American History Tellers - Transcontinental Railroad | Hell on Wheels | 3
Episode Date: November 27, 2024In early 1866, Central Pacific workers were stalled in California, facing the monumental task of blasting 15 tunnels through solid granite in the Sierra Nevada mountains. Thousands of Chinese... laborers would be pushed to their breaking point.One-thousand miles to the east, workers on the Union Pacific faced Plains Indians desperate to defend their ancestral homelands from the encroaching railroad.But the men in charge of the railroads knew that every mile of track meant money in their pockets, and they would stop at nothing to capture victory.Order your copy of the new American History Tellers book, The Hidden History of the White House, for behind-the-scenes stories of some of the most dramatic events in American history—set right inside the house where it happened.Be the first to know about Wondery’s newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Imagine it's May 1866 and you're seated at a corner table in the bustling dining
room of the National Hotel in Washington, D.C.
Chandeliers cast a warm light over the remnants of your meal.
You're a lobbyist for the Central Pacific Railroad and you've just finished dinner
with a Michigan congressman.
You sip your wine and lean forward in your chair.
Now I think you know why I invited you here tonight, congressman.
Something's troubling my friends at the Central Pacific.
The congressman pushes his empty plate aside and takes a cigar out of his pocket, lighting
it with a flame of a tapered candle.
No, and what's that?
Well, they've never been happy with the 1864 railroad bill. It prohibits them from laying tracks more than 150 miles beyond the California border.
No, I've never heard something so ludicrous.
They're upset that they can't lay tracks across Nevada?
Seems to me they have bigger fish to fry, considering they've been stalled on the western side of the Sierras for months.
The worst of their labor is still to come.
But they won't be stuck there forever. The Union Pacific is speeding across the Great Plains. It's not
fair that they have the right to build as far as they'd like, but the Central Pacific
doesn't. The congressman takes a deep puff of his cigar and shakes his head. Well, if
you ask me, it's going to take your bosses a decade to blast their way out of the Sierras.
By then, the Union Pacific will have crossed the California-Nevada border from the east. But hear me out, sir. The Central Pacific isn't seeking
any more money. What they want won't cost the government anything. All they want is equal
opportunity, the right to compete fairly. Isn't that the American way? Congressman narrows his eyes.
Speak plainly.
What is it you want?
I am simply asking you to amend the railroad bill, removing the limits on the central Pacific's
mileage.
Let them build out as far as they are able.
The Congressman leans back in his chair and draws in a deep puff from his cigar.
Perhaps next year.
There are too many other priorities on the agenda.
It is an election year, you know.
And the fate of a California railroad isn't exactly top of mind for my constituents in Michigan.
But the partners at the Central Pacific have more than enough funds to make it worth your while.
At this, the congressman's eyes light up. You can see wheels turning in his mind.
Well then, now we have something to discuss. Relief washes over you,
and you raise your glass for a toast
to the future of the Central Pacific.
You clink glasses, sealing your agreement.
And as you sip your wine, a warm feeling of satisfaction settles in your chest.
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because if there's only one thing you've learned from this job,
it's that money talks.
Only one thing you've learned from this job, it's that money talks.
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In the spring of 1866, the Central Pacific Railroad hired a lobbyist to represent its interests in Congress. The company was building the Transcontinental Railroad eastward from
California, but federal law had limited it to building no further than 150 miles into
Nevada. Executives wanted the federal government to remove all limits on where they could lay tracks, allowing them to compete with the Union Pacific for land and government bonds.
But Central Pacific workers were stalled in California, facing the monumental task of
blasting 15 tunnels through solid granite.
Building a railroad across the Sierra Nevada mountains demanded ingenuity and perseverance,
especially during one of the worst
winters of the century. And it depended on thousands of Chinese laborers who would be
pushed to their breaking point. One thousand miles to the east, other workers on the Union Pacific
faced harassment and violence from Plains Indians who were desperate to defend their ancestral
homelands from the encroaching railroad. But mountains, snow,
and Indian attacks mattered little to the men in charge of the railroads. They knew that every
mile of track meant money in their pockets. And as their rival re-intensified, they would stop at
nothing to capture victory. This is episode 3, Hell on Wheels.
