American History Tellers - Typhoid Mary | Cook, Carrier, Captive | 3
Episode Date: July 2, 2025In 1906, a New York health department investigation into an outbreak of typhoid fever led to the discovery that a cook, Mary Mallon, was an unsuspecting ""healthy carrier"" of the deadly bact...eria. This discovery forever altered Mallon’s life, thrusting her into a national spotlight as the infamous ""Typhoid Mary.""In this episode, Lindsay is joined by Dr. Seema Yasmin, clinical assistant professor of medicine at Stanford University and former Epidemic Intelligence Service officer. Dr. Yasmin discusses how Mary Mallon became a target of public health authorities and a symbol of the clash between individual rights and public safety.Be the first to know about Wondery’s newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Imagine it's a warm summer day in June 1909. You're a reporter for the New York American newspaper and you've taken the ferry across the East River to reach North Brother Island, where the city's health department treats
patients with contagious diseases.
You're here today to visit the island's most mysterious patient, Mary Mallon.
As you step into the one-room cottage where Mallon has been isolated, you spot her seated
in a wooden chair by the window.
Tall, with thick blonde
hair, you're surprised to find she looks perfectly healthy.
Good afternoon, Miss Matlin. Thank you for taking the time to speak with me.
Time? Ha! That seems to be all I have these days. They've taken everything else from
me.
Your heart races, realizing you may have made a bad start. If she ends the interview before
it's even begun,
your story is doomed.
I'm sorry, I didn't mean to.
I know, I know.
You're relieved to see her expression soften
and she gestures for you to take a seat.
Let me explain why I've come.
We think our readers will be interested
in hearing about your plight.
In your own words, that is.
Well, you can see for yourself how I'm being treated,
cooped up in this cottage.
You take a moment to glance around the room.
It's a cramped space, no larger than 20 feet by 20 feet
with a wooden dresser, a small desk, and a window
looking out onto an elm tree.
Beyond that, you can see the wharf
where you arrived on the ferry earlier today.
Yes, I can see that these are humble lodgings.
She just stares at you with her piercing blue eyes, so you decide to change the subject.
Maybe we could start with your arrival here on the island.
How did you find it when you first came here?
When I was first brought here over two years ago, I was terrified, alone, and confused.
They immediately set about putting me through tests,
poking and prodding me like a mule.
They even tried to get me to undergo surgery.
Hmm. What kind of surgery?
That's just it.
At first they said surgery to remove my gallbladder.
Then it was part of my intestines.
If you didn't know any better, you'd think they were making the whole thing up.
Have they administered any medications?
Yes, but their effects were so severe, I refused to continue taking them.
They were going to be the death of me.
Well, according to the doctors I spoke with this morning,
you are a quote, incubator of typhoid germs.
Surely some uncomfortable treatments are worth it
if they would prevent you from infecting others with such a terrible disease.
They're liars.
I'm not infecting anyone.
The doctors say you most certainly are,
and that you're here in order to keep the public safe.
Safe from what?
I'm not a threat.
I'll tell you why I'm here,
to make wealthy people feel safe.
That's it.
Do you think I'd be here if I owned a fancy house in Manhattan
instead of working in their
kitchens?
I've been seized by force, shipped to this island, and kept here for two years without
any say in the matter.
But that's all going to change soon.
What do you mean?
I've got my own evidence that I don't carry any typhoid germs.
And with your paper's help, the public will soon learn of this injustice.
I'm going to get my freedom back.
You scribble furiously in your notepad. You can tell by the intensity in her voice.
She means what she says. She intends to challenge her confinement.
You don't know whether this woman really does pose a danger to the public,
or is suffering a grave injustice,
but you're sure of one thing. Her story will sell newspapers, and there's no better time to publish
your article than this Sunday's Big Edition. The world needs to know about Typhoid Mary.
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From Wandery, I'm Lindsay Graham, and this is American History Tellers.
Our history, your story.
