Behind the Bastards - It Could Happen Here Weekly 253
Episode Date: October 10, 2026All of this week's episodes of It Could Happen Here put together in one large file: The Decline and Fall of the International Workers Movement How To Print Your Own Money: The Case for Local Currenci...es How the ‘Delivery Protection Act’ Takes on Amazon Attacking Palestinian Health Executive Disorder: French Student Protests, Flavio Bolsonaro, ‘Third Country’ Deportations You can now listen to all Cool Zone Media shows, 100% ad-free through the Cooler Zone Media subscription, available exclusively on Apple Podcasts. So, open your Apple Podcasts app, search for “Cooler Zone Media” and subscribe today! Sources/Links: The Decline and Fall of the International Workers Movement https://www.endnotes.org.uk/issues/issue-4/endnotes-a-history-of-separation-preface https://libcom.org/article/utopia-rules-technology-stupidity-and-secret-joys-bureaucracy-david-graeber https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/maurice-brinton-the-bolsheviks-and-workers-control https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/mar/x03.htm https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-bullshit-jobs https://www.marxists.org/portugues/hughes/1946/mes/90.htm How To Print Your Own Money: The Case for Local Currencies BerkShares Program https://berkshares.org/ Bob Dunning's Newsletter: https://www.thewaryone.com/ https://centerforneweconomics.org/people/peter-larochelle/ https://centerforneweconomics.org https://centerforneweconomics.org/publications/local-currencies-in-the-21st-century-understanding-money-building-local-economies-renewing-community/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/economics-econometrics-and-finance/alternativecurrency https://www.collaborativefinance.org/mutual-credit/local-currency/ https://sustainableandjust.org/initiatives/our-economy/alternative-economies/alternative-currencies/ https://www.theselc.org/california-community-currencies-act https://reasonstobecheerful.world/towns-invent-community-currencies/ https://www.paulglover.org/hours.html https://www.paulglover.org/hourcurrency.html https://www.paulglover.org/atwood.html https://localwiki.org/davis/Davis_Dollars https://www.opb.org/artsandlife/series/history/myrtlewood-money-north-bend-oregon-great-depression/ https://www.davisenterprise.com/users/profile/bob%20dunning/ How the ‘Delivery Protection Act’ Takes on Amazon https://act.socialists.nyc/dpa-letter https://actionnetwork.org/events/rally-to-pass-the-delivery-protection-act-3 https://www.instagram.com/nycdsa/ https://www.instagram.com/nycdsalabor/ https://www.nyc.gov/site/dca/workers/workersrights/Delivery-Workers.page https://www.nyc.gov/mayors-office/news/2026/08/mayor-mamdani-backs--delivery-protection-act--to-rein-in-amazon- https://www.nyc.gov/mayors-office/news/2026/09/mayor-mamdani-wins-record--131-5-million-from-doordash-for-deliv https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2026-06-02/amazon-trump-settlement-win-showed-just-how-tough-delivery-drivers-have-it https://hearinghearings.nyc/hearings/committee-on-consumer-and-worker-protection-requiring-the-licensing-of-last-mile-facilities/ https://teamster.org/2026/08/amazon-teamsters-and-allies-picket-city-hall-for-the-delivery-protection-act/ https://teamster.org/2025/09/amazon-teamsters-rally-after-attack-on-workers-in-queens/ https://teamster.org/2026/08/teamsters-allies-release-report-on-amazon-violations-of-new-york-warn-act/ https://teamster.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/10424UPSNATIONALMASTERFINAL.pdf https://comptroller.nyc.gov/reports/fast-shipping-slow-justice-traffic-worker-and-climate-hazards-in-last-mile-delivery/ https://www.staffingindustry.com/news/global-daily-news/nycs-delivery-protection-act-would-make-last-mile-delivery-workers-employees https://www.wsj.com/business/new-jersey-sues-amazon-alleging-delivery-network-illegally-suppresses-wages-f6d6faa7 https://www.aboutamazon.com/news/policy-news-views/amazon-testimony-delivery-protection-act-new-york-city https://www.forbes.com/sites/pamdanziger/2026/08/15/delivery-protection-act-pits-nyc-mayor-mamdani-and-the-teamsters-against-amazon/ https://nysfocus.com/2026/07/23/amazon-new-york-last-mile-delivery-bill Attacking Palestinian Health https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/sexual-violence-as-a-tool-of-domination-and-displacement-in-palestine/ https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/israeli-settler-violence-a-strategy-to-displace-palestinians-from-their-land/ https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/israels-restrictions-on-medical-evacuations-from-gaza-and-the-west-bank/ https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/another-step-in-the-weaponization-of-aid-israel-bans-humanitarian-agencies-in-gaza/ https://www.hudassalon.movie/ Executive Disorder: French Student Protests, Flavio Bolsonaro, ‘Third Country’ Deportations https://austinkocher.substack.com/p/julian-curo-churata-is-the-37th-person https://www.biologicaldiversity.org/programs/government-affairs/pdfs/ORDER%20GRANTING%2034%20Motion%20for%20Preliminary%20Injunction%20Signed%20by%20Judge%20Kathleen%20Cardone.pdf https://acampada26s.net/ https://www.wfla.com/news/florida/crocodile-dies-of-lead-poisoning-first-time-in-florida-fwc/ https://x.com/UK_MTO/status/2107444098806546566?s=20 https://x.com/vvanwilgenburg/status/2107171768121311518?s=20 https://apnews.com/article/warner-bros-skydance-ellison-studio-hollywood-5f4326c083ca2fc084ff399c1b8aa035?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share https://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/courtorders/092926zr2_1a7d.pdf https://www.thecityreporter.nyc/2026/10/05/third-country-deportations-ice-dhs-26-federal-plaza-west-africa/ https://www.thirdcountrydeportationwatch.org/eswatini https://www.camp-oshad.org/ https://crimethinc.com/2026/10/06/french-youth-fight-against-a-bleak-future https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/10/2/protests-shutter-hundreds-of-french-schools-as-violence-flares?utm_source=bluesky&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=socialPulse https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/9/30/french-public-workers-strike-over-pay-as-student-protests-turn-violent https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2026/10/06/vincent-tiberj-politiste-la-reaction-du-gouvernement-a-la-mobilisation-lyceenne-en-dit-beaucoup-sur-la-facon-dont-une-partie-des-medias-et-des-politiques-considerent-la-jeunesse_6788833_3232.html https://www.usnews.com/news/politics/articles/2026-10-05/former-us-house-speaker-dennis-hastert-dies-cbs-news-reports https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/fox-news-runs-memoriam-serial-233040454.html https://apnews.com/article/dennis-hastert-dead-obituary-4a04ca4b4c0741a38f4b4a7e0f2bc78c https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/fox-news-runs-memoriam-serial-233040454.html https://www.usnews.com/news/politics/articles/2026-10-05/former-us-house-speaker-dennis-hastert-dies-cbs-news-reports https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/brazil-ex-president-bolsonaro-wins-big-without-his-name-ballot-2026-10-06/ https://archive.is/6j85h https://archive.is/DqaJi https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/04/world/video/worker-at-russian-plague-lab-dies-of-unknown-infection See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Transcript
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People wake up and go, oh damn, wait a hold up.
They change all of that.
Yes.
It's real.
This is a wholesale attack.
It is targeting black people in every federal agency.
It's raw.
White folks have never.
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You broke me. You do not
deserve happiness. I'm Andrea
Gunning. On this season of betrayal,
Carl thought he was living a
normal, drama-free life
until the messages started.
Someone's not going to make it out of this
alive. Every piece of
pointed to the wrong guy.
He was not going to stop unless we stopped him.
Listen to Betrayal Season 6 on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
The miles change how you move, but more importantly, they change how you show up for your life.
I'm Emily Abadi.
On The Hurtle with Emily Abadi podcast, I sit down with elite athletes, record holders, coaches, and everyday runners to unpack the mindset behind pushing through when things get tough.
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I'd just love to say, I never know who's watching.
So you want to make sure you, you through and through,
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Listen to Hurtle with Emily Boddy on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,
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And I'm former U.S. Women's National Soccer team player, Carly Lloyd.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes, nothing is off limits.
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Listen to whatever it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft
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All Zone Media.
Hey, everybody. Robert Evans here.
And I wanted to let you know this is a compilation episode.
So every episode of the week that just has.
happened is here in one convenient and with somewhat less ads package for you to listen to in a long
stretch if you want. If you've been listening to the episodes every day this week, there's
going to be nothing new here for you, but you can make your own decisions. We live now in a world
defined by the near total victory of the capitalist class. Their wildest fantasies are inflicted
upon us all. They burn the earth we live on and poison the air we breathe.
to create their hideous mechanical god,
but the human personification of the housing bubble
orders wars and ethnic cleansings from his garish golden palace.
An age in which the words, the genocide,
cannot unreasonably be answered with the question,
which one demands an explanation.
And here I have a partial one.
The capitalists, the bourgeoisie,
the people who make their money by owning things and stealing the labor of those who work for them
have been allowed to rule the world.
To ask how this came to be is to ask another question.
How did the greatest enemy, the international workers movement, come to be so totally destroyed?
This is it could happen here.
I'm your host.
Mia Wong, and that today is our task to chart, at least in part, the decline and fall of the
International Workers' Movement.
It is easy to forget that the Workers' Movement once seemed to be the inevitable protagonists
of history.
As the anthropologist David Graber remarks, the ruling class in Chicago in the late 1800s
were so sure of the coming revolution, they built their mansions on a road to the
nearest military base.
That revolution, obviously, never came.
So what precisely went so wrong?
To answer this question, we followed the unraveling of two threads that together
wove the fabric of the workers' movement.
The first thread is that of assembly.
Before anything could be accomplished, it was necessary to create the image of
and then the organized reality of the collective worker.
It was necessary to assemble the movement,
to gather the working class together from among its thousand nations and thousand tongues,
and forge an identity and then a movement that could change the state of things.