Hell on Wheels. By the spring of 1866, Union Pacific track layers were making steady progress across
the plains of Nebraska.
But out in California, Central Pacific crews had spent more than six months stuck at Mile
54 east of Sacramento, slowly chipping away at Sierra Nevada mountains.
Some naysayers insisted that it would take
a decade to tunnel through the granite range. Sitting in his office in New York City, Central
Pacific Vice President Collis Huntington read glowing reports of the Union Pacific's progress
in the Great Plains, and he feared that if the Union Pacific kept up its momentum before
long, their crews would eventually build past the Central Pacific Line, rendering
his investments worthless. The 1864 Pacific Railway Act had granted the Union Pacific
the right to build as far west as possible, but the Central Pacific was limited to building
just 150 miles east of the California-Nevada border.
And even though the Central Pacific crews were nowhere near the state line, Huntington
wanted to change the law so his crews could build as far east as possible.
Mileage equaled dollars in the form of land, mineral rights, and government bonds,
and Huntington wanted the right to compete for them.
So he enlisted the help of a charismatic ex-Congressman and former Union Army general
named Richard Franchot. Franchot became the first paid lobbyist
in the history of Congress.
Huntington and the other members of the Big Four
that controlled the Central Pacific
paid him $20,000 a year,
the same salary they paid themselves,
and more than five times the salary Franchot
had made as a congressman.
The Big Four also supplied Franchot
with a large expense account so he could spread cash
and favors throughout Congress.
Before long, his efforts paid off.
On July 3, 1866, President Andrew Johnson signed an amendment to the railroad bill,
allowing the Central Pacific to construct its line east until it connected with the
Union Pacific line.
But it made no mention of where that meeting point would be
so whichever company built faster could claim more miles of track.
Essentially, the federal government had sanctioned a competition between the two railroads.
Soon, the Central Pacific sent surveyors to Nevada to plot a route through the desert
and the race was officially on. But it was a race that the Central Pacific could not win as long as it was still stalled
in the Sierras. By the summer of 1866, construction chief Charles Crocker and his crew boss James
Harvey Strobridge had hired 10,000 workers, 8,000 of them Chinese immigrants. They faced
the daunting challenge of digging 15 tunnels through solid granite to make the route over
the Sierras passable for trains. They needed to bore five tunnels on the west slope, one through the Donner Summit, and
nine on the east slope.
In August 1866, workers began tackling the largest tunnel, known as Summit Tunnel.
The crews needed to blast through roughly one-third of a mile of solid rock.
The workers used hand drills to bore two-inch holes into the granite,
and then they packed these holes with black powder and lit a fuse to blast away tiny chunks
of rock. The process was excruciatingly slow. Despite working in shifts around the clock,
crews only managed a few inches per day.
To speed up their work, engineer Samuel Montague decided to drill a large vertical shaft down
the middle of the mountain so the crews could work on four faces at a time. Two teams would
work on the western and eastern ends of the tunnel, and two more would work from the middle outward.
The shaft would be eight by twelve feet wide and more than seventy feet deep.
But the crews struggled to dig the rubble out by hand.
Engineers found a solution in an old, abandoned locomotive called the Sacramento, one of the
first to operate west of the Missouri River.
Workers stripped the 12-ton locomotive of its non-essential parts, and a team of 10
oxen dragged it to the top of Donner Summit.
There, its engine powered a hoist for pulling up blasted granite and lowering down timber
to shore up the tunnel.
This new hoist helped the crews enlarge the shaft by a foot every day, but it would still
take months before they would finally reach the bottom and begin blasting the tunnel from
the inside out.
And by November 1866, heavy snows began to blanket the mountains.
The winter that year was one of the worst of the century,
bringing 44 separate storms to the Sierras.
At the summit, the snowpack averaged 18 feet,
but the Big Four refused to shut down work for fear of losing the race with their rival.
They knew the Union Pacific was making a rapid advance across Nebraska,
and while they were measuring their progress in miles, the Central Pacific was still measuring their success in inches.
So instead of closing down for the winter, Strobridge put hundreds of Chinese laborers
to work shoveling snow tunnels ranging from 50 to 500 feet long to maintain access to the
worksites. They dug windows, chimneys, and air shafts out of the snow walls for light and
ventilation. Some of the tunnels walls for light and ventilation.
