Badlands Media - Badlands Media Special Coverage: 6/18/26 - Vance WH Briefing: Iran Deal & Israel Rebuke

Episode Date: June 18, 2026

Vice President JD Vance steps to the White House podium to deliver the first full briefing on the Iran MOU since its signing, opening with news that gas prices dropped below $4 for the first time since the conflict and 12.5 million barrels moved through the Strait overnight. Vance walks through the deal structure in detail: Iran gets nothing unless it performs, the US pays zero, and every sanction comes back on if they misbehave. He draws a sharp contrast with the Obama JCPOA, noting the deal was negotiated from a position of total military destruction rather than a position of trying to bribe a functioning nuclear program. The briefing closes with one of the sharpest lines of the week, directed at members of Netanyahu's cabinet who have been attacking Trump publicly, reminding them that two thirds of the weapons protecting Israel were built by American hands.

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And discover your new favorite brands. Good morning, everybody. Nothing to talk about. Slow news day here in Washington, D.C. So let me just say a couple of things off the bat. First of all, I think the president's peace plan in Iran is already bearing real fruits for the American people. Last night, 12.5 million barrels of oil went through the Strait of Hormuz. That is a high since the beginning of the conflict. Oil prices are down nearly at their level from the pre-war conflict.

Gas prices drop below $4 a gallon today for the first time since the conflict. And importantly, they're going to keep falling further. are given how low oil prices are. On the military side, the Iranians for the second night in a road did not shoot at any ships in the Strait of Hormuz so far. They are honoring their end of the commitment. And on the blockade, CENTCOM has allowed

north of a dozen ships to go through our naval blockade. And so we're also honoring our end of the early part of the agreement. On the military side, a couple of things that are still true and will be true whether the Iranians comply with the rest of the deal or not. Number one, they're nuclear. program has been completely destroyed. Their capacity for enrichment, the facilities at which

they were using to develop enrichment and develop a potential nuclear weapon, those facilities are still destroyed. Their conventional military is still destroyed. Their capacity to threaten their neighbors is still largely gone. And now we see whether they are willing to comply with the next step of the President's peace plan. As you all know, the part of the peace plan, the part of this MOU that I think have been most misrepresented by certain parts of the media is the idea that the Iranians get all these benefits. You will hear things about $300 billion or $24 billion or this or that number of money or amount of money. And the simple fact is that the only way the Iranians get any of those resources, not a single penny by the way from the United States of America under

any circumstances, but the only way that they would ever get any benefit of the bargain is if they comply fully and change their behavior. And so you really have a win- win situation for the United States of America. If the Iranians don't change their behavior, their military and their nuclear program is still destroyed. If they do change their behavior, then they are going to have a transformative relationship with the Middle East, and the Middle East will have a transformative relationship with the people of Iran. That's a win for the American people and for the President of the United States, regardless of which option the Iranians ultimately choose. We obviously want them to choose the right option. The interesting thing about

their system. And I think it's important for the American people to appreciate this point in particular is that there are real divisions within their country about how exactly to proceed. And what we've seen over the last couple of months is that the pragmatists within the Iranian system, the people who really do want to transform their relationship with the Middle East and within with the world, those people are winning the argument. The United States wants those people to win the argument. The United States wants to have a better relationship. But in order for that to happen, the Iranians have to perform. And if they don't perform, as we've said before, they don't get any of the benefits of the bargain. So what I'd ask all of you is just to report,

honestly, that the United States isn't giving up a cent of money to Iran and even the economic benefits, the sanctions relief and so forth that comes along with this bargain only happens if the Iranians perform. So with that, I want to say thanks to all of you. It's good to be with you this morning. And I'll kick it over to questions. Let's start right over here to the right. Thank you, Vice President. I wanted to ask a follow-up on something you just mentioned. You talked about the possibility of the current Iranian leadership fundamentally changing their behavior. Do you think that the current Iranian leadership recognizes the leverage that the U.S. holds over itself economically and militarily enough to actually go forth with fundamentally changing

their behavior over the long term and going about things to do it? So I certainly think they recognize the leverage that the United States has over them. We've seen that in a number of our conversations. We've seen that just in their behavior over the last couple of days. They certainly recognize that the United States has great leverage. Will that ultimately lead to a change in behavior? I don't know. You know, I've seen skeptics of the deal.

People say the Iranians will never change their behavior. Well, maybe that's true. And if so, they don't get any of the benefits of the bargain. But isn't it worth trying? Isn't it worth seeing whether this incredibly weakened position that the president of the United States has put the Iranians under, whether that motivates them to change their behavior? not just vis-a-vis the West, but vis-a-vis the Middle East. And one of the interesting things about this is, you know, the technical details of this we can, of course, get into.

There are going to be any number of opinions about the negotiation, about where it's ultimately going to go. But I tend to think that you should trust the people who know the Iranians the best and who have the most to lose. What are the Gulf Arab states saying about this deal? What are they saying about this deal compared to the JCPOA in 2015? this is the Obama nuclear deal. Well, back then, they hated that deal. They felt like it empowered the Iranians to be bad actors across the region. And of course, that's exactly what happened.