On June 20, 1909, the New York American newspaper published an interview with Mary Mallon describing
her forced isolation
on North Brother Island. The Sunday edition reached nearly 800,000 readers across the
city, and for many it was the first time hearing about the strange case of Typhoid Mary, the
Irish immigrant accused of spreading disease and misery to the unsuspecting family she
worked for through her cooking. Later that month, Mallon would legally challenge her situation, and with the help of a lawyer,
she would argue for her freedom before the New York Supreme Court.
Here with me now to discuss the unique circumstances of Mary Mallon's isolation and the ways in
which her treatment in the early 20th century informs the approach to public health today
is Dr. Seema Yasmin, Clinical Assistant Professor of Medicine at Stanford University and host of the podcast, Our Big Shot. Our conversation is next.
Dr. Seema Yasmin, welcome to American History Tellers.
Great to be here with you, Lindsay.
So we don't often hear about typhoid outbreaks today, but how prevalent was typhoid in the
early 1900s?
Imagine a situation in New York City over a century ago where you have people living
in really crowded and unsanitary situations. They're living many families on top of one
another in these tenement buildings. These are immigrants who've come mostly from Europe and other places, but it's such a densely
populated area that it's the perfect breeding grounds for the bacteria that causes typhoid fever.
It's a bacteria that spreads through food and water, so it kind of loves this situation in which
people are so crowded. Nowadays, of course, we have a national surveillance system in the US that captures only about
150 to 450 cases of typhoid every year.
Very, very different situation to what we were seeing in New York City in the early
1900s.
Of course, this sort of screening or surveillance was not present at this time.
What can you say about how immigrants like Mary Mallon were screened for illnesses when
they came through, for instance, Ellis Island?
About 70% of immigrants coming into the U.S. at that time in the early 1900s came through
Ellis Island. And so the island had a very stringent method for examining immigrants.
They had both immigration service officers and US public health service officers
literally poking and prodding immigrants. They called it the line, and it was essentially
a series of gates that made it look like a cattle pen for humans. And by their language,
they were looking for quote unquote loathsome contagions, but also for disabled people and what they called
defected people. They wanted healthy migrants entering the US, and what this meant is as
they poked and prodded if they felt that somebody looked ill to them, they would write on their
clothing with chalk, different letters designated different diagnoses. And sometimes these folks would get put into a section of Ellis Island
where they'd stay waiting for the diagnostic testing for months or even years.
So that's an attempt at disease prevention or at least to prevent immigrants with disease
from immigrating into the United States.
But what about quarantine, the other end of
the prevention mechanism? How was it practiced in New York at the turn of the 20th century?
The city really took advantage of the fact that it has these islands dotted in different
places. And so there were sanatoriums and quarantine hospitals built on these outposts.
And one example of this is a quarantine hospital that existed from the 1880s onwards
called Riverside Hospital. And that was built on North Brother Island. That was a place where
New Yorkers who had smallpox or TB, for example, would be quarantined. And in fact, it's where
Mary Mellon, the subject of our conversation, ended up at one point.
Pete You mentioned that there are other islands. I assume that they were employed as well? They were employed as well. And some of these islands you can now visit, they have relics
of these former sanatoriums and quarantine hospitals. Some of them seem to be specifically
reserved for patients with TB or consumption, as they called it, at some times. And others
were for a mix of patients with different infectious diseases.
So if I were there at the time, visiting one of these islands, what would I find in one
of these sanatoriums?
Can you give me some examples of who were there, both patients and staff?
These locations felt purposefully isolated and desolate, and people didn't want to
work with these patients that had infectious diseases, which at the time were not curable and may not even have been very treatable.
Historically there's a really famous group of incredible nurses who took care of TB patients
at one of these New York City quarantine hospitals.
The hospital was called Seaview Hospital and the nurses came to be known as the Black Angels. Because what happened is when this hospital became a quarantine hospital, white nurses left, and it was Black
nurses who were left to care for these very sick and lonely patients.