This alone was a Herculian task.
As the journal End Notes points out,
class was perhaps the least immediate form of collective identification.
Sure, class could be argued to exist on an objective sociological level defined by one's relationship to the means of production.
But it does not cause people to speak the same language. In this way, it was easier to adopt other identities, nationality, race, gender, even more localized ethnic backgrounds, than it was to believe oneself to be part of a single,
united working class.
And so this became a great task of the workers' movement to create an identity capable of displacing
or at least joining other forms of identification, which would then allow collective action.
But once this identity existed, the movement still had to act.
And here arose the second problem.
What was the workers' movement to do once it was.
actually assembled. And this is no simple question. It is, in fact, one of the questions by which the
movement came to be divided against itself. And once that division happened, became easier to attack
the material basis of the formation of the movement itself, to destroy the conditions that made
the first phase of assembling the collective worker possible. And that is how they did it,
how the ruling class maintained its power even with vast swaths of the world nominally arrayed against them.
They first helped the workers' movement divide itself and began to exterminate each other.
And then, in the world that conflict created, they, and the process and unfolding of capitalist history itself,
began to unravel the movement at its core to destroy its ability to form the collective identity necessary.
to even make those mistakes in the first place.
So let us begin then, perhaps counterintuitively, with action,
for it was here that the workers' movement first began to unravel.
This unraveling began, perhaps paradoxically,
in what seemed to be the moment of the great triumph.
By the end of the 1800s, the movement had, in certain places,
accomplished the seemingly impossible.
They had, in fact, managed to assemble in various forms, a great collective worker.
It was an age of confidence, full of the certainty of inevitable, historically ordained victory,
of a sense that history inexorably unfolded towards the victory of the working class.
Even in the wake of its defeat in the crushing of the Paris Commune,
It had assembled veritable states within a state in places like Germany,
with the great Social Democratic parties and emerging unions,
built a massive network of cooperative mutual aid.
These institutions seemed to be the shell of the new world being birthed in the ashes of the old.
And that world seemed to hold great promise.
It was a world in which workers administered,
the schools and daycares and welfare programs,
themselves, in which they made decisions collectively and democratically.
But the movement quickly faced a series of questions of what fundamentally it was going to be.
That question, who should actually control the means of production?
And moreover, what does control actually mean would haunt the movement for its entire history?
This question, as we have somewhat already stated, was really two questions.
The first, who should legally and socially own the means of production,
which is to say the tools, the factories, everything used to produce things?
And thus, who should be able to divide the results of that production?
Should the capitalists own the factories and divide its proceeds how he sees fit?
should the state own the factory and do likewise?
Should the workers own the factory directly?
Should ownership itself be abolished?
This is the classical form of what was known in the 1800s as the social question.
It is the conflict that is passed down through the generations
as the great conflict between capitalism and socialism.
The question of who would own the means of production.
But there was always another conflict lurking just beneath the surface.
How would production actually be organized?
Who is making the decisions about how our paper mill is run?
Are those decisions made by a boss, or realistically a series of bosses,
but we are operating here in a series of abstractions?
Is it a boss who answers to the capitalist owner of the company?
Is it a different boss who answers to the state?
Would workers make decisions collectively?
And if so, how?
Would they elect their own bosses?
Would they vote on their decisions together?
Would they begin to form consensus
about what should be done and how?
This question is significantly less explored,
but is perhaps just as crucial as the first.
It is not hard to tell why.
This question is ignored.
liberal democratic capitalists, fascists, social democrats, and Bolsheviks alike, would come to the same conclusion.
One man rule in the factory.
The boss tells you what to do, and you shut up and listen.
This was no mere rhetoric.
The social democratic parties went to war with their own bases, ripping decision-making power on the Schaftler itself away from their unions,
and attempting to deskill those workers,
giving that power to managers in the name of efficiency
and better building a collective worker.
Endnotes has an account of the German metalworkers union
doing this precisely to their own metal workers,
but it was a broad and general process.
The Bolsheviks, who had once come to power,
under the slogan, and I cannot emphasize this enough,
quote, all power to the Soviets,
that is to say, all power to the workers' councils,
would, one year after their revolution,
be singing a rather different tune?
Here, as I have quoted before in this show,
is one Vladimir Lenin,
writing in Pravda a few months after the October Revolution,
in a piece called the immediate tasks of the Soviet government.
Quote,
Unquestioning submission to a single will is absolutely necessary,
for the success of labor processes that are based on large-scale machine industry.
Today, the revolution demands in the interest of socialism that the masses unquestioningly obey
the single will of the leaders of the labor process.
Quote-unquote, Soviet rule in the factories then would be the same as capitalist,
fascist, or social democratic rule.
It would be unquestioning submission to a single will of the,
leaders of the labor process. Thus, the nominally socialist state itself would come to be comprised of
a nightmare of combination of foradism, dictatorship, and bureaucracy. These decisions in the
shop floor had social consequences as well. bureaucracy and dictatorship would characterize
all aspects of life and such societies. The welfare state, whether implemented by the Soviet,
or the Social Democrats,
would be carried out not by the democratic organization of workers,
but by the centralized bureaucratic state.
The bureaucratic welfare state,
as the anthropologist David Graber points out in his book,
The Utopia of Rules,
was perhaps first implemented by arch-conservative Otto von Bismarck
as a very explicit way to buy off the working class.
Bismarck himself said of his efforts,
quote, my idea was to bribe the working class, or shall I say, to win them over,
to regard the state as a social institution existing for their sake, and interested in their
welfare.
This bureaucracy, the state that Bismarck produced in order to crush the workers' movement,
increasingly became synonymous with socialism itself.
Marx had infamously foretold that it would be the bourgeoisie who produced their own
grave diggers. In reality, it was the workers' movement that worked tirelessly to produce their
own destruction. The war of one-man rule in the factory, the clash between democracy and
dictatorship on the shop floor, would become a key element of destroying the identity of the
class itself. And it is to this identity that we need now turn. What is a worker? What was the
workers' movement itself.
This, after the break.
So let us now turn to the mythical collective worker.
This was the workers' movement's interpretation of what Marx described as the class
for itself.
For Marx, the class existed, so to speak, in two forms, in itself, which is to say that
there were, objectively in the world, a class of people.
whose survival was dependent on selling their own labor.
That was the class in itself.
But to become the class for itself,
that class would have to realize this.
It would have to create an identity,
although Marx would never have put it in this terms,
as Ness points out,
it would have to create a class that was capable
of recognizing that it was, in fact, a class,
and then began to act in its own interests,
which, for Marx, although increasingly not for his successors,
was to abolish the class system itself.
But what did this identity, once it came to be forged,
actually look like from the journal and notes,
quote, supporting workers' claims to respectability
was a vision of their destiny with five tenets.
One, workers were building a new world with their own hands.
2. In this new world, workers were the only social group that was expanding, whereas all other groups were contracting, including the bourgeoisie.
3. Workers were not only becoming the majority of the population, they were also becoming a compact mass, the collective worker, who was being drilled in the factory to act in concert with the machines.
4. They were thus the only group capable of managing the new world in accordance with its
innermost logic. Neither a hierarchy of order givers and order takers nor the irrationality of market
fluctuations, but rather an even more finely grained division of labor.
Five, workers were proving this vision to be true since the class was realizing what it was
in a conquest of power,
the achievement of which
would make it possible
to abolish class society
and thus bring man's
prehistory to a close.
These beliefs were at the core
of the new identity
of the collective worker,
a worker being forged every day
in the factories,
drilled to work together
by their constant labor
on the assembly line.
They were the builders
of the new world,
and they were its inheritors.
But this identity, and the beliefs underlying it,
just as all others, had to be constructed,
and it had to be assiduously maintained.
If the underlying assumptions beneath it proved to be untrue
or were challenged by other revelations,
everything would begin to fall apart.
And even during its opening phases
during the nominal triumph of the movement,
that identity was already being undermined, from end notes again, quote.
Socialists and communists did not see that it was only insofar as workers had a hand
in determining how production took place,
but they were able to identify with their work as what defined who they really were.
Once that right and its corresponding experience disappeared,
so did the worker's identity.
Here, we see two crucial elements of their,
identity threatened simultaneously. Workers in a workplace need to be able to control and make decisions
in their workplace. And secondly, on an even more basic level, there had to be large-scale
workplaces to begin with. The workers' movement, although with the assistance of the capitalists,
was, by the midpoint of the 20th century, well on their way towards extinguishing the event. The
ability of workers to have control over their workplaces. And the Capitals class had its sights
on the second element, there being a large-scale collective workplace at all. And yet the identity
of the collective worker faced other problems. There were, in fact, other identities. And these
identities, in some cases, prove to be more real than that of the collective worker.
As end-notes, and eventually even the most assiduous Marxists, were forced to acknowledge,
the collective worker, though it should not inherently have been, came to be a quote-unquote
respectable man. And that he was a man, despite the attempts both nominal and real of the workers' movement,
to fight for the rights of women and the rights of people of other genders stood until the
workers' movement's death.
This, obviously, is a problem.
I need not mention, obviously, what percentage of the population is not, in fact, male.
But there was another crisis here, one which the workers' movement would fail to engage in,
or rather its attempts to engage here were insufficient to the necessary task.
Now, in the old Marxist schema, there was production, the production of things.
Under the capitalist context, the production of commodities to be sold on the market.
But there was also reproduction, social reproduction.
This was another form of labor, in which workers are produced and maintained.
in extremely literal senses of the term.
We are speaking here of having and raising children,
of making food and washing clothes,
of cleaning and doing dishes,
of the forms of labor that create and sustain life.
And we are speaking of forms of labor
that the male collective worker, broadly,
to be somewhat crude, did not give a shit about.
It was able to not give a shit about it because it could assume that that labor would be done by someone else,
by classes and genders of people who were excluded from the collective worker, or incorporated into it only selectively.
For there are, to take the name of a movement, no wages for housework.