Some of the tunnels were large enough for horses to travel through.
And for the rest of the winter, these Chinese workers lived and worked inside the snow labyrinths.
They rarely saw the light of day.
Working in the snow was dangerous, as well as claustrophobic.
The black powder charges sometimes triggered avalanches, which killed dozens at a time.
An unknown number of men lost their lives.
The company kept no records.
Only after the snow melted in the spring would many of the bodies be discovered, still gripping
picks and shovels in their frozen hands.
But despite working through the winter storms, the tunnelers' progress remained painfully
slow.
In January 1867, Crocker wrote to Huntington
declaring,
Strowbridge and I have come to the conclusion that something must be done to hasten it.
So they decided to turn to a substance they had read about in Scientific American magazine,
liquid nitroglycerin.
It was the most powerful explosive ever made, eight times more destructive than black powder. It was also much
cheaper. But there was a downside. It was extremely temperamental. The previous year,
an accidental nitroglycerin explosion had leveled half a block in downtown San Francisco, killing
fifteen people. But Crocker and Strobridge were desperate. They proceeded despite the risks.
In February, they hired
a Scottish chemist to mix the nitroglycerin on site. This new explosive allowed the workers
to bore smaller holes in the rock with greater destructive yield. The debris left behind
was also easier to clear. So, using nitroglycerin, workers in the summit tunnel were able to
blast away two to four feet a day in all four directions.
And while work continued in the tunnels in the spring of 1867, another 3,000 graders and track
layers worked on the east side of the summit where surveyors had traveled as far as the Great Salt
Lake in Utah, where they crossed paths with surveyors from the Union Pacific. But any eastward
aspirations were still stuck
in the Donner Pass where Chinese workers were laboring through 12-foot snowdrifts. And now
the company was beginning to lose men to the gold mines and other employers. One Central
Pacific director complained, we have proved their value as laborers. Everyone is trying
Chinese workers and now we can't get them. So to keep their Chinese workers in the fold, construction chief Charles Crocker raised
their monthly wages from $31 to $35.
But for many it still wasn't enough to reward them for performing the most grueling work
of the entire railroad.
Imagine it's June 25, 1867 and you're grading the roadbed for the Central Pacific.
You're high in the Sierras, blasting rock between Sisko and Strong's Canyon, under
the watchful eye of your boss, James Strobridge.
Sweat drips down your neck as you secretly check your watch, a small luxury you bought
with your meager wages.
You nod to the men on either side of you, and they nod back with their jaws set.
You then lay down your pickaxe.
One by one, the other men lay down their tools too.
Without another word, you begin walking back toward camp.
Hey, where the hell do you think you're going?
Strobridge's booming voice stops you in your tracks.
You turn around to see his face reddening with anger.
Get back on the line, all of you. There's still an hour left.
He lumbers towards you, and your heart pounds in your chest.
Not today. We're going on strike.
What the hell are you talking about?
We want forty dollars a month, the same as the white workers.
Strobridge's face twists in disbelief. He lifts up his eye patch to wipe the sweat off his brow with a handkerchief.
You ungrateful dimwits. Crocker already raised your wages to thirty-five dollars last month. You should be thanking him.
It's not enough. We're doing the hardest work on the line. We deserve more money. And eleven hours is just too much.
You want ten hours. Eight for the tunnelers.
Oh. Is that all?
His towering frame looms over you. You straighten up and meet his gaze.
No. There's more. When the men try to find new jobs, they get harassed and punished. It's not fair.
His expression darkens. Fair? You should consider yourself lucky.
No one would even hire you until Crocker and I agreed to let you work for the railroad.
Enough of this.
Get back to work.
You shake your head.
Not until we get what we want.
Take it up with Crocker.
Things can't go on this way.
Without waiting for his reply, you turn around and stride back toward camp, the others
following in your wake. But your steps feel heavier than usual. You know you face a dangerous
foe in Strobridge and his rich bosses. You just hope that together you can make things
better for your fellow workers. On June 25, 1867, more than 2,000 Chinese workers went on strike, demanding $40 a month
and shorter shifts. Construction chief Charles Crocker was furious and refused to negotiate.