I want to get a quick bit of nomenclature sorted here, because we might use isolation
and quarantine as synonyms, but in this case, they're not. Can you explain the
difference? Quarantine and isolation mean two distinct things in public health. So isolation
refers to the separation of someone who is sick, someone who has a disease that they could transmit
to others, and separating them from others who are not sick is what we mean when we talk about
isolation. Quarantine is different, and we might all be
quite familiar with this term now because we lived through a quarantine. That's where you're
separating and restricting the movement of people who may have been exposed to a contagious illness,
but they themselves feel fine. And so quarantine can feel like a more powerful move. It can feel
like a move that's taking away people's
civil liberties in a way, because of the fact
that you're saying to someone who feels fine,
hey, you can't go about your regular business.
I am going to restrict your movement,
even though you feel okay.
And this brings us neatly back to Mary Malin.
She carried the bacteria that caused typhoid,
but was asymptomatic.
Why don't we explain how someone could have the
typhoid bacteria in their system and yet feel fine? Typhoid fever is an illness that's caused by a
bacteria called Salmonella enterica theravartifii or Salmonella typhi for short. And this bacteria,
even once someone's been treated, which we now do have antibiotics that can
treat it, some people will still retain the microbe inside of their body. They can go
on to become a chronic but asymptomatic carrier, meaning they've been treated, they've
recovered, they feel great, but the bug is inside them and they're still able to shed
it and pass the infection on to others. It's only recently that we've kind of started to understand more of the biology behind that
and how this nifty microbe, how the bacteria enters cells of the immune system and is able
to trick it into allowing the microbe to make a home inside the body of someone who feels
perfectly fine.
So even today, our understanding of this mechanism is incomplete. What did health and sanitation
authorities know then about asymptomatic carriers?
Very, very little. And I think that this lack of understanding and some misinformation about
asymptomatic carriers contributed to Mary Mallon's treatment and her experience of
living with this bacteria. She's one of the first, if not the first asymptomatic typhoid
carrier that we know of. But what I think is controversial is now we know that 1 to
6% of people who recover from typhoid carry it as an asymptomatic person. But at that
time when Mary Mallon was discovered
to be a carrier, there were other people in New York City who also came to be discovered
as being carriers. By some estimates, maybe a few hundred people in New York at that time
were carriers. They weren't treated, though, in the same way as Mary Mallon, which makes
me as an epidemiologist and a public health doctor, think about the
ways in which we treat people very differently, even if they are harboring the same condition.
And there's a paper from 1909 that actually talks about this, talks about the fact that
Mary Mallon came to be detained, while other people who were carriers like her didn't
have their movement restricted at all.
Why do you think Mary Mallon was singled out?
Disease is never just about the microbe itself.
It's also to do with the story around the illness.
And typhoid fever, especially at that time, was considered a filthy disease of the poor,
of people who lived in unsanitary conditions.
It was considered a disease of immigrants.
And so Mary Mallon fit the bill of the kind of person who would have this illness. Of
course, she may have gone on to infect very affluent and wealthy people who lived not
in crowded situations like hers. But when those people became infected or even became
carriers, they didn't have that same stigma around the illness
that Mary did because she was an immigrant,
a woman, an Irish woman, a laborer.
She lived in a tenement building
and all of these things counted against her.
Do you think any of Mary's actual behavior
or reluctance to cooperate
also contributed to her treatment?
Potentially.
Mary really went at it with the public health authorities.
There's a famous scene that's painted of her with a meat fork in hand,
a brandishing it like a weapon at one of the public health workers.
She didn't want to be told what to do.
But again, think back to a situation in which we don't fully understand
the biology and the pathophysiology
of this illness. You're talking to someone who feels perfectly fine. Typhoid fever can
cause a really high fever, 104 degrees. It can cause a rash, muscle aches and joint pains,
a swollen abdomen. It can cause diarrhea, constipation, and in fatal cases,
it can cause internal bleeding. Mary had none of that.
And so you're having a conversation with someone
where you're saying, we're gonna restrict your movements,
you need to do this and that.
And they're saying, but I feel fine.
How does any of that even make sense?
And then one of the other options that they gave to her
was gallbladder removal, because they were learning
that this bacteria can hide out in the gallbladder.