This form of production, this form of labor, this social reproduction that makes life and the world,
possible, that is as much a core of the production and reproduction of capital as the production
of commodities itself was never remunerated as such. This was as true when socialist period, China,
where women were not given work points for the domestic labor they did at home, as it was in the
capitalist United States, where women were likewise not paid for the domestic labor that they did
at home. These tasks were primarily done, of course, by women. And this was a sphere into which the
capitalists would make a series of attacks by relying on the inattention and ability to divide
the class that were twin characteristics of the sphere of domestic reproduction. When neoliberalism
came, it came with Reagan era anti-feminism and homophobia. It came. It came. It came.
with the one-child policy in China. It came, in other words, with massive expansions of the
control of the bourgeoisie into the process of domestic reproduction. And there were other problems,
of course. The process of domestic reproduction does not produce for capital an unmarked worker.
What do I mean by unmarked? To take a non-specific example, I unfortunately,
do not simply get to be a worker.
I am an Asian trans woman, with all of the associated violences,
that those identities imply in a world such as this.
And this, too, was a work of production.
Just as the workers' movement had to assiduously maintain
its identity as the worker,
so other sectors assiduously work to produce women
through constant disciplining violence.
The totality of the social processes at play
were also busy producing race,
even being allowed to access to proletariat,
itself being able to reach the status
of an exploited wage laborer
and not a debt peon, a sharecropper or a slave,
or someone simply exterminated it altogether.
this was the process of the production of race.
It too complicated the simple collective worker,
for even joining the exploited working class itself became a privilege.
The suffering of the mere white proletarian was freedom to someone who had been enslaved,
and in these distinctions, in these gradations of violence,
in the structural and systemic racism
of societies across the world.
Here, the constituent elements of the collective worker
had other interests.
White workers in the U.S., instead of attempting to abolish their class,
could reap material rewards by working with their employers to maintain segregation.
So, too, could workers root the rewards of national.
for there were, at least to some extent, real benefits to be found in imperialism and settler colonialism.
Indeed, many working-class theorists in the 1800s in the U.S., a time in which the contradictions between class and settler identity were perhaps at their most stark,
believe that the class problems of Europe could be solved in America by simply continuing to steal land from indigenous people and giving
workers. This violence would be replicated by the socialist states of various stripes,
from the Indonesian conquest of West Papua under Sukarno, to the settler colonial occupations of
Tibet and Xinjiang, too, and I did want to attempt to write a list of all of these and simply
could not list all of them, the participation of socialist parties and their unions in
effectively every act of colonialism that Europe has ever done.
There were good factory jobs in building the bombs that fell over Vietnam,
replete with union benefits in health care.
Just as the Social Democratic parties of the 1910s
had succumbed to nationalism
and backed their respective countries
and slaughtering each other in World War I,
so too would workers back their nations in a path of unethical.
untrammeled butchery leading right to Bosnia,
the workers of the world were slaughtering each other.
And yet another question would come to haunt the movement.
Would these workers even remain workers?
It began, as we have discussed ad nauseum,
to distribute production across massive supply lines,
using massive containerized ships
to produce parts in one country
and ship those parts to another
pitting workers of every country
against each other
in a fight for a rapidly decreasing
number of jobs.
The great urban factories
that had been at the core
of the formation of the workers' movement's identity
and ability to reproduce itself
were likewise replaced
by smaller, decentralized, rural,
factories built further from each other to make it more and more difficult for any kind of collective
identity to emerge. Worse still, the shift to massive supply chains was accompanied by the transformation
of large parts of the working class into contractors or small business owners, lodged in various
positions up and down the supply chain. The supply chain would still be controlled by massive corporations.
But crucially, it would no longer own the various stages.
Instead, portions of what were once workers
would become the nominal owners of tiny shops that made one part
of a process that would eventually become a larger product.
Every step meticulously and rigorously controlled by a corporation,
but not owned by them.
In this way, Nike, as Anna Singh points out in her famous work, supply chains in the human condition,
does not really actually produce shoes.
It simply buys them by setting up a massive production process across a sprawling supply chain,
each of which is run by nominally independent companies that are forced to act as contractors.
This is offered up as freedom, as encouragement of,
workers to abandon their identity as a collective worker and become business owners themselves.
This shift would have a massive impact on both, the ability of the worker to form a collective
identity and also on the possibility of struggle itself. For this shift would displace the site of
struggle from shop floors owned directly by corporations themselves, to shop floors owned by
petty producers who would once simply have been workers.
thus neatly dividing the working class against itself,
while denying these new nominal small business owners the capital necessary
to even accede to the demands of their workers,
the old class basis of social democracy,
and the core of the old workers' movement,
was thus shattered in a single stroke,
the combination of the freedom of movement of capital
and the unfriend of movement of labor,
as we have seen so horrifically.
in the deportation ethnic cleansing sweeping the United States
alongside the class-shattering effects of supply chain management
and the transformation of the working class
into managers themselves fundamentally shifted the terrain of global class struggle.
They would in time become the emergence of the service economy.
They would herald the collapse of the industrial proletariat,
the mass expulsion of workers
from the labor process altogether
in a word
the conditions of modernity
but the effect
was the same
where once
at least some workers
were able to claim their part
of the identity of the collective worker
now we face the near total
atomization of most of the
world's population
and yet for all of the bourgeoisie's power
for all that it appeared,
that their victory was final, that history was over,
and that liberal democratic capitalism
had triumphed over the world forever.
On the very day that NAFTA,
the crowning achievement of the bourgeoisie in North America
came into effect.
Something else happened.
For to misquote a link's in Hughes poem
in the 1990s,
it was not Lenin who walked across the world.
It was Zapata.
And so, to borrow the words of the great poet,
Zapata walked around the world.
Black, brown and white receive him.
Language is no barrier.
The strangest tongues believe him.
Zapata walks around the world.
The sun sets like a scar between the darkness and the dawn.
There rises a red star.
This is it could happen here.
Carly Pierce, live in the day.
The Opera House, October 16th.
Win your way in to the exclusive IHeartRadio sound check party, an intimate pre-show performance
and Q&A.
And then stay for the full show.
Pierce, live in Toronto.
Enter now for your chance to win at iHeartRadio.ca.
Stream Carly's new album, Honest Woman. Available now.
I'm Melissa Jeltson, and in my new podcast What Happened to Her, I'm bringing you new
stories and conversations every week.
Stories about women whose deaths were too quickly ruled as suicide.
She was starting to get worried and get scared for her safety.
Stories of survival.
The only difference between me and her, frankly, was a little bit of luck, because by all rights,
I should be dead.
Cases that everyone else called closed.
They can't convict her, right?
Like, she has so much evidence.
These stories all start in the same place
with a woman failed by a system that didn't believe her,
that didn't protect her, that didn't see her.
No child should ever experience that.
And we were babies.
She did all of these brave things and came out and spoke about it
and he got a year.
You never know who that devil is because he's wearing the disguise.
Sometimes it's a police uniform.
Listen to what happened to her on the IHeart Radio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you,
get your podcasts. I'm Hamza. And I'm Martin. And we're the hosts of out of character. It's a
podcast. I know. There's a lot of them to listen to these days. How are you going to get to us?
Well, there's a specific reason why you should listen to us. We are the best podcast in the entire
world. I swear. I know, bold. But why don't we list some of the things we might talk about
on a regular episode? So sometimes we'll talk about, I don't know, the Uber driver we just had.
And how nice they were, or if we tip them or not, come and find out. Sometimes we'll talk about that
weird news story from last week.
It's the one you're thinking about, trust me.
Or maybe we'll talk about music and what's happening in the underground or drama and music
or TV shows or the Met Gala and what the actors wore.
What we're saying is we're not afraid to talk about everything under the sun.
And if you want to see what that's like, come join us.
It's a place where everyone can hang out, anyone.
Wherever you're from, whatever you're like, you're welcome.
Listen out of character from Will Ferrell's Big Money Players Network.
on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Pods, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Didn't catch the latest Roland Martin unfiltered podcast?
Here's what you missed.
And the argument is, do you want to win?
If you don't win, you have no power.
It's real.
Those are the very people who I always say vote against their own economic interest,
and they complain about the very thing to receive it.
It's raw.
I knew that the issue of transgender athletes was not going with.
with a lot of black men.
Roland Martin Unfiltered.
I went off, I said, this is exactly what I'm talking about.
Y'all going to scream at Chanel, but you don't want to see a black luxury company in the same vein.
Catch Roland Martin's daily commentary on the Black Information Network.
12 seats, those are moving south.
So you Democrats, you don't wait to 2030.
You better be hitting the ground going hard in the South now.
And download Roland Martin Unfiltered on the Island.
Hi-Hart radio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm former U.S. Women's National Soccer team player, Carly Lloyd.
I'm Fox Sports Reporter, Jenny Taft.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes, we're talking motherhood, marriages,
careers, and figuring out how to balance it all.
And we'll discuss the game that brought us together, because nothing is off limits.
Do you remember your initial reaction when Fox called you to be a part of the World Cup?
I was like, no, I don't want to do it.
You said no?
I played with players that didn't, I don't think that they really truly love the game.
I found the love with the ball at my foot.
But in my head, it was the long game.
It was like, I don't care what I'm being asked to do at Fox.
I'm going to go get some reps and I'm going to learn it and love it and embrace it.
He said, this group of people will never be in the same room as part of the same team ever again in your life.
And it is your job to make sure that you enjoy the moment.
You're proud of what you accomplish together.
Listen to whatever it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
At the moment, there's a great deal of discussion about alternative currencies, specifically cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin and Ethereum.
But there is another form of alternative currency, one that is largely overlooked.
I'm talking about local currencies, money that's created and distributed by a local community.
Back in the 19th century, banks in America often printed their own currency backed by gold and silver,
and the U.S. Treasury was not involved.
The practice started back in pre-revolutionary times when the British did not mint enough silver and copper coins for the colonies.