They were right about that. What are they saying about the president's peace deal? They're saying this is an amazingly transformative thing for the region because either way, we and the broader region win. Iran is weakened, their nuclear program destroyed, their economy in desperate straits. And if they change their behavior, big things are going to happen for Iran and for the world.

If they don't, no skin off our backs. Either way, we win. And that's the way the president has set up this deal and this negotiation. Yeah. But did the 60-day period officially begin yesterday? I would say the 60-day period officially started today. It was signed late. And it may have even been signed technically, you know, because of the time shift,

I think it signed technically today, Iran time. So, yes, the deal started yesterday. We're going to start the 60-day clock today. Go ahead. Can you help us understand President Trump's shift on his stance for Iran's ballistic missile program? Initially, it was a key objective to dismantle it yesterday. He said it would only be fair if they had some if the countries around Iran also had some. So when and why did that change?

And will the final agreement have any restrictions on these missiles? So we destroyed a substantial number of their ballistic missiles and their ballistic missile launchers themselves. It's not just the bullets, but it's the actual gun. And that's what we were extremely effective at in destroying during the last three months of the campaign. All the president said yesterday is that, of course, countries don't give up the right of self-defense. Israel doesn't give up the right of self-defense of Hezbollah fires rockets or drones at Israel. The Iranians don't give up the right of self-defense in their country. We do expect that as part of the final deal, they are not going to be able to build the kind

of missiles that can broadly threaten the entire world. And that's what the President of the United States said yesterday. And look, I mean, it's very simple. You can't tell a country whether Israel or Iran, they're not allowed to have any self-defense. That's not what the President has asked. That's not what the President has requested. But as part of the final deal, what we want to see is Iran not funding regional instability, funding regional terrorism, and of course try to rebuild their nuclear weapons program.

That's the main thing. The nuclear weapons program is destroyed. It is gone. If the Iranians decided tomorrow to build a nuclear weapon, they simply don't have the capacity in order to do that. What we're trying to ensure is they don't rebuild that capacity, not just a year from now, two years from now, but many, many years from now, so that our children never have to worry about a state sponsor of terrorism having a nuclear weapon.

Thank you, Mr. Vice President. You were just saying that you're hoping this deal would prevent Iran and the first. future from getting a nuclear weapon. But from what's been put out there of the MOU, I'm curious how does the MOU reflect that in the future Iran will not in fact get a nuclear weapon? What's stopping them from down the road to your point, rebuilding and restarting from where we were pre the war? Well, number one, they would have to get a lot of money in order to rebuild the nuclear program. You're talking about billions and billions of nuclear infrastructure that the United States destroyed. In order for them to rebuild that program, they would have to get a lot of money.

And we have them in an economic chokehold right now that we're not going to release until they fundamentally change their behavior. What would that look like? That would mean a real inspections regime. That would mean a real enforcement regime. As the MOU contemplates, that would mean the destruction of their enriched stockpile. All of these things are the sorts of steps you're going to take if you're serious about ending your nuclear weapons program. And that again is why I go back to this fundamental trade that's built into the deal. They need money to do anything.

Their economy is an absolute dire straits. But in order for them to get any integration into the world economy, they're going to have to show us and verify for us that they are changing their behavior. And that's why the deal is set up in the way that it is. Go ahead. President Trump said yesterday that he was going to blame you if the talk to the round goes sideways. Are you worried that he's going to make you a form guy? No, not at all.

I mean, I think the president was joking, but as he often does. But no, I think, look, the entire team has worked very well on this, and we've got this thing to a very good place for the American people. Now, I have seen some progressive criticisms of me personally saying, what experience does the vice president of the United States have with hostile high-stakes negotiations? And I would point those progressive critics to the fact that just two days ago, I spent over an hour on the view.

So I actually have a great experience in very hostile negotiations, and I've used that. I mean, look, Joy Behar is way tougher than the Iranians. and she and I are best friends now. So we're going to get to a good place here. We're going to get to a good place. We're already at a good place. It's just a question of whether we can really get the icing on the top

of fundamentally transforming Iran's relationship with the world. Go ahead. A couple of just timing questions. How soon as the MOU lays out can Iran start selling any of its oil that has sort of been impounded, right, with the blockade? And two, can you sort of explain the Lebanon component to the MOU and how that front works and the enforceability of it. Yeah, so the Lebanon component, this is about regional peace, right?