That maybe nowadays might sound okay-ish
because, you know, surgery is survivable,
but over 100 years ago,
it was hellish to endure a surgery like that.
So saying to her, either quarantine
in a really horrible place, all on your own,
even though you feel great,
or let's take out your gallbladder,
I mean, what kind of an option are we giving to her?
I'm actually personally curious about this because my mother had her gallbladder removed,
and I don't know what the gallbladder does. Can it just be removed?
It can be removed, and every year many, many people will undergo a gallbladder removal surgery.
Maybe they have gallstones, maybe they've had an infection in the gallbladder. You can live without
it. You might have to modify your diet a little bit, which your mother may have complained
about. But back then, Mary Mallon, considering a gallbladder surgery, would have been thinking
about potentially dying from an infection contracted during that surgery. So, it's
a really different decision to make then versus now.
So, was this the choice in front of Mary Mallon then?
She vehemently denied that she had the disease or could spread the disease, but was given
perhaps a choice?
Isolation on North Brother Island?
Or perhaps a fatal surgery?
And what kind of choice is that?
And I think about that a lot as a physician in that we think we're offering people options,
but sometimes all of the options really suck and our patients end
up stuck between a rock and a hard place. And again, that calculation of which choice you might pick
is really different if you feel ill, if someone's going to offer you treatment, but at this point
Mary feels perfectly fine and she's an immigrant woman, she's a laborer, she needs to cook to earn
her living and the authorities are trying to take all of that away from her.
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We'll return to the case of Mary Mallon in a bit,
but I want to ask you about your work today.
You served as an officer in the Epidemic Intelligence Service.
What is that and what did you do for them?
The Epidemic Intelligence Service is a CDC program that trains physicians,
veterinarians, nurses, and PhD scientists to become disease detectives,
essentially frontline public health workers.
So when I moved from London where I was a hospital doctor and I moved to the US to
train in public health, for me it was a no-brainer to train in public health within the Epidemic
Intelligence Service. It is literally the planet's premier training program for public health. It was
established in 1951 and since then the CDC's disease detectives have gone on
to make incredible discoveries and to save so many lives
when diseases are spreading.
Let's dig into the term disease detective.
Are you literally burning up shoe leather on the street?
Yes, in fact, we call it within public health,
shoe leather epidemiology.
And if you look it up online,
the logo for the
Epidemic Intelligence Service is a globe superimposed with a kind of torn up soul of a boot. Because
being a disease detective, being an Epidemic Intelligence Service officer is very dirty
grunt work. It's highly unglamorous. I ended up in situations in maximum security prisons
where there was an outbreak of paralysis
and I was literally on my hands and knees
in a stab proof vest, wearing a helmet
and a face shield to be protected from potential attacks
while I crawled the floor, looked in toilets,
trying to see what pathogen had spread to make people sick.
Now I've heard that one of your cases
was in the spring of 2013,
in which you investigated an outbreak
of the horrible sounding flesh-eating bacteria
that was striking the Navajo Nation in Arizona.
Tell us that story.
What is flesh-eating bacteria and what were you asked to do?
One morning I was at my desk and truly,
when you are an officer in the Epidemic Intelligence
Service, no two days are the same. And I get this call early in the morning from a pediatrician
working on the Navajo Nation in the Indian Health Service. And he says, look, something's
going on. I'm starting to see a pattern. There are more and more people coming in with
either early or late stages of this infection,
which colloquially we call flesh-eating bacteria. The proper name for it is Group A invasive
streptococcus. And so we start putting out fetus to find out if there really are more cases of this
horrific illness. It can lead people to lose limbs, it can cause them to go into septic shock,
end up in the ICU, and you can even die
from it. And it's really heartbreaking because if you catch it early enough, it starts off as just
kind of a mild pink rash, which if you treat it then, you could be saving someone's limb or saving
their life. So then I go about the work of trying to piece together patterns, making inroads with
public health workers and officials and tribal leaders in the Navajo Nation to say, look, we may be able to help you. Do we have your permission
because they're a sovereign nation? Do we have your permission to come onto the reservation
and assist you? Eventually, we do get an agreement together. And I remember driving about five
hours from Phoenix, Arizona, into Window Rock to the Navajo Nation capital, meeting
the tribal leaders and the public health officials and kind of being in that situation where
you're rolling up your sleeves and you're just ready to dig in and you want to save
lives and stop this awful bacteria from spreading. And I wasn't met with the kind of reception
I thought I would have. They were not happy to see me, Lindsay.