To keep the local economies going, banks printed up paper bills to be used for goods and services and to pay back debts.
After the American Revolution, in the 1800s, commercial banks in the U.S. began to issue their own local money in exchange for gold deposits.
The dollar bills printed by the banks did not travel far since they could only be redeemed at those same local banks.
Trouble arose during the Civil War when the federal government began to print its own dollar bills.
Those initial dollars called greenbacks became a common target for counterfeiters.
And thus, in the years just after the Civil War, it's estimated that one-third of paper money circulating in the U.S. was counterfeit.
The chaos created by so much phony money in the U.S. led to the creation of the Secret Service.
Before they protected the president, Secret Service agent's first order of business was protecting the American money supply.
Then came the Federal Reserve Act of 1913.
That legislation changed the whole monetary.
picture when it created centralized banking in the United States. That same act also made the U.S.
Treasury, the sole legal provider of dollar bills. With its passage, local banks stopped printing
their own money. There were no more local currencies. The question we consider today is,
what if we went back to that old model of local currencies? It's totally possible, and it's not
illegal, as long as the money you print isn't dollar bills. Most important,
importantly, this movement is already happening. Right now, there are communities all across the country
that print their own money, and this keeps more of their money in the hands of the citizens of that
community. So, would you like to learn how to print your own money? Not only is it legal to make
your own money, it's surprisingly easy, and there are multiple ways to do it. For instance, in 1989
in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, the owner of a restaurant called The Deli, needed capital to
finance a relocation, and so he issued deli dollars. For customers who traded $8 of American cash,
they received $10 deli dollars, which could be used at the new location to buy $10 U.S.
dollars worth of deli food. The deli dollars were essentially a gift certificate. Over in Ithaca,
New York, a man named Paul Glover, offered local folks paper notes called hours. They were
worth the average hourly wage in their small town, which at the time was $10.000.
bucks. Folks in Ithaca could trade those paper notes for goods and services in the community.
In both cases, paper notes were printed up and the new money had a specific value in terms of the U.S.
dollar. You can do the same thing. Design some paper notes, print them up. Once you make the physical
cash, you invite people to exchange dollar bills for your new notes. And then folks can trade your
new money for goods, services, debts, all the same things that you can do with dollar bills.
bills. Now, it does work better if you can get a local bank to help out with the exchange of
U.S. cash for your new money. If the bank is willing to act as the exchange point for the real
U.S. treasury-backed currency for your new money, it helps your local currency to earn trust in the
community and for you to handle the accounting. That's how easy it is to start printing your own
money. It feels like this should be illegal, but again, it's totally legal to make your own
dollar bills, as long as what you print up isn't mistaken for U.S. dollars. That's what keeps your
new money from being considered counterfeit cash. As an investigative journalist and podcast host,
I've long been curious about the idea of making your own money. So doing what I do best,
I tracked down an expert, a person whose job it is to administer a local currency, and asked him
everything you'd want to know about printing your own money, the benefits, the challenges, the
practical legalities, and I asked about the financial freedom that comes from creating a local currency.
We'll get into all of that in this episode.
I'm Zarin Burnett from the podcast, Ridiculous Crime, and Very Special Episodes,
and I'm the guest host for today's episode of It Could Happen Here, How to Print Your Own Money,
The Case for Local Currencies.
The idea of local currencies has always intrigued me.
You see, back in 2010, in my hometown of Davis,
California, a guy named Nick Berry created what were called Davis Dollars. They were a local currency
meant to benefit the economy of the small college town. Barry's goal was to create a way for the
community to have greater control over how money flowed in and out of the town's economy.
Davis Dollars promised to keep more money in the hands of its citizens and small business owners.
The idea was well intended, but the adoption of the alternative paper currency was not what you would
call robust. Yeah, it was a, you know, and I won't say a big deal. I mean, it's in the local
paper a couple of times. So he got good play. I don't know if the, like, the TV stations in
Sacramento did a piece on it. They probably did do a piece or two. If somebody got a hold of
them, they probably didn't find it on their own. But yeah, the rollout was, you know, I think most
people knew about it. That's Bob Dunning. You could call him the voice of Davis. For 50,
years, he was a columnist for the Davis Enterprise newspaper. As such, he reported on what all was
newsworthy in our sleepy college town. And now, keeping with the Times, Dunning has his own
newsletter in which he continues to comment on what he's lovingly dubbed the People's Republic
of Davis. As the respected chronicler of our town, naturally Dunning has some thoughts about
Davis dollars, although he can't remember ever writing about the alternative currency.
Not unless they paid me.
You know, I don't think I did.
I may have made passing reference.
Like, well, I better pull out my Davis dollars and go to buy a little, by a snow cone at the little league game or something.
So only in passing reference because I like the alliteration.
When asked if he remembers ever spending one or if he ever saw an actual Davis dollar, Dunning recalled,
Oh, man, making a Christmas stocking.
I don't think I actually saw one.
While Davis Dollars may have failed to capture the imagination of the townsfolk and students of Davis,
this had less to do with the promise of a local currency and more to do with the timing.
Davis Dollars was launched in 2010.
At that same time, the world was still mired in the economic downturn of the financial meltdown of 2008 and 2009,
which meant folks weren't looking for novel new ways to spend money.
They were looking for ways to save the money they still had.
Basically, it was a rough time to launch a new form of money.
Absolutely, it's the worst time to do anything.
We hear it with COVID now.
Everything changed with COVID, and it did.
Despite its poor timing, Dunning does agree that as an alternative currency, Davis dollars...
It sounds like a good idea, sounds like a clever idea,
but so many small businesses are on such a margin.
So I think that hurt it a little bit.
And so carrying a Davis dollar that you could only spend in downtown Davis,
you couldn't go any place else with it.
And even some merchants were reluctant to be part of the program.
I think it was ultimately doomed.
The failure of Davis dollars to win over the people
is less of a critique of the potential of local currencies
and instead a real-world example of the challenges
a community faces when they decide to make their own money.
If you plan to launch an alternative currency,
timing and practicality are key.
It needs to serve a real need.
It can't just be theoretically attractive.
To investigate a far more successful real-world example
of a local currency, we spoke with Peter La Rochelle.
So I work at the Schumacher Center where a nonprofit think and do tank based out of Egremont, Massachusetts.
So my primary responsibility with the Schumacher Center is to administer our local currency program.
To walk us through the hows and whys of printing your own money,
Peter LaRoschelle is here to discuss the vast potential and the practical realities of making your own money.
Who better to explain the value of printing your own money than someone whose job is
it is to do just that. The local currency he administers is called
Berkshairs, which is an on-the-ground example of a local currency right here in the Berkshire region
that the Schumacher Center helped found. For the tourist-driven economy of the Berkshire's
region of Western Massachusetts, a local currency was a savvy way to keep more of their economic
power in the area rather than seeing money flow in and then quickly flow right back out.
The Burke Sherrard's program was started back in 2006, and 20 years later, it's still going strong.
The credit for that belongs to the Schumacher Center for a new economics, which was founded by E.F. Schumacher back in 1980.
The Think and Do Tank, as Peter La Rochelle called it, advocates for a new form of economics.
It's right there in the name.
Its founder, E.F. Schumacher, believed in something he called, quote, an economy of permanence.
According to the Schumacher Center's website, quote,
in today's global economy, national currencies have had the effect of centralizing ownership of wealth
and of widening the gap between rich and poor, all the while undermining local communities,
devastating indigenous peoples, and polluting the environment.
Standing in opposition to this global trend is the Schumacher Center,
and a key tool to bring more economic power and independence to communities is a local currency,
As their website argues, quote, decentralized regional currencies are an important counterforce working to redistribute wealth more broadly while supporting unique regional identities, cultures, and communities.
Back to Peter La Rochelle.
I think people want to feel like they have a say in the systems that dictate their lives.
All of the Schumacher Center's projects that they've helped found and they support are democratic, people-based projects that are run by nonprofits.
that are members of the community that run these projects, whether it's local currencies or
community land trusts or any other projects. The idea really is that people should be able to
have a say in the communities they live in. I know this may sound like some weird libertarian
crypto nonsense, but as we'll explain, it is a totally different thing. And to that point,
Peter La Rochelle would like to assure you that the Schumacher Center is very much a capitalist
idea. I think the way Berkshairs is structured should reflect capitalism at its best. We absolutely
believe in for-profit enterprise, private ownership of businesses, and we believe that when it's done
right, that's what makes a community thrive. What the Berkshares program seeks to disrupt is the
concentration of wealth. The trouble with centralized wealth is that it's typically controlled
by people with no connection to a local community. That's why the Berkshares program acts as a
bulwark against the conglomeration of businesses that...
...only speak to the values of shareholders who want to see more and more and more profits over time.
A local currency is a tool created to minimize the outsized power of billionaires,
private equity, and stockholder-focused banking interests.
Because, quite simply put, their monetary interests are often what...
Sucks the life out of communities.
In stark contrast to that dynamic, a local currency becomes a means for a community to
tend to their own economic garden, so to speak. And that's why as an alternative currency,
it's meant to work in conjunction with the U.S. Treasury, not as a means to replace it.
Or, as Peter La Rochelle puts it, businesses are taking Berkshires the same way they would
regular U.S. dollars, and they do it to make a profit. So I don't think there's anything so
dissimilar about Berkshares compared to regular capitalist systems. Other than that, we're
prioritizing the little guys.
and individual communities and really a thriving capitalist business scene on your main streets
and business corridors that are supported by a ton of different people
and small businesses that fill in all the niche needs in their communities.
The Schumacher Center defines a local currency as an umbrella term
for any sort of currency that is place-based
and intended to build a more sustainable or resilient local economy.
So those are two key aspects to it.
And I can think of examples that make this distinction clear.
For example, a currency might be place-based,
but if it's not intended to build a sustainable local economy,
we don't call it a local currency.
Ultimately, this is what separates a local currency from, say, a cryptocurrency,
which technically is another form of alternative currency.