This is about regional peace. And what that means is we expect Hezbollah is not going to be firing rockets and firing groans at the Israelis. And we also expect that the Israelis are not going to be going wild in Lebanon, right? Both sides have to honor their end of the deal. Now, as you guys know, sometimes these ceasefires are a little messy. The President of the United States said this a couple of weeks ago, that a ceasefire in that region of the world just means they're shooting a little bit less at each other than they were before. What you've seen is radical progress in Lebanon, less

shooting, less firing, but you're still going to have these little flare-ups from time to time. And that's just the sort of thing that we're going to have to manage through the diplomatic process. Secretary Rubio's been sort of the person on point. It's actually worked out extraordinarily well because we do have substantially less shooting, but it's going to be something we have to manage. And eventually what we want to see is the Lebanese government, the elected representatives of the people of Lebanon who are able to police southern Lebanon so that Hezbollah has not taken over the country. The Israelis are not threatened. And then consequently, the Israelis are not tacking southern Lebanon or Beirut either. That's the plan there. You asked about the Iranian oil.

Look, one of the interesting things that you've seen is that the Iranians have been completely unable to sell oil, not because of sanctions, but because of the blockade. Fundamentally, the thing that we have done here the original you know what we give what they give is that we said we're going to lift the blockade we're going to allow you to sell some of your oil and they're going to open the strait of more moves we see that process starting to work already it's going to take a little time before it picks up fully but that's where we are today go ahead thank you mr vice president the mow you just on the straight the mow guarantees these 60 days of toll free passage but after that it is of course led to a regional dialogue with amon and iran deciding the future of governance of the

straight. A senior U.S. official told us yesterday that they expect Iran to push aggressively on this, but also that Gulf states won't allow any kind of tolls. How strenuously will the U.S. fight to keep tolls out of the straight and keep any fees away from the future straight commercial traffic? And are you going to leave it to the Gulf states to kind of fight this battle? Well, first of all, we believe international waterways should be free of tolls. And that's been our position. That's what you see, of course, in the 60 days of the MOU. And when you say it leaves it open. It doesn't really leave it open, except in the sense that, of course, the final negotiation is going to set the terms of what comes afterwards, right? You said, I think that it's the, it's the

Amonis and the Iranians, but it's actually the MOU contemplates that the Omanis, the Iranians, and the Gulf Coast Coalition together will figure out a proper security framework for the straits in the future. And what I mean by that is that we don't ever want this to happen again. That's not about tolling. That's about ensuring that the straits are never used as a, and what I mean by that. a choke point for the global economy ever again. It's frankly not what the Iranians want. It's not what the Omanis want. It's not what the GCC wants either. So what we're going to do, of course, working with our allies in the region, is to ensure that that is reflected in the final deal. And if that's not reflecting in the final deal, there's not going to be a final deal. And that that is,

I keep coming back to this fundamental structural point of this negotiation, which is that we have all the cards. If the Iranians want the benefits of the bargain, they have to give us the things that are necessary to get those benefits. Go ahead. We'll do both. Okay, both you guys. There's one of the white and then one in, you know, orange, I think. I'm sorry. Okay. Maybe I'm maybe I'm colorblind. It looks more orange to me. I don't want to have a debate about that. Orange, pinkish, you go first, and then in front of you, you can go second. And are you planning on briefing Congress on this portion? Yeah, so I talked to James Bray, our head of OLA. We do plan to brief Congress very soon. I believe that they got the formal copy of the signed document this morning. And if not, they're going to get

at some point later today. We are planning a briefing. I believe right now the House is out of session. The Senate is in session, though maybe I've reversed that. But we're going to ensure that the team briefs Congress, of course, answers their questions. We've been doing that informally, of course, talking to a number of people in Congress just over the last week. We'll keep on doing that and we'll have a formal briefing. I won't say exactly when that will be because it depends a little bit about session schedule. Your point about the sanctions is I'll go back to what I said earlier, which is really the choke point on Iranian oil was never the sanctions. We didn't see that as a major concession to the Iranians. Frankly, the Iranians didn't see that as a concession to them because

what prevented them from selling oil was not the sanctions. They were selling plenty of oil without any discount because the sanctions were just fundamentally ineffective at that point. What the sanctions did do is move the Iranian financial system to sort of the shadow banking system. So by lifting the blockade, that's the significant thing that has changed. And by lifting the sanctions, we're actually going to be able to see a little bit where their financial system actually sends money and receives money. That's a real benefit to the American people. And that's really the only thing that is changed by the change in sanctions. Oh, sorry.

Yeah. Sorry. I forgot that part of the question. No, we don't think so. We actually have an opinion from OLC. We feel quite confident about that, you know, Congress does. There are certain things that require congressional approval. There are certain things that don't require congressional approval.

We feel quite confident that we can temporarily lift those sanctions without going to Congress and seeking their approval on that. Apparently, there's been reports coming out of Israel that Iran is already funneling oil money to Hezbo. Even before this particular MOU was signed. And how exactly is the U.S. looking at this? If we're talking about behavior on part of Iran, October 7th happens. And if there's concern that perhaps HESBELA could end up doing some sort of hat on that scale, then, you know, how exactly are we talking about the reaction to the United States? If you're talking about perhaps a humongest scale attack that actually could happen?