Still he marveled at the peaceful nature of the strike. The workers simply stayed in their
camps. But company leaders had the advantage of controlling their supplies, so Crocker responded by simply
cutting off provisions.
After a week without sufficient food, most of the workers gave up and returned to work
at $35 a month.
But although the workers failed to achieve their demands, their collective action challenged
the common stereotype that Chinese immigrants were passive and submissive.
They also taught company leaders not to take their labor for granted. The big four had high hopes for the future now that nitroglycerin was speeding progress on the Donner Pass.
In early August 1867, the Chinese government was forced to close the Donner Pass.
The Chinese government was forced to close the Donner Pass.
The Chinese government was forced to close the Donner Pass.
The Chinese government was forced to close the Donner Pass.
The Chinese government was forced to close the Donner Pass. Despite the eight-day strike, the Big Four had high hopes for the future now that nitroglycerin
was speeding progress on the Donner Pass.
In early August 1867, workers in the western shaft of the Summit Tunnel set off a blast,
cleared away the debris, and felt a sudden breeze of cool mountain air.
At last they had broken through the western side of the Summit Tunnel.
By the end of the month, other teams had broken through the eastern side.
At long last, they had pierced the Sierra Nevada.
It was an astonishing achievement and brought a collective sense of relief to the railroad's
investors, leaders, and workers.
Now the Central Pacific could move forward in their race with the Union Pacific, but
they had to move quickly if they hoped to outpace their rival and turn years of backbreaking
labor into profit.
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For more than two centuries, the White House has been the stage for some of the most dramatic
scenes in American history. Inspired by the hit podcast American History Tellers, Wondery
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of the White House now in hardcover or digital edition wherever you get your books. In 1867, a bitter power struggle rocked the Union Pacific boardroom. On one side was Thomas
Durant, the smooth-talking speculator who ran the organization. On the other side were
Congressman Oakes Ames and his brother Oliver, who had spent the last two years buying up
more and more stock of the Union Pacific and Credit Mobilié, the sham construction company Durant founded
to extract personal profits from building the railroad.
At the end of 1866, the board defied Durant and elected Oliver Ames as the company's
new president, a position Durant wanted for himself. Durant retaliated by filing a legal injunction to halt construction.
And by March 1867, the Ames brothers had marshalled enough support to oust Durant from the board
of Credit Mobilié.
He hung on to his role at the Union Pacific, but for the rest of the year, he paralyzed
the organization with lawsuits.
Oliver Ames wrote to Chief Engineer Grenville Dodge, complaining,
Durant is now an open hostility to the railroad.
But while the Ames brothers had removed Durant from his position of power at Credit
Mobilié, their attempts to buy out his shares in the company had failed. Durant
would continue to profit from its booming stock.
Meanwhile, Oakes Ames found himself besieged by his colleagues in Congress,
who also wanted
a piece of the action.
He sold credit-mobilier stock far below market value to several legislators, including future
President James Garfield and Speaker of the House and future Vice President Skyler Colfax.
But the chaos in the boardroom was nothing compared to conditions at the end of the Union-Pacific
tracks.
The winter weather that had buffeted the Central Pacific cruise on the Donner Pass also made
life miserable for the Union Pacific cruise hunkered down in North Platte, Nebraska.
Temperatures there dropped to 40 degrees below zero.
The track-laying bosses Jack and Dan Caseman wanted to begin work again in February, but
snow and freezing temperatures delayed them well into March.
Then, early April brought severe rains. again in February, but snow and freezing temperatures delayed them well into March.
Then, early April brought severe rains. Flooding washed away miles of track, forcing crews to redo their work. Despite the weather, though, Chief Engineer Grendel Dodge set the ambitious goal
of laying nearly 300 miles of track in 1867. He planned to extend the line from North Platte,
at 3,000 feet above sea level to the
mountains of southeastern Wyoming at roughly 5,000 feet above sea level. He had nearly 10,000 workers
to carry out his orders, and by April 20, 1867, the Casement brothers were finally at work laying
new track in western Nebraska. As far as 200 miles to the west in Wyoming, thousands of graders
were preparing the roadbed. But as the Union Pacific pushed west, workers faced growing
violence from Plains Indians who saw the advancing railroad as a threat to their ancestral homelands.
Their lives centered around the millions of wild buffalo that roamed the Great Plains.