As Peter La Rochelle explains, this distinction was made clear during the crypto craze of the early 2020s.
One such cryptocurrency was called Miami coin.
It was place-based in that when people mined the Miami coin,
some percentage of the value that was created went to a wallet owned by the city of Miami.
So in a way, it produced wealth for the city of Miami.
It's place-based.
It's in the name Miami-Coin.
But it's certainly not about creating a sustainable or resilient local economy.
It was speculative.
It didn't really even represent a real currency in that it couldn't be used to purchase goods
or services within Miami or within any other region.
It was purely speculative.
Another form of alternative currency, one that is quite different from crypto,
is the far older concept of Scrip or company dollars.
For example, in coal country, there used to be company towns.
and for their local money, they had something called Scrip.
It was a form of currency that coal workers and their families could use to buy things from the company's store,
which, as Peter La Rochelle points out, that's a place-based currency,
but it is not about building a sustainable community or community economy.
We would never refer to that kind of thing as a local currency,
and certainly we would never try to model a system after that.
Conversely, what the Berkshares program is designed to do is to give their community more control of their local economics.
You see, a Burke share is seen as a form of power, handing the power of a dollar back to the people, rather than handing that power over to the banks.
Well, what comes to mind when I think of money having power is the ability for money to create more money, where you take your money and you store it in some investment account off in the middle of nowhere.
And once you generate enough money, you can just keep generating more and more and more.
Berkshairs does not work like that.
Berkshairs is power.
It's power on an individual level to shape your community.
So money, the power and money is not about who you can influence
or how much wealth you can generate for your own personal game.
The power behind Berkshires is more about where you're spending your money
and what kind of money you're spending.
How does that impact the people around you?
How does that impact your community?
And that's, in a way, something that feels lost.
in traditional currency.
People don't think twice about where it goes,
where it came from, or who it's supporting.
Whereas with Berkshares,
their local currency makes that same power of money
manifest and highly visible for the local community.
They know where their money is going
and what good it's doing for their community.
Berkshires are place-based
and they bring it back to those values
of supporting a local economy
and local resources for local needs.
So I think it flips power
on its head by making people think not what money can do for yourself and what kind of wealth
you can generate for yourself and where you can store your money to be able to influence the
right people, but rather it's about empowering you and your fellow community members to
shape the kind of community you want to see. Since money is a form of power, a local currency is
a way to take some of your power back. Well, local currencies may come off like some brand new
idea like crypto, and while its advocates may pitch it as the sort of economic idea that Bernie
bros could get behind and that aging hippies could equally love, a local currency is primarily
a means for community members of all ages and walks of life to more meaningfully engage in the
economic life in their cities, towns, and hamlets. And as the local currencies of the 18th and
19th centuries prove, this idea is not new. Also, it's not unique to the United States.
During the Great Depression over in Austria, a small town called Vergel was having a tough time.
Unemployment was rampant, debts were skyrocketing, and infrastructure was falling apart.
The town desperately needed money to combat all three issues, so they introduced a local currency
called labor certificates. That Hail Mary Economic Act saved the town. Unemployment fell by 25%
at the same time that it was rising by 19% across the rest of Austria.
The secret to their success was that this new form of money stayed in their town as it circulated.
Thus, their introduction of this local currency blunted the devastating impacts of their Great Depression.
This unexpected success became known as the miracle of Virgil.
Unfortunately, when the town's mayor shared stories of their success at a meeting of 170 other men,
the Central Bank of Austria caught wind of it and outlawed their local currency.
Guess they saw this local currency as too much of a threat for their business model of debt
and centralized banking. More recently, in 1972, a man named Ralph Borsati created a local
alternative currency experiment in Exeter, New Hampshire, called The Constant. It was called
the Constant because it was a citizen-issued currency backed by an index of world commodities
to give the local currency real purchasing power
and to keep that purchasing power constant
as the years went on.
Unfortunately, due to the ill health of Ralph Borsati,
his experiment with local currencies had to be discontinued.
However, the spirit of this idea remained vital,
particularly in the New England area
where the Berkshares program would come to be decades later.
Meanwhile, overseas, particularly in Europe,
the idea of a local currency remained quite popular.
In 2015, it was estimated that there were nearly 400 local currencies circulating in Spain.
And in the UK, there's a local currency called the Brixton Pound.
Here on the west coast of the United States, where I live, we've seen a number of local
currencies over the years.
There's the aforementioned Davis dollars from my hometown.
And down in the area of California near Yosemite National Park, there's a local currency
called the North Forkshire, which is similar to the Berkshire notes.
in Oregon back during the Great Depression, the town of North Bend saved their local economy
by minting wood-based coins called Myrtlewood Money. Around that same time, in the town of
Heppner, Oregon, locals created their own local currency printed on sheepskin. But once the
Great Depression passed, those local currencies were no longer necessary. At the present moment,
our economy may not be as bad as the Great Depression, but the power of a local currency
to protect the local community remains the same.
As Peter La Rochelle points out,
The values that are guiding systems like Berkshires
honestly often feel amplified in the modern age
where people are starting to recognize the disconnect
that they feel through modern systems,
whether that's digitally or a more globalized economy
when their communities don't have identity.
I mean, there's almost a romanticization of the past right now.
I'm seeing a lot in the urbanist field.
It's very trendy right now, but it's because people are looking back at a time where they felt like communities had real identity and individuality and strength of their own.
And people want to see a future like that.
And I don't think there are many tools quite as unique as a local currency to inspire people and create that hope and make people feel like the direction of their community is in their hands.
In order for a local community to grab hold of the wheel
and steer their community through the rough economic seas ahead,
La Rochelle believes that a local currency is one of the greatest tools available.
That's the beauty of a local currency is that we're not talking about big systems change on the individual level.
We're just talking about where is your money going?
Create a system, small nonprofit can oversee it.
That takes some work.
But on the individual level, you're creating change.
in your community just with where you spend your dollar and what kind of dollar you're using,
which is something that I think a lot of people can latch on to.
You know, like I said, I think I'm seeing a lot of movement within this country for people
to do things more on a community level, on a face-to-face basis, and on a human scale, really.
And that's where local currencies shine.
It's human scale.
It's about a region.
It's not about growth for the sake of growth.
As a thriving example of a local currency, the Bork shares program has,
has enjoyed 20 years of success.
The simple reason for its success
is that it works well as a form of money.
Let's check the numbers.
There are currently 111,000 Berkshares in circulation.
There are more than 300 local businesses
that accept Berkshares as a form of payment.
Here's Peter La Rochelle to explain how it all works
on the local level.
So Berkshires are exchanged on par with U.S. dollars.
So it's $1 for one Berkshaer.
there's no secret reason to use Berkshares beyond supporting your local economy.
So let's say you want to spend or Berkshire. How exactly does that work?
The way Berkshares work is anyone in the community can walk into one of our exchange points,
which happened to be community banks. People walk into the bank, go up to the teller and just do a
transaction like they would any other time they walk into a bank. They ask for the teller to exchange
U.S. dollars for Berkshares. They do it.
pretty seamlessly. And once they have berkshares, they can spend them at any business
it's willing to take them. When you use a Berkshire to buy something or to pay for a service,
it's designed to be a painless exchange. There's no weird or wonky extra math to do since a
Berkshire has the same value as U.S. dollars. So an item that costs $10 would cost $10.
Consumers can spend with that business in Berkshares, get their change in Berkshares or U.S.
dollars. Note that we do not have coins because it's against the law, but you are allowed to have
paper notes. So if people need change in coins, they just get regular U.S. coinage. And then when the
business receives that Berkshire, they have two options. They can bring it back to the bank, or they
can go and spend it elsewhere in the community at other businesses that are willing to accept
Berkshares. Now, what happens when that business wants to exchange a Berkshire and convert it back
into U.S. dollars? Is that equally painless?
So business could take it back to the bank, and then they would have freedom with their U.S. dollars to spend that money wherever they want. So that's probably the easiest decision.
There is a one-time transaction fee to convert a Bersherr back into U.S. dollars, but that cost is exceedingly low.
We do have a 1.5% reverse exchange fee. So when you're obtaining Bers, there's no fee. But if you're trading Bershairs back for cash, there is that 1.5% exchange fee.
So that's lower than what businesses are used to, whether that's with credit cards or with mobile payment platforms like Venmo when they cash out.
So it's not this massive barrier to participating in Berkshares, but it's a number that's high enough to make them think,
maybe I would just be better spending them in the community rather than bringing it to the bank.
In other words, that 1.5% fee to convert a Berkshare back into a dollar is meant to encourage a community member or a business to continue circulating.
the Berkshare in the local economy for other goods or services.
And the reason that we support that is because we know when they're not bringing the
burkshares back to the bank, that money has to stay in the community.
And it stays within that tight network of local businesses that decide to take
burkshares.
And it also encourages new businesses to sign on because maybe when business gets some
good that they're selling, they do get locally.
And they say, I have all these berkshares.
Would you be willing to accept them?
and then you get more people on board that way.
So that's as simple as it gets.
We call that recirculation of Berkshers
the local multiplier effect.
This local multiplier effect
is another major reason for the success of Berkshires.
A local currency holds the power to generate
two to four times more local economic impact
than, say, traditional money
that gets spent at some big box store.
Study after study will show that spending your money
at independent, small, locally based businesses
will generate considerably higher proportion
of downstream economic effects
within that local economy.
By keeping their dollars in their local economy,
thanks to their local currency,
the people of the Berkshire's region
strengthen their local businesses
and protect the area from economic troubles
that are wrecking shop in the larger economy.
That's really the selling point for Berkshires.
So on your end,
You bought a $5 item for $5 or five Berkshares,
but your purchase has a little bit more power within your community.
So you feel more empowered as a consumer to create local economic development.
This is also the key distinction for a Burke share versus, say, Bitcoin or other cryptocoins.
A local currency is place-based and it's meant to build a sustainable local economy.