And I was like, wait, you haven't even met me.
Like, what's happening?
So how did you get people to talk to you
on a Native American reservation
where there's a healthy distrust of government?
What I had to do then was scientific diplomacy,
which meant to say, hey, I'm ready to roll my sleeves up
and jump into this investigation.
We all want to save lives. And I also made it clear that we didn't necessarily have to lead
the investigation. We could co-lead and share power and also help to build capacity so that
the tribe was also more able in the future to deal with outbreaks. And slowly, over the course of the
outbreak, we did manage to kind of get to the heart of the outbreak and stop the disease from spreading further.
Well, how did you get to the heart of the outbreak?
We had been given information about people who were sick, so the cases, and about the index patient, so the first person that's been reported or known to be infected. And we had a small little office room, we had a whiteboard, we started writing
names and making basically what looks like a spider's web, the network of who knows
who, who's been in contact with who. If this person is sick, who else were they in
touch with during the time that they were infectious? Who else should we be talking
to in case we can catch them with the early stages of a rash? But all the time that we're
doing this case finding and going
door to door, we are trying to find our patient zero, the first person who became infected
and became sick. And we start to get hints, Lindsay, about who this was. We're told
it's a woman. We're told that she's unhoused. We're told that she has substance misuse
issues, that she often hangs out outside of a particular supermarket, that she sleeps
on people's couches and she doesn't really have her own home. We were determined to find
this woman and she of course did not want to be found. For some reason, she herself
had not become very severely or dangerously ill and she didn't want to have anything
to do with federal government intelligence officers, which I fully understand. And so it took a lot of detective work, but again, a lot of relationship building and explaining to find
this woman and eventually we did.
So it sounds like this was detective work and diplomacy. How did this episode on the
Navajo Nation affect you personally?
It reminded me that when we train a scientist, we're often not taught what
people call quote unquote soft skills, peacemaking and relationship building and scientific diplomacy,
and yet these so-called soft skills are integral to a successful public health outbreak investigation.
It also reminded me of just how important it is to have good
relationships with different communities so that when there is a crisis you can
go in and be a trusted actor in that situation and you're not having to
spend precious time reassuring people when all you want to do is just dive in
and try and save lives and so it's really important when there's not a crisis
to do that work of building good relationships
so that you can just get the essential investigation done
when things are really bad.
So flesh eating bacteria is bad,
but Ebola I know is worse.
And only a year after you were investigating in Arizona,
Ebola came to the US.
It happened when a small handful of people
who had been helping treat Ebola patients in West Africa
returned home.
Most famously, the case here in my hometown of Dallas occurred,
but you knew a friend of yours, a nurse,
who was caught up in this turmoil as well
when she returned home.
Can you tell us what happened?
I can, and of course, there's also a through line from the Navajo Nation investigation to me
then being a journalist, which was never in the plan, in Dallas, when Ebola arrived in Dallas.
So what had happened during that Navajo Nation outbreak of flesh eating bacteria,
I had an aha moment of what I should do with my life. Because there was this one morning
where small teams of us, it was me, a local public health worker, and a Navajo translator,
were going home to home on the Navajo Nation, asking really basic questions to people. Hey,
have you seen anyone with this kind of rash? Do you know anyone who's been sick? Do you have this rash?