Plains Indians used every part
of the buffalo for food, clothing, housing, and tools. But the railroad threatened the buffalo
herds. Aside from facilitating white settlement, the railroad split the herds into two parts
because buffalo would not cross the tracks. And as railroads advanced across the west,
some advertised hunting by rail trips, bringing
hundreds of white visitors to massacre the wild herds for entertainment, further diminishing
the Indians' main food supply.
By 1867, the Pawnee of eastern Nebraska had mostly surrendered, even joining U.S. soldiers
to help protect western settlers.
But in western Nebraska and Wyoming, bands
of Sioux and Cheyenne warriors were determined to do whatever they could to protect their
lands and way of life.
On May 1, 1867, Cheyenne warriors killed four men carrying mail along the Union Pacific
Line. Soon after, a war party pulled up railroad survey stakes and stole supplies. The attacks
increased in late May,
when Sioux and Cheyenne warriors struck the railroad at various points, derailing a train
near the end of the tracks and killing a dozen Union Pacific men. Chief Engineer Dodge was livid.
He declared, We've got to clean the damn Indians out or give up building the Union Pacific Railroad.
The government may take its choice. Dodge's former commander, General William Tecumseh Sherman, provided what support he could,
but slack enlistment had limited the army's reach. So Dodge ordered every Union Pacific worker to arm
themselves. But Dodge also had to worry about violence and criminality within his own ranks.
As the tracks moved west, makeshift towns called Hells on Wheels
followed the crews. Saloons, gambling houses, and brothels catered to the railroad crew,
transient workers, and criminals. They were sometimes put up and taken down in a single day,
and they became notorious for violence and lawlessness.
By June 1867, the latest Hell on Wheels was in Julesburg, near the Nebraska-Colorado
border. Overnight, this tiny settlement had grown from 40 to 4,000 people. One engineer described
how in Julesburg, vice and crime stalked unblushingly in the midday sun. But when gamblers in Julesburg
seized land belonging to the Union Pacific, Chief Engineer Dodge
ordered crew boss Jack Casement to clean up the town.
Casement marched in with 200 men and opened fire.
When Dodge appeared in town, Casement showed him a hill of fresh graves, declaring,
They all died but brought peace.
Julesburg has been quiet since.
The next month, on July 4, Chief Engineer Dodge staked out a new town in Wyoming,
claiming 320 acres for the Union Pacific. He named it Cheyenne, in honor of the dominant tribe in the
region. It lay at the meeting point of Wyoming's plains and mountains, roughly halfway between
Omaha and Salt Lake City, and just 90 miles north of Denver. He decided it would be the ideal place
to house the Union Pacific's
main shops and warehouses. But the day after Dodge plotted the town, Indians attacked a
local grading crew and killed three men. Dodge had the men buried, and Cheyenne had its
first cemetery. But the attack did little to deter settlers and speculators. By summer's
end, Cheyenne's population would number in the thousands.
Still Indian attacks continued to plague Union Pacific crews.
On August 7, 1867, a Cheyenne chief named Pawnee Killer led forty warriors to the train
tracks in Plum Creek, Nebraska. They pulled up the iron spikes and bent the rails. Soon
after, a westbound freight train derailed and two crewmen were killed.
Another freight train came along and crashed into the first wreck. The waiting Cheyenne set fire to
the cars, killed and scalped additional crewmen, and threw their bodies into the flames.
A Union Pacific surveyor expressed the feelings of many railroad workers when he wrote,
I have no sympathy with the Red Devils. May the greedy crow and dark winged raven hover over their silent corpses.
May the coyote feast upon their stiff and festering carcasses.
Education and civilization will be satisfied when they cease to be.
Anger toward Indian war parties extended from Nebraska to Washington D.C.
And in September 1867, a U.S. government peace commission traveled to North Platte
in the hopes of stopping the attacks.
They feared that if they failed,
construction on the railroad would grind to a halt.
Imagine it's September 19th, 1867 in North Platte, Nebraska.
You're a Cheyenne chief and you're in the crowded dining room of the Union Pacific train
station.
You and several Sioux and Cheyenne leaders sit at a long wooden table cluttered with
tin plates and empty cups, facing a group of white men wearing starched shirts and uniforms
with gleaming brass buttons.