Are we waiting for that type of attack? I mean, what exactly is a scale here? Sorry, you said what exactly is a scale? Yeah. Well, I mean, like, what type of attack would it take to actually get a reaction? get a reaction from the United States to say, okay, now we're actually going to start drawing bombs on Iran before having bad behavior. Well, we don't want any scale of any attack.

Any attack, whatever its scale is unacceptable under this agreement. Now, you asked the question saying that oil money was flowing to Hezbollah before the MOU was signed, and it's one of the reasons why we are actually engaged in this process is to ensure that no money is flowing to Hezbollah. So it's interesting where people will say that the MOU is bad because the MOU produces consequences that were actually happening well before the MOU was signed. That's not a reflection on the MOU. That's a reflection of why we need the MOU to ensure that we have the regional peace and stability that we need. Now, what I would say to, you know, some of the critics of the deal that I've heard that will say, well, Iran's going to get all this benefit.

I'll repeat what I've said and I'm probably going to have to repeat it in number of. of times is what is the benefit that the Iranians get that they didn't have before? And the answer is nothing. They don't get anything unless they change their behavior. If they change their behavior, that is a thing to celebrate. That's going to transform the Middle East for a generation. If they don't change their behavior, they don't get the benefit of the bargain. And I think, I got to be honest, I think fundamentally, fundamentally this idea that, and it's a misrepresentation of the MOU, this idea that the Iranians get all these benefits before the deal is actually consummated. The idea that they get benefits before they change their behavior is fundamentally

a talking point that is issued by people who want the conflict to continue indefinitely, despite the fact that that's not good for the American people and it's not good for the region. All the way in the back. All the way back of the red. Right here. Are you fine? We'll do. Okay, sorry. Thank you. I'm wearing bright red.

So many people are wearing red. You can go first. Kara, right? Thank you, Karen. Okay, and the next after that. Okay, great. Could you highlight the major differences between this deal and President Obama's deal in 2015

and why the administration believes that this deal is superior? And second, Mr. Vice President, President Trump has been vocal lately about his disapproval for BV Natyahu's attacks on Lebanon. Has the administration spoken to B.B. Netanyahu directly about the president's concerns recently and what is the feedback from Israel? Yeah, so we speak to BB or speak to somebody in the Israeli government.

Just as we speak to the Gulf Coast Coalition, our regional partners, pretty much every day, at least at some high level of our government. Look, the president's been very clear. He does not withdraw from Israel. No one could withdraw from another country, the right of self-defense. Israel has the right to defend itself. But fundamentally, the Israelis, just like everybody else, have to respect this peace process. that is fundamentally good for them and good for the entire region.

What the president has grown frustrated sometimes is that we seem to be right on the cusp of a major breakthrough in the agreement, and then all of a sudden there's a major explosion that goes off in a civilian population center in Beirut, and a lot of people who have nothing to do with Hezbollah lose their lives. That's not acceptable. That's the sort of thing that we've asked for closer coordination so that we ensure it doesn't happen. And our message to the Israelis, just as our message to everybody else, is fundamentally, we want this peace process to be good for you. We do not want Hezbollah attacking Israel, but in order to ensure that that happens, we have got to actually build the kind of regional

framework that can cut off the money to Hezbollah, cut off Iranian support for Hezbollah, and also ensure that Lebanon's territorial sovereignty is respected by all parties. And the difference between the two agreements. So first of all, the two big differences are not even in the substance of the deal itself. But something I said earlier are, number one, the Gulf Coast Coalition loves this deal because they think that it makes Iran weaker. They hated the Obama deal

because they thought that it made Iran stronger. They know more about this, and they have more to lose than anybody, including the United States of America, so I trust their judgment. The second thing is where the deal came from. You have to remember, in 2015, Iran had built a sophisticated nuclear weapons program with a nuclear weapons stockpile. So the perspective that we

came at as the United States was, you already have a really nice nuclear program. We're going to bribe you with American money in order to stop it. Our perspective and where we're coming at it is we already destroyed your nuclear program. And so if you promise and show verifiable pathways to not rebuild it, then we're willing to give you some sanctions relief and things like that. So it's a fundamentally different perspective. Now, there are all these substantive differences as well. The Obama nuclear deal allowed enrichment. Ours will not. The Obama deal allowed the accumulation of stockpiled weapons grade material. Ours is actually leading to the destruction of that stockpile of enriched material. So there are many differences. The Obama deal gave them over a billion dollars of

American money. This deal gives them zero dollars of American money. So a lot of substantive differences, but I think the most important differences are where we're coming at it from a position of strength and the fact that our Gulf Coast partners love this deal. No, no, sorry. I said the other all the way in the back. Thank you. Margaret with the Daily Wire. The President has said that if Iran doesn't behave themselves, we're going to resume military action.

So what is the red line for what Iran can do before they cross that red line, we do resume the military action? Well, it's just, it's going to be a holistic approach where we look at their behavior. Are they funding terrorism? Are they leading to attacks of other people? Are they trying to get centrifuges to redevelop their nuclear weapons program? There are all these questions that we're going to ask about whether they've actually changed their behavior. Do they allow the inspectors in as they have promised that they would do? Or do they refuse to allow those inspectors in? A whole host of things we're going to see we're working towards a very successful resolution of this process. But again, it takes two to tango.