And on this morning, maybe the first day of the investigation, this young mother opens the door. And she
has very young kids kind of running around her ankles. And she says to me, I'm fine
and my kids are fine, but I'm so worried about this disease because I know someone
who ended up in the ICU. She says to me, how can I keep
my children safe? And you know, at that time, there's all this uncertainty about who's
infecting who and how can we find our patient zero. But in my kind of hubris as a public
health doctor, I was like, aha, I know the answer to this question. And I said to this
young mother, while this outbreak is spreading, here's what you need to do. Make sure you and your kids have really good hand hygiene. Wash your hands regularly with
soap and water. And she looked at me and she said, with what water? And they had no running
water. And they had no flush toilets even. And I was just like, oh my gosh, I am so silly
and this is such a ridiculous situation. I didn't know there wasn't running
water. I did know that of course you are really vulnerable to a deadly outbreak like this
one if you don't have fresh water. That's just such a basic thing. And it was at that
point that I started to really question where my career was going and how I would make an
impact as a public health doctor. And I was thinking, are people in America aware
that these reservations often don't have running water? Is it just my ignorance? I
had all these questions. And it was actually that experience that led me to journalism
school very soon after to train as a science journalist. Fast forward a year, I graduate
from journalism school. I moved to Dallas, of all places, to be a staff writer at the
Dallas Morning News. Then I'm questioning my career decisions because the biggest and
deadliest Ebola outbreak is spreading in West Africa and I'm not there. And I'm thinking,
what am I doing? Why did I become a journalist? I should be there as a public health physician
helping people with Ebola. And what do you know? Ebola arrives on our doorstep in Dallas
and becomes this huge story. And so my expertise and my experiences
and my qualifications at that point combined. Then we get to October of 2014 and I start
getting these texts from the nurse who became famous, Casey Hickox. Casey and I were peers
at the CDC. She was one year below me in the epidemic intelligence service. She was also a veteran
nurse who went on medical missions with the nonprofit Doctors Without Borders. And so
when the Ebola outbreak had started, Casey had gone to Sierra Leone to help out there
on a medical mission for a month. Then she gets ready to return to the US thinking, you
know, she'll have her temperature checked, she'll do all the right things to ensure she doesn't have Ebola, she's
not bringing it into the US, and things go completely wrong when she arrives at the New
York airport. She makes front page news because Casey is detained at Newark, put into a plastic
tent without showers and things, and she's not given
due process. And so she's frantically texting me, her friend from the CDC who's now a
journalist saying, you need to help me, I need to get this story out. And it was such
a confluence of science and politics and misunderstanding of the science and so much fear at the height
of an epidemic and Casey became a casualty
of that situation.
There was even a nickname given to her, something familiar to people who've been listening
to this series. It wasn't Tifwood Mary, but Ebola Casey.
It speaks to the fact that Casey had done this incredible work, risking her own safety
in Sierra Leone and come back and fall and pray to basically officials and governors
who wanted to be reelected and were pandering to the fear and actually not following the science.
Pete Ultimately, Casey went home to Maine where she was again caught up in fighting a strict
quarantine. She never tested positive for Ebola. What do you think was learned from her case?
It demonstrated for a lot of people that science and public health do not operate or exist in a
vacuum. They are political because the world that we live in is political. And it reminded me for
sure that when there's a lack of knowledge about a particular pathogen, whether it's
typhoid fever 100 or so years ago, whether it's Ebola more recently, there's so much
confusion and chaos and fear. And that can bring out the worst in people and lead to
us putting science on the sidelines, as those public health officials and some of those
elected officials did. Casey ended up staying in that tent for three days,
during which time she was texting me frantically
and then we published an essay that she wrote in the Dallas Morning News.
She lawyered up and then she was in her home in Maine.
But then elected officials from Maine became involved too
and it was such a messy situation
in which politics and fear overtook the science.
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So, returning to Mary Mallon, she spent three years on North Brother Island. Then authorities released her in 1910 on the condition that she never worked as a cook again. She disappeared around 1912 and was
later in 1915 found working as a cook in a maternity hospital which had just experienced
a typhoid outbreak. And it seems likely that an estimated three to five people died from
Mary spreading typhoid over the years. As a doctor, how do you think about what she
did?
I think about the real life decisions that patients have to make when we give them options
that kind of suck.