So a cryptocurrency could be either one of those things, but in general, cryptocurrencies are
speculative. Bitcoin, Dogecoin, Miami coin, which we mentioned earlier, those are speculative.
The purpose of cryptocurrencies is not to invest in your community, even in large geographic areas.
It's about personal financial gain, and often they're not even treated as currencies.
They're not used to exchange goods. They're used to hold and then sell when more people
buy them and the price goes up.
Which raises an interesting question. Could a local currency, like Berkshaer,
issue its own cryptocurrency, one that is specifically designed for the same local community usage.
We did have a digital currency in a beta form in mid to late 2022. There were a lot of benefits to the
app. We were bringing in a lot of new businesses that didn't really want to deal with the
paper currency, but we're happy to deal with a more frictionless platform. We saw a lot of people
get excited over the fact that they could use Berkshares without always having to walk into a bank.
it was as easy as taking out their phone and scanning a QR code.
But there were many things that needed to be fixed within the app
and sort of systemic things that made it not sustainable at that time,
including the cost of maintaining the app.
So we do want to restart a mobile payment platform with Berkshares
and other digital ways to use them.
But we only want to do it if we're doing it exactly right.
We don't want to roll out a product that is not meeting the needs in the community.
This leads to another key question.
These days, who is still using paper money for their purchases?
Well, we already know the answer to that, older generations.
So does that limit the impact of Berkshares if younger people are less likely to use cash as a form of money?
Speaking to generational gaps, in general, we find that Berkshires are used more often in older populations,
people who are more familiar with the nature of walking into a bank or even just using physical
currency and keeping that on their person at all times. That is admittedly getting a bit antiquated,
and especially ever since early 2020s where it seems like every sort of digital platform,
whether it's payment or even doing business digitally by purchasing things online,
we find that younger people are using those platforms more often. And many of them have never
even walked into a bank in their whole lives. So that's where we start to see a generational gap,
where there's a lot of friction for a young person to use Berkshire.
because doing those kinds of things are not part of their daily life.
They're not used to it.
While young folks aren't as likely to step into a bank to exchange dollars for Berkshairs,
they do tend to notice them when someone else spends them in a local business.
The reason is immediate.
It's the artwork that colors a Berkshare note.
On each denomination of Berkshares, there's a different local hero who's celebrated,
both for their value to the community and to our American culture writ large.
For instance, on the $50 Berkshare note, you find a portrait of...
Norman Rockwell, a legendary artist whose artwork itself, I think, fits a lot of the themes of Berkshares.
It's inclusive of everyone.
There's no sector of American life that hasn't been touched by Norman Rockwell's artwork in some form or no kind of person who hasn't been represented in some form.
So Norman Rockwell is natural for including on the Berkshares in that sense,
but also Norman Rockwell has a long history in the Berkshires.
Hundreds and hundreds of his paintings were made at his studio in Stockbridge,
Massachusetts, which is in Berkshire County, just north of Great Barrington.
The Norman Rockwell Museum is in Stockbridge,
and his legacy plays a really foundational role in Berkshire history,
and people often drive down through Stockbridge or even other Berkshire towns
and say, wow, this town looks like it's straight out of a Norman Rockwell painting,
And at least in the town of Stockbridge, that's because it is directly out of a Norman Rockwell painting.
So we honor that history by featuring him on the $50 Berkshire and, of course, also honor the themes of his artwork as well,
which often centered on small town life and the beauty of personal relationships at the local level.
For the $20 Berkshire note, the Schumacher's Center opted to celebrate another famous son of New England,
who's also another world-famous American.
We feature Herman Melville, author of Moby Dick.
Herman Melville did not grow up in Berkshire County,
but he eventually moved here because he found inspiration
in the natural landscape of the Berkshires.
He settled down at Arrowhead, or what is now Arrowhead in Pittsfield,
which at this point is a museum.
But at Arrowhead, that was his workplace.
And in fact, one of my favorite hiking spots in Berkshire County at Monument Mountain in Great Barrington,
Herman Melville frequented Monument Mountain to gain inspiration for his ratings.
And I think that's really cool that Herman Melville found that same inspiration in the Berkshire landscape
that so many people who come here every day feel.
So we honor his history and the Berkshires on the $20 Berkshire.
As for the $10 Berkshire note, it celebrates a hero of the local agriculture movement.
If you've ever taken part in community-supported agriculture,
if you've ever signed up to receive a CSA box of fresh produce,
you have Robin Van N. to thank.
Robin Van N. founded the first community-supported agriculture project in North America.
Her work created a movement out of it.
You know, now we find hundreds and hundreds of farms across the country
using a CSA model to raise money before the growing season and lock in capital.
and instead of having to pay it back with loans with ridiculous interest rates,
they just pay back that money with really delicious food that they grow.
We, of course, honor that history because it's so related to our mission of community-supported
industry more broadly.
Community-supported agriculture would fall into that umbrella.
So she's on the $10 Berkshire.
Notably, her CSA farm was located in Berkshire County.
It was in the town of Egermont.
It still exists. Robin Van and passed away unexpectedly at a pretty young age,
but the farm still has a thriving CSA program.
It's on community land trust land.
So there's a lot of connections with her legacy in the Schumacher Center.
Next up, we have the $5.00 Berkshire Note, which features a local artist portrait of
W.E.B. Boys, which is actually, I think, a really inspiring story out of the Berkshares organization.
W.E.B. Du Bois has really become the face of the town of Great Barrington and has been recognized as a son of the town.
You'll find throughout Great Barrington there are all sorts of murals and landmarks and historical sites that recount his history and are dedicated to him.
You know, murals that include his face.
The middle school actually has been renamed to W.E.B. Du Bois Regional Middle School.
And it feels like every month there's some new project in town to further on.
honor and educate people on his history.
Recently, a statue of W.E.V. Du Bois was added outside the Great Barrington Library, Mason Library.
So in general, the town has taken on a much more active role in honoring his history,
but Berkshires has been doing that for a long time. So we're glad to have played a role.
We hope that we played a role in changing that perception and getting the town to more
actively celebrate his history.
And lastly, for the $1.Berkshare note, rather than celebrate,
an individual, the Schumacher Center opted to celebrate a whole community.
It's the only Berkshire that doesn't feature a specific individual, but it does feature a Stockbridge
Mohican. The Mohicans were not actually native to the Berkshire region, but they were pushed over
here during colonial times. And I think it's an interesting story because nowadays they
actually look back to the Berkshires as their homeland in a way, even though it wasn't
necessarily where they all came from originally, but the Mohicans were one of the only Native American
tribes that fought alongside the revolutionaries and the revolutionary war. But of course,
they were pushed out of the Berkshire region eventually. But there is still an active presence
with some local groups to maintain their history in the Berkshires. And we hope that Berkshires is one
small part in doing that to remind people of the people that were here before us.
Due to the 20-year success story of the Berkshires program, other communities across the country
and around the world often approach the Schumacher Center for help to design, create,
and distribute their own local currency.
We are kind of that go-to institution for people that want to learn how to start their own currencies
or other similar systems.
and the number one challenge that I bring up to them, challenge, but also what we see is the most
important thing for obtaining success with a local currency in the United States would be working
with community banks. Berkshares is very unique in that we do not exchange currency ourselves.
You don't walk into a Berkshares office and trade in dollars for Berkshares.
You walk into a community bank. In general, when you're working with small community bank,
They have all the infrastructure needed to account for a currency.
This is equally key for the success of a local currency,
since it is money, and it's important that people have full faith and trust in their money.
To build trust in that system, you can't tell people,
I'm keeping track of how much money is where,
and I'll be able to make sure you can always trade your money back in.
That's not going to build trust.
But when you're doing it through an institution like a bank,
that has the resources to just manage Berkshares like they do any.
any other account, so it's not a crazy load on their part.
That's how a system like Berkshires can thrive for so many years.
If this sounds good to your ears, and if you'd like to see something like this in your local community,
Peter La Rochelle has a few recommendations for how to make it happen.
So if you're looking to start a local currency in the United States,
the challenge that you're going to have to face,
but also probably gives you the best opportunity for long-term success,
is finding banking institutions that you can work with.
and work out of that share your mission.
You're not going to be able to work out of the Bank of America.
This should surprise no one.
Much like the Austrian local currency that saved a town but was outlawed when the central
bank heard about its success, in today's banking world, a major transnational bank like
Bank of America has similar reasons to not want to see the success of a local currency.
It offers direct competition for their bottom line, which is what matters most to big banks.
back to Peter La Rochelle.
I say that all the time.
If those are the only banks in your community,
you might have to explore other options
because they don't want to get involved
with initiatives like this.
You have to work with the kinds of banks
that share your mission,
and you can work through a credit union, perhaps.
Or in the Northeast,
we have mutual banks that operate similarly
to a credit union,
but still, they're the small community-focused banks
that actually have ownership within the community.
So they're more likely to sign on
on an initiative like this.
And since they share your mission of local economic development, that's also an easy sell.
Norman Rockwell, who was mentioned earlier, celebrated small-town life and a local-based idea of Americana.
And as such, his work serves as a reminder of the importance of embracing a local identity as a point not just of pride of place, but as a source of community power in order to survive those storms that blow in from far away places and threaten a community.
Norman Rockwell serves as a beautiful reminder of the past
and also what lessons we can pull from our history.
The people that we feature on the Berkshires like Norman Rockwell or W.E.B. Du Bois.
These are people who everyone in a community can rally behind
and can share something with.
We're speaking to shared values that I think Americans across the political spectrum,
Americans across generations that they share.
People want to see a vibrant, thriving local economy within their community.
And that's what we are ultimately looking for.
And what's more American than teaming up with neighbors from any background,
from all identities, to identify shared values,
and do work together to achieve that community and vision that you want to see.
That's the American dream in a nutshell.
Experience.
Carly Pierce, live at the Opera House.
October 16th.
Win your way in to the exclusive
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Stream Carly's new album,
Honest Woman. Available now.