And what the president is just saying is that we maintain economic, diplomatic, and military leverage. that nobody else in the world has. So if the Iranians want to change, great. We're going to help them. If they don't change, we still got all the cards. Thank you. Oh, sorry, in the blue jacket. Yeah.

This one right here. This one right here. That's a Navy jacket. Should we have a debate about the difference between blue and Navy? Not that guy, because you give a speech whenever you ask a question. I'm going to give her an opportunity. Hold on. Guys, you're speaking over the person.

who's asking the question. Isle, should they expect to see gas which set three dollar threshold? Well, I'm not an economist, and I think even the economists would get this wrong, but the fact that you've seen gas come down about 65 cents a gallon on the national average, and the fact that you see oil prices

that are basically close to where they were at the very beginning of the conflict, I think you're gonna see a substantial reduction in gas prices. I'm not gonna predict the exact price. If I was able to do that, I might be in a different business than politics, but we do think you're gonna see,

significant relief of the pump on top of what we've already seen. Thank you, Vice President. You keep saying that Iran will only reap economic rewards if they comply and change their behavior. But under this deal, they are being allowed now to sell their oil freely. Again, how is that not a financial benefit? And they're being allowed to do that without making any new concrete nuclear commitment. So can you explain how is that not lopsided?

Well, first of all, they've made very concrete nuclear commitments. They have committed to the destruction of the highly enriched stockpile. that they have in their possession. But number two, all we've done is lift the blockade and the straits of port. We basically returned it to where it was before the conflict. The blockade is off. We put that in after the conflict started. The straits are now open.

That's not a new benefit to the Iranians. They were selling oil for many, many years well before we ever put the blockade. We opposed that blockade. They stopped selling oil. And now we've lifted the blockade in order to promote the free flow of energy across the world. Go ahead. A U.S. official described having secured some of these quote-unquote gentleman's agreement. So when it comes to highly enrich your area, can you walk us through what's been secured,

even in these kind of gentleman's agreements, on how exactly they're going to get rid of the stockpile? Are there agreements on low-grade enrichment? How long is the moratorium on enriching uranium for Iran? And are any of these gentleman's agreements written down anywhere? So some of them are written down, but fundamentally, whether they're written down or spoken, this is why we structured the deal that we did, because we don't trust words. We trust action and we trust conduct. And so we're going to reward conduct and we're not going to reward any words, whether they're written on a sheet of paper or not. There's a lot of discussion,

the MOU, the gentleman's agreements, the final deal. Words don't matter, ladies and gentlemen, we're about verification. And so what we're going to do is to say if they do the things that they have promised to do, they have promised not to enrich. They have promised that they would allow inspectors in to destroy that highly enriched stockpile. And then, of course, it's not usable anymore. You take it somewhere else. They promised a number of things. And that's why the deal contemplates a number of benefits if they do those things.

But it doesn't do anything if they don't actually meet those promises. Go ahead. If they don't follow through with their commitment, will the U.S. go back to imposing sanctions and the blockade? Or does Iran get to keep some of the concessions that it has? already secure. Well, first of all, the sanctions are still on with the exception of the oil sanctions, which I talked about were no longer effective. The purpose of the oil sanctions is to drive down how much Iran is charging for a price for a barrel of oil. Those sanctions had stopped being effective. The blockade is what's effective. And again, that's the thing that

has changed in accordance with them opening the Strait of Hormuz. No sanctions will come off unless they perform the benefit of the bargain and every sanction will come back on. Let me like hypothetically. Let's say two years down the road, they've done what we need to see on the nuclear program and we release the sanctions as the deal contemplates. Then they decide they're going to start rebuilding the nuclear program. Then of course those sanctions are going to come back on. And that's why it's really kind of like a dial. As they dial up their good behavior, we can dial up the economic relief. If they dialed the good behavior, we can turn it off. It's a good thing about having the leverage. And it's a good thing about being the United States of America where we

just fundamentally have so much influence in the world financial system. Go ahead. Thank you, Mr. President. Leader Boone said it's unrealistic to get the Save America Act passed by attaching it to FISA, which the president's looking for. Do you believe this is possible? Well, why don't we try? Why don't we try? And at least force people to vote against it.

One of the things that, you know, sometimes frustrates me about the legislative process is that people will go into it saying, this isn't possible. Therefore, we're not even going to try. Well, let's actually see. Let's try it. And if it's not possible, then let the people. put their name on it. This is also good for the American people. How many American senators know that the American people love the Save America Act because they believe in voter ID? But how many of those same senators don't want to vote for it because they know that the radical

elements within their own party would punish them for it? Let people go on the record and actually answers to the American people, which is why I think we should do exactly as the president said. Rob. Rob. The president then said after Friday, you I think then said by Friday, and then it ended up being read out on a briefing call yesterday. We were told the MOU had been signed electronically on Sunday. There was an access report that it hadn't been.