And they were really difficult options in Mary's case.
It's 1915, we're still only about four years into having a vaccine against typhoid.
It's not widely available.
And it won't be until 1948 that we'd even have an antibiotic treatment for typhoid, it's not widely available. And it won't be until 1948 that we'd even
have an antibiotic treatment for typhoid. So what options did Mary actually have? And
how much was being explained to her about the pathophysiology of this disease? I think
that's a really impossible situation to be in. Again, she's told you can go back to this awful place of
living in isolation, having no family and friends around you, having no purpose in life,
no ability to cook, which you love doing, and you feel fine, by the way, or let's
cut your gallbladder out, which is a surgery that might kill you through a fatal infection.
We talk about the fact that she caused typhoid outbreaks and we'd
want really solid evidence and epidemiological link that it was her because of course there
were other people walking around New York City at the time that were infectious who
were either asymptomatic or symptomatic. And at this point, you have to remember that Mary
really has a target on her back. There are people looking to blame her.
So because Mary Mallon refused to stop working as a cook, public health authorities sent
her back to North Brother Island where she lived then for more than two decades until
her death in 1938. When you think about this case, I guess what do you see as the balance
between individual freedom and the greater public good?
I think about the context in which all of this happened.
So we're talking initially the summer of 1906,
Mary, this immigrant Irish cook,
is working for rich people on Oyster Bay, Long Island.
These are people who are wealthy bankers.
They can afford to have all kinds of servants in their home.
And they are just stunned when they start falling sick wealthy bankers, they can afford to have all kinds of servants in their home, and they
are just stunned when they start falling sick with typhoid because they cannot fathom that
rich people like them could succumb to an illness of the poor and the unsanitary. So
I think that context is really important. In public health, we're balancing what's
right for the patient, the individual, in this case,
someone who feels fine. And we're also thinking about how we protect public health more broadly.
And I think about the fact that Mary died a really sad and isolated death. She died
essentially alone. And I don't think that was any fault of her own. There wasn't an antibiotic that
could treat her for good. She could have had her gallbladder excised, but that would have been painful
and it may have killed her. And in this context, of course, going back to the affluent home
that was rented by this family on Oyster Bay, Long Island, they were so aggrieved that this
could happen to them that they had hired a very enthusiastic sanitation
worker, not a public health worker, a sanitation worker called George Soper, who made it his
mission to single out Mary and was really chasing her around the city. And his motivation,
I think, from all that I have studied on this is that George Soper wanted to protect the
health and wellbeing of the rich. You know, he wasn't so concerned about the human rights of a poor Irish immigrant woman.
When we're making these decisions in public health, we consider a balance of four principles
– beneficence, non-maleficence, justice, and respect for autonomy.
So we're often making difficult decisions to treat or not to treat, to isolate, to not isolate. And you're balancing these things of doing as much good as you can for the person
and for public health. You want to not do any harm, but you also want to protect a person's
right to live a good and full life. And Mary was denied that.
I'm thinking of an analogy with criminal justice. Certainly, if we discovered that
there was a serial killer out there responsible for four or five deaths, and there seems to
be clues pointing to one person, public outcry would be enormous to find the culpable individual.
But we have real stringent boundaries in place to preserve even that person's civil liberties
in the criminal justice system.
What exists in the public health dimension?
We have laws on the books that allow us to take away someone's ability to live freely.
We can restrict someone's movement typically when they are are sick but also if they have been an
asymptomatic carrier of a disease, my concern is that we have access to these laws, but
are we applying them evenly? In every single case, are we weighing moral principles in
the most ethical manner, or do some people get a really rough ride
of it, perhaps because they are poor or an immigrant or a woman or living in unsanitary
conditions, do we perceive them differently and therefore do we take a law that's on
the books but apply it in a much harsher way, a much more restrictive manner than we might
perhaps someone who's affluent and has proximity to power. So again, with
public health and politics being intertwined, public health officials have a lot of power
and they have the ability to strip someone of their freedom. And we have to be thinking
of that at each turn and thinking if we are applying those principles equally to all people.