You've just finished exchanging prisoners and now it's your turn to speak in the continuing
negotiations.
You rise slowly, smoot it's your turn to speak in the continuing negotiations.
You rise slowly, smoothing down your buffalo hide shirt.
All eyes turn to you.
You say you want peace.
My people want the freedom to hunt.
Your iron road is driving away our game.
We want these roads stopped where they are.
The white men shift in their seats.
A younger man with thin, sharp features clears his throat.
My name is Reverend Nathaniel G. Taylor, and I am Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
This government is prepared to offer a solution for you and your people.
We will set up two large reservations where the Sioux and Cheyenne can settle.
Reservations?
You mean you want to confine us, like your
cattle?
Taylor calmly shakes his head.
Not at all. You will be fed, clothed, and educated in Christian principles. You will
learn to be civilized and grow your own food.
You feel a hot surge of anger.
I am no farmer. I have eaten wild meat my whole life, as did my father and grandfather before him.
I will not give up the customs of my ancestors.
Taylor exchanges a condescending smirk with the general sitting beside him, then returns
his gaze to you.
You will if you want to survive.
The railroad is here to stay whether you like it or not.
The railroad is the root of all these troubles.
If your people stopped building then there would be peace.
Taylor looks at you with an expression bordering on pity.
The railroad is not going to surrender to a few bands of roving Indians.
You have a choice my friend.
Adapt or perish.
Now, who's next?"
Taylor sweeps his gaze across the table, gesturing for the next speaker to begin. You reluctantly
sit down, frustration burning within you. It's clear that these men won't stop and
they won't compromise. They're blind to the suffering they bring.
At a peace conference in North Platte in September 1867, Sue and Cheyenne leaders complained
that the railroads were driving off their game.
General Sherman made a defiant speech, declaring,
We will build iron roads and you cannot stop the locomotive any more than you can stop
the sun or the moon.
Cheyenne chief Pawnee Killer stormed out of the conference in anger.
In the end, the two sides failed to reach any solution. Indian warriors would continue harassing
the Union Pacific cruise, though no attacks reached the level of destruction of the Plum Creek
derailment. And by mid-November 1867, the Union Pacific tracks reached Cheyenne. In less than eight months, crews had laid more than 250 miles of track, just shy of
Dodge's goal of 300 for the year.
Grading crews were preparing the ground in Wyoming and surveyors were mapping a route
through Utah.
And with the news of all this progress, credit mobiliers' stock soared.
At the end of 1867, dividends came in at 200 percent, and Oakes Ames became one of the
most popular men in Congress.
But Central Pacific executives had their own reasons to celebrate.
On November 30, 1867, the Central Pacific sent a train from Sacramento to the eastern
side of the Sierras for the very first time.
It was an extraordinary accomplishment, something few thought
would ever be possible. And now, as they entered a more forgiving landscape, the race between the
railroads could begin in earnest and their competition started to fill the front pages
of the nation's newspapers. To most Americans, it seemed the Union Pacific was winning the race.
Five years after their arrival, the Central Pacific first broke ground
in Sacramento. Its crews had laid just over 100 miles of track. The Union Pacific had laid five
times as much. And because the Central Pacific was stuck in place for so long, the company was
perpetually out of money, forced to borrow against future government bonds. But now that they had
powered through the Sierras, the Big Four were confident about
the future.
Construction chief Charles Crocker said,
If the Union Company lay more track in the year 68 than we do, I will pay the damage.
We will beat the Union Pacific to Salt Lake.
Stick a pin there.
Both railroads were ready to move heaven and earth to win the race to Salt Lake City and
the money that came with it. And as the competition ramped up, nothing would be left on the table. These
two companies were prepared to cut corners, push their crews harder than ever, and commit
brazen fraud in their race to the finish.
Hello, ladies and germs, boys and girls. The Grinch is back again to ruin your Christmas season with his The Grinch holiday podcast.
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My name is Graham Isidore. I have a progressive eye disease called keratoconus.
Unbeying I'm losing my vision has been hard, but explaining it to other people
has been harder. Lately I've been trying to talk about it. Short-sighted is an
attempt to explain what vision loss feels like by exploring how it sounds. By
sharing my story, we get into all the things you don't see about hidden The stakes were high as the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific entered the 1868 work
season.