There's going to be a signing ceremony Friday and then it signed at Versailles yesterday last night. Is what's going on behind the scenes as chaotic as your public message? Well, I don't think our public messaging has been chaotic. I think dealing with a fractured Iranian system where communication isn't great is just something that we don't fully appreciate or we don't fully understand. What really happened here is that we did sign the MOU on Sunday. That locked in the terms of the deal. What the Iranians came to us and said is we'd like not to release the text until Friday.

In order we don't, I don't really understand that. I wanted to get the text out immediately. But in order to be accommodating to them, we said, sure, okay, we'll wait until Friday. And then what happened over Monday, Tuesday, the president was in G7, maybe foreign leaders were talking to the Iranians and encouraging them to do that. We were definitely saying to them, we understand your desire not to have the text out until Friday, but, you know, we live in a democratic system. The American people want to see the text of this deal.

We would certainly like to get it out as soon as possible. And so they came up with having their president sign it, our president sign it, and then just releasing the text as a signed document. immediately at that point. I do wonder, Rob, just this is pure conjecture. I'm just guessing at this. I wonder if part of it is that they wanted to have a Persian translation, a Farsi translation that they felt good about. And then of course, once they translated into Farsi, our State Department has to confirm that the Farsi translation matches the meaning of the English. I think that is part of what was going on here. But the text is out there now. We said that we would be transparent

about it. But the reason why it went back and forth a little bit about when exactly the text would be released is just we were trying to show good faith to the Iranians who, for reasons, I have no idea, cared a lot about how the text itself was rolled out. Blue tie there. As you know, because you were involved in this process, the MOU allows for Iran to sell its oil right away, which means that Iran can take in on a monthly basis tens of millions, of dollars. Iran's economy was in tatters. How is that this not essentially giving a lifeline to Iran economically? And what's to prevent Iran from using all of that money, all of those millions of dollars to prop up its proxies in the region? Well, the number one thing is that we

actually see where the money moves now because of what we've done with the financial sanctions. We actually know where the money is going to move. And so we have great confidence that we're going to be able to see if they try to fund terrorist organizations. We're going to be able to see that. But you said that millions of dollars is a lifeline. Right now, the Iranian nation is a nation of 94 million people. Their economy is in all. They have sky high inflation. And fundamentally, a billion dollars of damage to their industrial base was caused over the last three months. the idea that selling a few million dollars worth of oil is going to fundamentally transform the Iranian economy, that's just not true. We thought that it would be good in order to lift the blockade and open the streets of energy.

We felt if we're going to allow everybody else to sell their energy during this period of negotiation, we would allow everyone to sell their energy. That's all we're doing. We can slap everything right back on if the Iranians don't make the deal that we expect. either one. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. Guys, how about both of you? Go ahead. So President Trump said we'll finish one talking about Iran.

And he said, then Cuba is next. Is Cuba next? And also on Columbia, Mr. Vice President, he has mentioned Colombia three times this week. Why is it so important the election day in Colombia for President Trump? You guys have to ask Marco about Cuba. That's not. Look, our view, go ahead in a second, but let me, let me just actually ask this guy's question. Fundamentally in Cuba, it is a system that hasn't worked. They can't make any money. Their economy is,

frankly, probably any worse shape than the Iranian economy. It's 90 miles from our shore. So every time that there's a crisis, you end up having desperate refugees or desperate, you know, people who can't feed their families trying to flood into our country. We want the people of Cuban to be happy and successful. We're actually talking to the Iranian or excuse me the Cuban government right now about how they could change their ways to change that. We're going to see what they do. And obviously if they do one thing, we're going to do something. If they make smart decisions, we're going to have a much better relationship with that island. Go ahead. I'm Mr. Vice President. Mr. Vice President, thank you so much. I know that you are still not sure

if you are going to run for present in 2028, but if you do not, is there anyone in particular that you would want to see Ronan. What's your name? I want Stephen Capusca. I want Stephen Capusca to run in the president. Go ahead. Go ahead. Thank you, but I'm going. I've got two questions. Could you describe the status of your Switzerland trip? Are you definitely still going? What are your plans? And also, if we could drill down on frozen funds, there's been a lot of focus on oil sanctions, but on frozen funds, What's your understanding of how much money is frozen? How much of that is in the US and a senior administration of

some of us reporters earlier this week. There might be small antis, is what he said, like to small releases of money to build trust with the Iranians early on. Can you describe that whole situation? So on the frozen funds, the amount of money, I honestly don't know. I've heard numbers north of $100 billion.