I'm Melissa Jeltson,
and in my new podcast, what happened to her,
I'm bringing you new stories and conversations,
every week.
Stories about women
whose deaths were too quickly
ruled a suicide.
She was starting to
get worried
and get scared
for her safety.
Stories of survival.
The only difference
between me and her,
frankly, was a little bit of luck
because by all rights,
I should be dead.
Cases that everyone else
called closed.
They can't convict her, right?
Like, she has so much evidence.
These stories all start
in the same place, with a woman failed by a system that didn't believe her, that didn't
protect her, that didn't see her.
No child should ever experience that.
And we were babies.
She did all of these brave things and came out and spoke about it, and he got a year.
You never know who that devil is because he's wearing in disguise.
Sometimes it's a police uniform.
Listen to what happened to her on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your
podcast.
And I'm Martin.
And we're the hosts of Out of Character.
It's a podcast.
I know.
There's a lot of them to listen to these days.
How are you going to get to us?
Well, there's a specific reason why you should listen to us.
We are the best podcast in the entire world.
I swear.
I know, bold.
But why don't we list some of the things we might talk about on a regular episode?
So sometimes we'll talk about, I don't know, the Uber driver we just had.
And how nice they were, or if we tipped them or not, come and find out.
Sometimes we'll talk about that weird news story from last week.
It's the one you're thinking about, trust me.
Or maybe we'll talk about music and what's happening in the underground or drama and music or TV shows or the Met Gala and what the actors wore.
What we're saying is we're not afraid to talk about everything under the sun.
And if you want to see what that's like, come join us.
It's a place where everyone can hang out, anyone.
Wherever you're from, whatever you're like, you're welcome.
Listen out of character from Will Ferrell's Big Money Players Network.
On the IHeart Radio app, Apple Pods, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Didn't catch the latest Roland Martin unfiltered podcast?
Here's what you missed.
And the argument is, do you want to win?
If you don't win, you have no power.
It's real.
Those are the very people who I always say vote against their own economic interests,
and they complain about the very thing they're receiving.
It's raw.
I knew that the issue of transgender athletes was not going well with a lot of black men.
Roland Martin unfiltered.
I went off, I said, this is exactly what I'm talking about.
Y'all going to scream at Chanel, but you don't want to see a black luxury company in the same vein.
Catch Roland Martin's daily commentary on the Black Information Network.
Twelve seats, those are moving south.
So you Democrats, you don't wait to 2030, you better be hitting the ground going hard in the South now.
And download Roland Martin Unfiltered on the Iheart Radio app, Apple Podcasts,
wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm former U.S. Women's National Soccer team player, Carly Lloyd.
I'm Fox Sports reporter Jenny Taft.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes,
we're talking motherhood, marriages, careers,
and figuring out how to balance it all.
And we'll discuss the game that brought us together
because nothing is off limits.
Do you remember your initial reaction
when Fox called you to be a part of the World Cup?
I was like, no, I don't want to do it.
You said no?
I played with players that didn't,
I don't think that they really,
truly love the game, I found the love with the ball at my foot. But in my head, it was the long game.
It was like, I don't care what I'm being asked to do at Fox. I'm going to go get some reps,
and I'm going to learn it and love it and embrace it. He said, this group of people will never be in
the same room as part of the same team ever again in your life. And it is your job to make sure that
you enjoy the moment. You're proud of what you accomplish together. Listen to whatever.
it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
If money makes the world go round, delivery workers make New York City go round. From delivering morning
coffee to sweet green bowl slop or midnight Taco Bell, food delivery workers shuttle snacks and treats 24-7 via bicycle and scooter.
while a network of last-mile couriers fill my apartment lobby with Amazon packages.
Seriously, one of my new, more well-off neighbors must like never go to the store.
They get every single thing delivered.
I'm talking almost 10 Amazon packages a day for the same person.
But there's an odd little quirk with how Amazon transports orders from the fulfillment center
to your doorstep.
in that they don't.
The worker delivering your Amazon package
may be wearing an Amazon vest,
driving an Amazon van,
and peeing in a water bottle
so they don't fall behind
on a delivery route scheduled by Amazon,
but technically,
that worker is not employed by Amazon.
They work for a subcontractor,
which Amazon calls a delivery service partner
or a DSP.
Why might that be?
Picture this. A hurricane is rolling into town, but Amazon still needs to deliver those prime two-day orders.
While drivers are in the middle of their route, the storm suddenly gets worse, and a driver gets into a bad accident.
Because that driver is technically employed by a subcontractor, Amazon isn't responsible for the well-being of the worker and can't be held liable for any damages.
then let's say those drivers unionize due to dangerous working conditions.
Rather than negotiate with the union,
Amazon can just terminate their contract with the delivery service partner.
I'm Garrison Davis, and this is It Could Happen Here.
And this is one of those, this is already happening type stories
and actually has been for some time,
but now people are organizing to do something.
about it. About a year ago, the Teamsters teamed up with Democratic Socialist New York City Councilmember
Tiffany Caban to introduce Bill 05182026, also known as the Delivery Protection Act, which, among other
things, would require companies like Amazon to actually employ the drivers and warehouse workers
who handle the so-called last mile of delivery,
getting your package from the local warehouse to your doorstep.
The bill was reintroduced this past February,
and for the past few months,
the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America,
have been organizing to push the bill over the finish line.
My name's Mamreska.
Olivia and I are both on the Labor Working Group Organizing Committee for NYCDSA.
I am the legislative coordinator, the labor legislative coordinator for the group.
I'm Olivia and I serve on both the Labor Working Group Organizing Committee, as well as the steering committee for the entire chapter.
Currently, anyone you see delivering packages in New York City to you, to your apartment building, to your house, wearing the Amazon vest with the Amazon truck, all of those people are subcontractors.
They work out of what are called delivery service providers or your own DSPs.
And these, again, kind of basic subcontractors.
But the problem with that model is that Amazon does that to avoid all accountability either
to their workers or to the city.
So anytime that workers express dissatisfaction with working conditions or, you know,
seem like they're organizing because of those conditions, or if the city is noticing that
one of these DSPs is causing way more accidents on the road than other providers of delivery.
Anything like that happens and they start, people start looking into one of these DSPs,
Amazon will just cut their contract with the subcontractor and say, you know, that wasn't us.
That was, you know, Matt Moreska LLC or Garrison Davis LLC.
It's nothing to do with me.
You know, it sounds silly, but it's actually pretty strong legal defense, apparently.
The Delivery Protection Act seeks to change all that.
The bill would require last-mile delivery facilities to obtain a license from the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection and Establish Minimum Safety, Training, and Worker Protection standards.
But the big thing this bill would do is force Amazon and other companies that use third-party contractors to directly employ their delivery and warehouse workers.
According to the Office of Mayor Zoranamdani, the Delivery Protection Act would give the city the tools to regulate.
regulate last mile operations and ensure major companies like Amazon are responsible for their workers
and the consequences of the business decisions they make.
So what this bill does is mandate that any package delivery service from Amazon or another large
logistical company coming into New York City has to directly employ drivers.
So that means all of these drivers now in those vests, in those Amazon trucks, need to be
directly employed by Amazon, which means that Amazon is both directly responsible,
for any problems they cause the road or their emissions or things like that.
And also means that if their workers start organizing, Amazon can't just cut them all
and replace with different people nearly as easily.
So beyond that, that's the main bulk of it.
It also does give workers extra protections for expressing their organizing rights on the job.
So it gets close to giving them what we might call just cause protections on the job,
although it's not quite that strong.
But that means it's much harder for them to be fired for speaking up.
And then it also allows for independent safety inspectors to go into these warehouses and provide the education need to make sure the drivers are safe and also New Yorkers are safe when they're delivering their packages.
So it's really a holistic bill to regulate Amazon in the city and especially make sure that the workers are protected and have their rights to organize protected.
And that protection is really important because right now, if a delivery driver gets hurt or gets into an accident,
And because those drivers technically work for a, quote, third party, Amazon can't be held liable,
even when it's Amazon who orders, quote, delivery service partners to send out drivers in dangerous weather conditions.
A Bloomberg investigation from earlier this year detailed a series of such incidents with a delivery service partner in Southern California.
In summer of 2022, Amazon complained.
to the DSP that drivers were falling behind on their schedule while temperatures reached 107 degrees.
The DSP manager told an Amazon rep that Amazon failed to apply their own policy on easing workloads
during extreme heat, but the Amazon rep responded by saying it was too late to change the day's
delivery assignments, and the manager would need a written affidavit to prove that workers were too
sick to perform, and Amazon threatened breach of contract if packages were delayed.
Later that winter, during a historic storm, an Amazon rep told this DSP that, quote, delivery
must be attempted despite flash flooding, road closures, and grounded flights.
So drivers were dispatched out of fear that Amazon might terminate their DSP contract.
But then a few months later, their contract was cut anyway after the workers tried to form a union.
And this is not an isolated incident.
Per Bloomberg, the Teamsters have filed complaints with the National Labor Relations Board,
accusing Amazon of terminating contracts with several DSPs because the workers unionized.
Just a few weeks before the Delivery Protection Act was introduced last year,
Amazon fired over 150 unionized delivery drivers in Queens
by cutting ties with the third-party delivery service partner.
Even calling DSP's, quote, third parties is misleading
because they don't operate as such.
Everything about how they run is controlled by Amazon.
Through a FOIA request,
Bloomberg was able to obtain thousands of pages
of confidential Amazon records related to an NLRB case against Amazon for firing that DSP in California
after its workers unionized. A case, by the way, that was settled in favor of Amazon after Trump
appointed a former Amazon lawyer to serve as National Labor Relations Board General Counsel.