The two companies' executives knew they were playing a zero-sum game.
Every dollar one company gained was one dollar the other lost.
At the Central Pacific, the Big Four were buoyed by the knowledge that their crews were
entering the flat terrain of the Nevada desert, even as they had to dedicate thousands of
workers to the task of shoveling snow off the tracks in California.
And after years spent chipping away at the Sierras, they were desperate to make up for lost time. The crews had prided themselves on their workmanship in the mountains.
But in January 1868, Central Pacific Treasurer Mark Hopkins wired the company president Leland
Stanford, explaining that from now on, they would trade quality for speed and build the cheapest possible railroad. He declared,
We will build as fast as possible to be acceptable to the commissioners.
Executives at the Union Pacific also went into 1868 with high hopes. The federal government
granted far more bonds for tracks laid over mountainous terrain. And now that their crews
had entered the Wyoming mountains,
the railroad would receive $48,000 in government bonds
per mile for the next 150 miles.
This was four times the amount they collected
for laying tracks on the flat plains
between Omaha and Cheyenne.
So Union Pacific directors told Chief Engineer Grenville Dodge
to build as much road as possible in 1868.
One engineer summed up the task ahead declaring,
push is the word for this season.
And the season began in April 1868 when the ground finally thawed in Wyoming
and Union Pacific workers began laying track on a windy plain
in the Rocky Mountains known as Sherman Summit.
At more than 8200 feet above sea level,
it was the highest point of any railroad anywhere
more than 1,000 feet higher than the summit tunnel in the Sierras.
But because the ascent was far more gradual, the track posed none of the challenges faced
by the Chinese crews in California.
Thomas Durand, who continued to cling on to his position at the Union Pacific, sent off
a telegram to Stanford, boasting about the company's achievements in ascending these heights. Stanford replied
with a snide remark, May your descent be easy and rapid.
But four miles past Sherman Summit, Union Pacific crews tackled their first major construction
project. They needed to build a bridge over a wide canyon at Dale Creek,
126 feet above the stream bed and 700 feet long. It needed to be strong enough to carry
trains and withstand powerful mountain winds, and it was going to be built entirely out
of wood. Timber for the bridge was felled in Michigan and cut in a Chicago workshop,
then carried by train to the front of the tracks. On April 14, 1868, the bridge was halfway complete when it nearly crumbled under the
pressure of a massive gale.
Crews grabbed every rope and chain they could find to save it from total collapse.
But nine days later, the Dale Creek Bridge was complete, and Durant himself traveled
to Wyoming to nail in the final spike.
From a distance, the bridge looked like it had been constructed out of toothpicks. Government inspectors told Durant
that in a few years he would need to replace it with a steel bridge, but Durant was unfazed.
He had no intention of sticking around that long.
Meanwhile, one thousand miles to the west, the Central Pacific crews had finally picked
up their pace after besting the Sierras. At the same time the Dale Creek Bridge was being built, the Central Pacific tracks reached
the California-Nevada border, but the Big Four feared that they were still too far behind
their rivals and it was going to cost them.
At stake were the rich coal deposits of Utah's Weaver Canyon near the town of Ogden, as well
as control of traffic near Salt Lake City, the only major
commercial area between the Missouri River and Sacramento. If the Central Pacific failed to take
possession of Utah, their tracks would end in the barren wasteland of the Nevada desert.
But Utah was also the target of Union Pacific Chief Engineer Grenville Dodge.
He was determined to lay tracks within 100 miles of Ogden before the end of 1868.
From there he would be able to send grading crews all the way to Humboldt Wells in eastern
Nevada.
The plans of both companies hinged on a clause in the law allowing them to grade 300 miles
ahead of continuous track already laid.
Once government inspectors accepted the grade, the railroads were allowed to collect a portion
of the government bonds they were owed even before they had laid any
track. So millions of dollars were on the line and Central Pacific Vice President
Collis Huntington planned to use this law to his advantage and make his most
audacious move yet.
Imagine it's April 1868 in New York City.
You're a lobbyist for the Central Pacific and you're meeting with your client, Collis
Huntington, late at night in his cramped office.
You've never seen him so on edge.