I've actually heard numbers north of $200 billion. Most of it is not in United States. accounts. Most of it's either in the Gulf or in Europe or somewhere else, but I don't know the exact amount of money. It's a lot. It's one of the reasons why we've had such a successful chokehold on the Iranian economy, though by not even close to the main reason, we're not releasing a single dollar of that money until the Iranians perform. And there are a number of ways they could perform. For example, let's say they actually take meaningful steps. And this could happen very quickly to destroy that stockpile of enriched material. Then we're going to have a conversation

about it, but they have to perform. I've seen some reports. I don't know where this came from, that the Qataris had released billions of dollars in Iranian assets. That's just not true. It would be impossible for the Qataris to do that without our buy-in and certainly without us seeing it. So a lot of this reporting is just fundamentally wrong. They don't get a dollar of unfrozen assets. Their money, not our money, but they don't get a dollar of unfrozen assets until they actually perform under the deal. You asked about Switzerland. Our plan is to go to Switzerland. I don't know exactly when. The way that we're setting up this technical negotiation is that obviously, you're going to have the political leadership involved. Excuse me. We're going to have people on the

ground actually driving the technical talks, the nuclear talks, how do you destroy this highly and rich uranium, all that stuff that you really just have to get into the nitty gritty on. So, you know, I plan to go to Switzerland exactly when, you know, we thought, we think these technical negotiations are going to start sometime this weekend. That's still the plan. But that could change because it's not an easy country Iran to get out of. And so we're trying to figure out exactly when that's going to happen. I suspect this weekend, but I'm not sure. I may, it just depends on exactly when the Iranians can get there. We're trying to figure that out as we speak. But again, I suspect it will happen this weekend. We're going to find out exactly whatever

the coming days. Go ahead, baby. Well, thank you so much, Mr. Vice President. Just two questions for you. To follow up on earlier question, Secretary Rubio said in March that the goal of this was to, quote, to eliminate the threat of Iran's short-range ballistic missiles, you just said earlier that the military program is destroyed. U.S. intelligence estimates that Iran still retains roughly 70% of its pre-war ballistic and cruise missile stockpile. So when did the administration decide to abandon that part of the original mission? And then just second to all moving forward. Are you leading the U.S. team moving forward in terms of the negotiations? How involved will you be?

Yeah, so I'm certainly planning to lead the U.S. negotiating team. First question, you know, you talked about an intelligence report that was anonymously leaked to a reporter that was not with context and that frankly is not accurate. What has changed about Iranians, about the Iranian ballistic missile program is it matters much less the number of missiles they have, the number of bullets. What matters much more is the number of launchers they have. And importantly, the teams on the ground that have the capacity to launch those missiles. Their ability to launch missiles has been substantially degraded. Is it zero? No, but it's substantially degraded. And in that sense, we haven't abandoned the mission.

We've accomplished that particular part of the mission. If you look at the Gulf Arab allies, and obviously the Israelis who faced a lot, the two of them together, faced a brunt of these missile attacks, each of them feels substantially safer today from the Iranian missile threat than they did before. Obviously, that is something that we would like to continue. All the president said yesterday is that you can't expect any country to give up its right of self-defense You have to have parity and that's what the president in the United States was talking about Go ahead no guys guys guys yes Reaction to the MOU with the memorandum of understanding He had it well what he say all right okay I'll give you the short

I'm all you call sir Yeah, sorry okay he said I'll give the short version all right he gets He says he welcomes the agreement between the U.S. and Iran. He says it hopes it will help strengthen mutual trust, security, and stability in the Middle East. And he also hopes that is truly a solution to the war and that the war is really over. What do you say to the Pope's here? My response to that is praise Jesus. I'm glad that the Pope has positive things to say about our MOU.

I think that the Pope is fundamentally accurate and it's going to be good for the entire world. But we've got to keep working at it to make sure that the Iranians honor the commitments that they've made. And then you have to you in front. Go ahead. Guys, with with with the with the thing is there's so many people in here. I could say the red tie and then nine of you start shouting at us. The the the burgundy tie? There we go. That guy.

Thank you. Then when you calls for a US troop withdrawal from the Gulf region tied to the final deal. Can you say whether if the drawdown will affect US forces pastor Iraq and Syria? where Americans troops currently help for the Kurdish health areas from the Iranian back nuisance. Okay, so the drawdown contemplated, again, this is the final deal. This is assuming that the Iranians comply, that they give us verification, that they take real substantial conduct towards this peace agreement.

What we're saying is that we will withdraw troops to the pre-conflict level, meaning we're not going to keep a couple of extra aircraft carrier groups over there. The Iranians don't want that, frankly, we don't want that either. Go ahead. Yeah. It's not going to be funding that $300 billion fund. Who exactly is funding that as a private company? And I also notice that your voice is hoarse.

Are you sick? Have you been using your voice a lot? Well, I've been on a bit of a book tour the past couple of days, but I can't promote my book here in the White House press briefing room. I had a cold about a week ago, that and talking a lot about this deal and talking a lot about the book, I'm definitely a little bit hoarse. But you asked, your first question was about... What exactly is funding that $300 billion?