And in Mary's case, it feels like that
did not happen because we have evidence from the early 1900s that there were other asymptomatic
carriers in New York City. They were not detained or treated or imprisoned in the way that Mary
Mallon was. So what is your ultimate judgment then on the medical establishment and their treatment
of Mary Mallon? We have been complicit and still are complicit in maligning this woman in stigmatizing this
disease. And even that moniker Typhoid Mary was published in an article in a very prestigious
medical journal that still exists, JAMA, or the Journal of the American Medical Association.
And whether writers in that journal coined that term or were simply repeating it, they
are also to blame in elevating that term in a way that the press then latched onto it.
It really stuck.
To this day, we talk about Typhoid Mary.
We use it as a euphemism.
In fact, just a few weeks ago, I was in an acting class in LA, and just a small group
of us, and one young woman sneezed and then she sniffed
and people kind of looked over and she said something like, oh gosh, I'm just being typhoid
Mary over here, which just highlights how much this story has been perpetuated through
culture without the context and the understanding that we're talking about a maligned immigrant woman who had really poor options
and wasn't given adequate information or care in her case.
So I think we've been outlining generally the answer to this question, but I was wondering
if you could give us some more specifics. What lessons are there for epidemiologists
and for the medical establishment at large to be found in Mary Mallon's case? Why is she still relevant today? Why do we talk about her?
Public health is difficult to get right. You are balancing the freedoms and the rights of an
individual with this need to protect the public's health. We made grand mistakes in the case of Mary Mallon.
Mary's story also reminds us of how the medical establishment can be complicit, continues to be complicit,
in labeling ways in people that are stigmatizing and dangerous.
When you have stigma around a disease, when you label a person in that way,
it can prevent other people from coming forward and getting the care they need. That ultimately is terrible for public health. Stigma is dangerous.
And we know from experience that shame fuels negative behavior. So there are many lessons
from Mary's case that are still applicable to epidemiologists and public health physicians
to this day.
Sema Yasmin, thank you so much for talking with me today
on American History Tellers.
Thank you, Lindsay.
That was my conversation with Dr. Seema Yasmin,
clinical assistant professor of medicine
at Stanford University and host of the Our Big Shot podcast.
From Wondery, this is the third and final episode
of our series on typhoid Mary for American
history tellers.
In our next season, in July 1925 in the small town of Dayton, Tennessee, high school teacher
John Scopes agrees to take part in a test case being orchestrated by the ACLU.
After he's charged with breaking a state law forbidding the teaching of the theory of
evolution, he's put on trial and the ensuing spectacle will spark a national debate between science and religion and free thought
and fundamentalism.
If you like American History Tellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad-free right
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And before you go, tell us about yourself
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American History Tellers has hosted, edited,
and executive produced by me, Lindsay Graham for Airship.
Sound design by Molly Bach.
Supervising sound designer is Matthew Filler. Music by Thrum.
Additional writing by Dorian Marina. This episode was produced by Polly Stryker and
Oli DeRosanski. Our Senior Interview Producer is Peter Arcuni. Managing Producer Desi Blaylock.
Senior Managing Producer is Callum Pluse. Senior Producer is Andy Herman. And Executive
Producers are Jenny Lauer Beckman, Marshall Louisie and Erin O'Flaherty for wondering.
Today is the worst day of Abby's life. The 17 year old cradles her newborn son in
her arms. They all saw much I loved him they didn't have to take him from me.
Between 1945 and the early 1970s,
families shipped their pregnant teenage daughters
to maternity homes and forced them
to secretly place their babies for adoption.
In hidden corners across America, it's still happening.
My parents had me locked up in the godparent home
against my will.
They worked with them to manipulate me
and to steal my son away from me.
The Godparent home is the brainchild
of controversial preacher Jerry Falwell,
the father of the modern evangelical right
and the founder of Liberty University,
where powerful men, emboldened by their faith,
determine who gets to be a parent
and who must give their child
away.
Follow Liberty Lost on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.