wondery Plus in the Wondery app or on Apple podcasts.
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If you'd like to learn more about Jimmy Carter's presidency, we recommend The Outlier, the unfinished presidency of Jimmy Carter by Kai Bird, his very best, Jimmy Carter, A Life by Jonathan
Alford, and Carter's 1995 memoir, Keeping Faith.
American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsey Graham, for Airship.
Audio editing by Christian Peraga.
Sound design by Molly Bogg.
Supervising sound designer Matthew Filler.
Music by Lindsey Graham. This episode is written by Molly Bach. Supervising Sound Designer Matthew Filler. Music by Lindsey Graham.
This episode is written by Neil Thompson. Edited by Dorian Marina. Produced by Alida
Rosansky. Managing Producer Desi Vleilog. Senior Managing Producer Callum Pluse. Senior Producer
Andy Herman. Executive Producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman, Marsha Lewy, and Erin O'Fleurty for Wondery.
In 1976, a Georgia native, Navy veteran, and peanut farmer named Jimmy Carter won his bid for the presidency. What Carter didn't know then was that the next four years would be the most
difficult he could ever imagine. Hi, I'm Lindsey Graham, the host of Wondery's podcast, American
History Tellers. We take you to the events,
times, and people that shaped America and Americans, our values, our struggles,
and our dreams. In our latest series, we explore Jimmy Carter's time in the White House, from his
unexpected presidential victory as an outsider vowing to clean up Washington, to his remarkable
diplomatic breakthroughs and legislative accomplishments on energy, education, and the environment. But Carter also faced crushing challenges as he worked to lead
the country through energy shortages, sky-high inflation, and the Iran-hosted crisis. Follow
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