Oh, I see. So what's interesting about this is there is a great desire from the Arab world and from outside the Arab world to actually get involved in Iran if they behave properly. So for example, let's say the United Arab Emirates who have been a great ally over the last, not just a few months, but over the last many years, let's say that they would like to invest in building a power plan. That actually is impossible right now because of the way that U.S. sanctions work. And so what we're saying is that if you behave and if the Emirates themselves want to build a power plant, then we will do the sanctions relief necessary to make that possible. The good thing about that is that it actually creates integration, which is leverage. A world where the Gulf Coast Coalition has greater leverage into the Iranian economy is a world where the Iranians are going to be heavily prevented for misbehaving. So it's a lot of the Gulf Coast Coalition.

Again, they see that Iran is weakened. They see there's an opportunity to build a new relationship there. And they're saying if they behave and if the United States is willing to allow this to happen, then absolutely we want to change our relationship with Iran. No, well, I mean, I assume that in the United Arab Emirates, there would be private money and so forth that would be part of this. But again, this is so far in advance because it assumes a transformation in Iranian behavior. Sir.

Thank you so much, Mr. Vice President. And as you know, the Iranian-backed group is in the region we're involved within this war, and they damaged U.S. facilities and utilize as well. How does this agreement affect Iran-backed groups across the region, especially the Iranian-backed groups in Iraq? And my second question, this agreement requires Iran to stop attacking the critical position in Kyrgyzstan region, which they did two days ago. So what this agreement does fundamentally is it requires Iran to behave like a normal country. And if it doesn't, as so many people think that it never will, then it doesn't get any, any of the economic benefits.

And if they do, then that's a great thing for everybody. It's a great thing for the Kurds. It's a great thing for anybody who has been under the brunt or under the threat of Iranian-funded terrorist organizations. The expectation is that Iran will stop that. And if they don't, they don't get the benefits of the bargain. John. Thank you, Mr. Vice President.

Many of the colleagues that you served with in the U.S. Senate and Republican conference have criticized this deal over the last 24 hours. What is your message, Mr. Vice President, back to that? So I guess I would say to anybody, any of the critics is, number one, have a little bit of faith in the President of the United States. The idea that he is going to strike a deal that's been bad for the American people, it's preposterous. He is the person who has had the courage to fundamentally transform our relationship with Iran and with a lot of other countries over the last year and a half. He believes in this deal.

He is going to see it to completion. And if the Iranians don't comply, we still have ever. every single tool and point of leverage that we have today. That'd be message number one is have a little faith in the president's ability, given that he's got us this far to take us the final step. The second thing that I would say is so many of what I've read or heard that people believe about this deal is just fundamentally untrue. It is a memorandum of understanding.

It is fundamentally a principle that, yes, the Straits of Form moves are going to be open immediately, and they already are, yes, they're going to give up their highly enriched material, but they've got to actually do it. It's about conduct. It's about rewarding good conduct and punishing bad conduct, which in some ways is what we've been doing for the last three months, vis-to-vis that country anyway. So so many of the criticisms, I saw Lindsey Graham came out with a positive statement after expressing some concerns. I think that when people get to understand not just the agreement, but our negotiating posture as a country, they will realize this is an excellent thing for the American people. But that's part of our job.

We've got to tell the story about what this means for Americans, how it's going to make all of us. safer and more prosperous. That's why I'm here talking to everybody. And we're going to keep on telling that story in the days and weeks to come. Go ahead. Thank you, sir. Jordan Conradson with the gateway puny. I want to talk back to the Lebanon opinion. Sure. There's a report in Axios that Netanyahu's few me go over this. He doesn't, Israel doesn't feel balanced MOU as it relates to Lebanon. If as you mentioned, your frustration with Israel is real striking in Peru, a apartment buildings. If that continues, could it torpedo the deal?

And what would the U.S.'s response be to a broader war in Lebanon? Yeah, well, I don't want to get into hypotheticals that could torpedo the deal because I think the president's expectation is that all of our friends, the Israelis, the Arabs in the region, we're going to work together and actually see this deal to completion. Now, I saw the Axios report, you know, that Netanyahu is fuming. That's not reflective of the conversations that I've had with him. but maybe he's saying something to somebody else that he's not saying to me. What I will say, and this does bother me,

is that you have seen people within BB's cabinet who have come out and attack the deal and in some ways very personally attacked the president of the United States. And I guess my message to them would be twofold. Number one, Donald J. Trump is the only head of state in the entire world who is sympathetic to the nation of Israel at this moment in time. And he happens to be the head of state, of the world's superpower. If I was in the cabinet of the Israeli government, I might not be

attacking the only powerful ally that I have anywhere left in the entire world. And the second message I would give to some of those cabinet members, BB, to his credit, has not gone down this path, but to some of these cabinet members in Israel who are attacking the President of the United States, the other thing that I would say is that over the last three months, two-thirds of the defensive weapons that have protected your homeland have been built by American hands and paid for by American tax dollars. The problem for Israel is not Donald J. Trump. And anybody in Israel who thinks their biggest problem is the President of the United States needs to wake up and smell the reality of the situation that country is in. Thank you all. Your bank kept $1,600 from you in

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