His hand trembles as he pours you a tumbler of whiskey, and then he takes a deep sip of
his own drink.
My spies at the Union Pacific have informed me that they plan to lay 350 miles of rail
this season no matter the cost.
I can't let them shut us out of Utah.
Well, what do you plan to do?
Huntington clears some papers off his desk to reveal a map of the southwest.
He takes a pen out of his pocket and then draws a horizontal line across the map running
from eastern Nevada, across the north side of the Great
Salt Lake through Ogden and all the way to the Wasatch Range. He then slides the map towards you.
I need your help with Orville Browning. I mean, why do you think I hired the former law partner,
the Interior Secretary as my lobbyist? I want you to secure his approval so that we can grade the
roadbed along this line. It's a 300 mile distance.
You stare down at the map in confusion.
I don't understand.
For the central Pacific to grade that far east into Utah,
the tracks would need to be in eastern Nevada by now,
all the way in Humboldt Wells.
Isn't the end of the line still hundreds of miles west?
Huntington then winks, takes another sip of whiskey.
It is indeed, but Browning doesn't need to know that.
Reality is one thing and maps are another.
What about the gap in the line near Donner Lake in California?
Doesn't the law say the tracks need to be continuous?
Gaps can be closed, my friend.
All it takes is the stroke of a pen.
There's a glint of mischief in his eyes, and you don't know if you like it.
Browning is no student of geography, but, Colas, this is galling, even for you.
Huntington shrugs and leans back in his leather winged back chair.
It's no more galling than what the Union Pacific is doing, believe me.
Spreading money around Congress like that? Just take the request to the secretary, please.
There's a train leaving for Washington
at eight o'clock tomorrow morning." You sigh and then down the rest of your whiskey.
You know you're helping Huntington break federal law, but you also know that he won't take no for
an answer. In April 1868, Collis Huntington sent a fraudulent map to Interior Secretary William Browning,
indicating that the central Pacific tracks were as far as Humboldt Wells in eastern Nevada.
He then asked for permission to grade 300 miles to the east past Ogden, Utah.
But in truth, the track was hundreds of miles west of Humboldt Wells, and there were still
gaps in the line. It
was all lies, but Huntington had the help of a lobbyist who was close to Browning.
So in mid-May 1868, Browning approved the Central Pacific Line as far east as Monument
Point, Utah, at the northern tip of the Great Salt Lake. He withheld judgment on the remaining
60 miles.
Union Pacific President Oliver Ames was stunned when Secretary Browning told him the news,
but Central Pacific's Huntington was unapologetic, writing,
We should be bold and take and hold possession of the line as far as we can.
Now the Central Pacific could move full steam ahead into Utah, and soon the two railroads
would be grading past each other.
Union Pacific surveyors were already well into Utah
and their graders were not far behind.
So after years of working half a continent apart,
the Central Pacific and the Union Pacific
would soon converge.
Two armies of workers were on the march
and the battle for Utah was about to begin.
From Wandery, this is episode three of our four-part series
Transcontinental Railroad from American History Tellers. On the next episode, the two railroads
struggle to negotiate a meeting point. Chinese workers cross Nevada's notorious 40-mile desert,
and severe weather and rapid construction spark deadly accidents on the tracks.
weather and rapid construction spark deadly accidents on the tracks. tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey at wondery.com slash survey.
American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsay Graham for Airship. Audio editing by Christian Peraga. Sound design by Molly Bach. Music by Lindsay Graham. Voice
acting by Stephen Foo and Joey Surles. This episode is written by Ellie Stanton. Edited by Dorian Marina.
Produced by Alida Rozanski. Managing producers are Desi Blaylock and Matt Gant. Senior managing
producer Ryan Lor. Senior producer Andy Herman. And executive producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman,
Marshall Louie, and Erin O'Flaherty for Wondering.
No Flaherty for Wondering.
Who is the dad? For years, a Canadian lab promised people the answer.
It's obviously legit.
It's a DNA company.
But one by one, its prenatal paternity tests gave people the wrong answer.
You're the company that's supposed to provide me with results.
I was pissed. This is the story that's supposed to provide me with results. I was pissed.
This is the story of our investigation into how it all happened.
And a company that continues to stand by its testing.
Listen to Uncover Bad Results everywhere you get your podcasts.