But that's another episode. Per Bloomberg, these confidential company documents
quote, lay bare Amazon's intimate and intensive regulation of workers, it insists, aren't its
employees, including governing which drivers DSPs can hire, when they work, what they wear,
what they say, how they smell, and much more. Amazon requires that DSPs make drivers sign
non-disclosure agreements and take drug tests when an Amazon rep deems appropriate. On the job,
drivers are required to wear Amazon polos and Amazon pants or shorts
with the options of an Amazon hat, never to be worn backward, and an Amazon coat.
Amazon also requires that drivers be, quote, neat and clean, including, quote,
prevention of unpleasant breath or body odor, modest perfume slash cologne,
and clean teeth, face slash ears, fingernails, and hair, unquote.
If Amazon isn't satisfied with a particular driver, it can, quote, deactivate them,
unilaterally terminating their authorization to deliver its packages.
According to company records, Amazon also formulates performance rankings of DSP drivers
and creates leaderboards for each DSP owner ranking each of their staff.
Amazon's systems also use bright, yellow, orange, or red to mark, quote,
areas where a driver has spent excessive amounts of time.
Amazon also controls AI-powered cameras in driver's vans,
which are supposed to flag unsafe driving.
Drivers say the cameras can tag them with undue infractions
for yawning or drinking water or just having breasts that obscure their seatbelt,
unquote.
And because of the high delivery quotas,
drivers are still routinely forced to pee in bottles to meet their assigned deliveries.
And due to these new AI-powered cameras, some drivers are forced to move around Amazon boxes
to block the cameras from seeing their genitals before peeing.
Amazon also has the live location of all of their drivers, and if something goes wrong,
those drivers are supposed to call a hotline operated by Amazon, not the delivery service
provider. Amazon offers DSP's templates for job listings and has to approve each new hire,
who is then required to attend a multi-day training program also facilitated by Amazon. According to these
internal company documents, Amazon outlines seven steps drivers must follow for a successful delivery
and instructs drivers to quote, help validate the customer's investment by greeting them with a
smile, being enthusiastic, and thanking the customer for choosing Amazon, unquote.
And again, Amazon insists that these drivers do not, in fact, work for Amazon, even though
Amazon tells these DSPs that these drivers, quote, represent Amazon to our customers.
Bloomberg interviewed a dozen drivers from various DSPs, who described these subcontractors as essentially
shell companies that, quote, force Amazon's extreme rules, constant surveillance, and grueling
quotas that in some urban areas can reach 30 stops an hour.
One says her DSP manager suggested a funnel that she could use to pee into a bottle in her van.
Others say their managers told them they must precisely follow any route Amazon's software lays out for them,
even if it makes no sense, to help the algorithm learn.
Amazon says that such characterizations are, quote, false.
Algorithmic management is a big part of this model.
How else could Amazon manage hundreds of thousands of drivers across thousands of allegedly independent subcontract?
Amazon plugs all the surveillance data from location tracking, delivery metrics, and live cameras
into an AI which creates evolving minimum efficiency standards to apply to all workers, like a form
of digital tailorism. Contrast that with the Teamsters UPS union, who, in their last contract,
banned inward-facing surveillance cameras and prohibited UPS from disciplining
drivers solely based on GPS data, algorithmic metrics, or surveillance technology.
Meaning, workers can't get punished just for falling below an algorithmically projected quota.
And if they do, they can file a grievance.
But essentially, this subcontracted last-mile DSP model allows Amazon to maximize delivery
speed without having to worry about the workers' well-being and the safety of both the drivers themselves
and the neighborhoods on the delivery routes. Amazon gets to pass the buck to these, quote,
third-party subcontractors. This whole last-mile scheme is just a method to evade accountability
for underpaying workers while forcing them to work at an excruciating pace in unsafe conditions.
There are thousands of DSP subcontractors with hundreds of thousands of drivers delivering your Amazon packages all across the country.
In the past few years, last mile delivery facilities have rapidly expanded in New York City.
Since 2017, 18 such facilities have opened across New York City, 11 of them since 2020, driven by the pandemic-era e-commerce boom.
In 2017, about 1.1 million packages were delivered every day in the city.
By 2024, that number more than doubled to 2.5 million packages per day,
indicating that nearly a third of New Yorkers receive packages on a daily basis.
According to a report by the city controller,
between 2022 and 2024, more than 2,000 severe workplace injuries
at last mile facilities were reported to OSHA.
The injury rate at Amazon DSPs was nearly five times higher than the national average.
And after these last mile facilities opened, surrounding areas saw a 137% rise in truck injury crashes.
Currently, there are seven ongoing investigations into these third-party last mile facilities
by the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection.
According to the Teamsters who have been fighting to organize Amazon workers in New York City for years,
if the Delivery Protection Act gets passed,
New York would become the first city to outlaw this exploitative subcontractor model
and require companies like Amazon directly employ and therefore be responsible for their last-mile delivery workers.
And this past summer, the NYCDSA Labor Working Group has been working with the Teamsters to pressure the City Council into passing this bill.
How long has the Delivery Protection Act been something that the organization has been focused on organizing for?
So we decided it should be a priority in the spring.
Our term on leadership started in January, and we did a process of looking through city and state bills that we wanted to work on.
They really got into high gear over the summer, though, when we knew that our allies and the labor movement were looking to push this for a vote in the fall.
So we really started our kickoff in July, and then we've been canvassing a bunch of different districts throughout the city since the start of August.
And it's been going ever since.
Yeah. And I should just note, you know, that's when we kicked into high gear.
But of course, Tiffany Kavanaughn, our socialist in office and the state council has been.
working with the Amazon Teamsters and the workers. These Amazon locations for quite a while.
And the team that helped draft the legislation and move in and introduce it in city halls.
We've been working on it for a lot longer. So we're building on a really strong foundation.
What has the organizing around this bill looked like on the ground and also, you know, in the
digital sphere? On our end, so as the labor working group, we've really been focused on
a large-scale canvassing operation for the bill. So we've been having canvases every two weeks.
We started in a council district of Rita Joseph in Flatbush. We printed a lot of literature with her
face on it, demanding that she'd get onto the bill, and she immediately got on. So I have about
4,000 pieces of literature that I can no longer use, which is a good problem to have. Since then,
we made new lit that doesn't have anyone's face on it because we've been flipping more council members.
So we did three rounds of canvassing for four different city council members who were also not on the bill.
We're going to canvas in Speaker Julie Menon's district because right now we actually already have a supermajority on the city council.
So really the only thing standing in our way is getting the speaker to introduce it for a vote because she ultimately really controls what goes up to a vote, even if the bill already has a super majority.
So that's the main thing we've been doing.
but in addition to that, we've been working with a research team
to look into the subcontractors that Amazon uses for these.
They call them DSPs, delivery service providers,
to get a feel for who actually owns and operates these
and how safe they are for workers.
And that's really been something we're working on closely
with our Teamster partners.
And we've also had a number of rallies in things as well at City Hall.
So that's all really been in the last few months.
It's not just Amazon who's using this last-mile subcontractors.
model. FedEx also uses subcontractors called ground contracted service providers, and they too
would be affected by the bill. Obviously, Amazon is the biggest company that would be affected by this,
but it's not specifically targeted at Amazon. It's targeted at any business that is operating
what's called a last mile delivery operation in the city of New York. So there are other
other companies that would be affected. I believe, you know, Walmart also operates sometimes on this
model. But, you know, Amazon is obviously by far the biggest, they have the biggest market share.
So, of course, they're the ones who are most afraid of this. And afraid of it they are. As of
August, Amazon has spent at least $5 million lobbying against the Delivery Protection Act. And
according to DSA, that spending has only increased. You know, you asked about in the digital
space, certainly our opponents have been hard at work in the digital space. Amazon dropped.
How much money, Matt? Like millions of dollars. It's at eight million now, I believe,
$8 million. Yeah. And it's not just Amazon. They got their friends in Rebney, the Real Estate
Board of New York, to believe that this is also something that they should oppose. So they've been
spending money against this, lobbying against this. And there are ads right now, there are digital
ads, you know, trying to convince people that this bill is somehow going to be harmful to small
businesses, which is ludicrous, because you know Amazon's biggest killers of small business.
Some of that money has gone to a corporate lobbying group called the Five Bureau Jobs Campaign,
who commissioned a study that miraculously concluded,
that the Delivery Protection Act would raise annual delivery costs for New York households by $664 a year
and threatened 10,000 city jobs. Amazon themselves told the City Council that the Delivery Protection
Act would prohibit their agreements with more than 40, quote, small businesses, that is, delivery
service partners, and put over 5,000 jobs at risk. Now, the bill,
includes a retention clause requiring Amazon or whatever company to offer to re-hire subcontracted
drivers and warehouse workers who were previously employed through a DSP, before offering to hire
any other workers as employees. Brendan Griffith, president of the New York City Central Labor
Council, put it really well, quote, to be clear, when these companies raise the alarm of fewer jobs,
higher prices or service reductions,
they are describing choices that they may make,
not in the best interest of consumers and workers,
but to protect their bottom line.
And of course, any potential job loss
would be the choice of Amazon,
and not because of this bill.
And it's not like Amazon doesn't already regularly lay off these workers,
according to a Teamsters report since 2018,
Amazon has closed 35 DSPs in New York State,
resulting in the loss of over 3,500 jobs.
And that was without the bill,
which would, of course, give those workers more protections.
Remember, Amazon fired over 150 DSP drivers last year in New York City
after they unionized.
The most insidious part of this delivery service partner
subcontractor arrangement is how it allows Amazon to have this sort of workaround for union busting.
When these last mile delivery workers attempt to unionize, rather than recognize or deal with the union,
Amazon can just cut off the entire subcontractor, putting all those workers out of jobs,
while Amazon can just switch to a new non-union subcontractor.
And this is apparently legal, because these are,
workers aren't directly employed by Amazon. So in effect, it's a legal union busting without actually
having to do a legal union busting. So you can see why this model is so attractive to these
corporations, because using these delivery subcontractors gives you this little loophole to
avoid negotiating with a union. And it's insane that they're able to get away with this, as much as
they fearmonger about how if there's unions, deliveries will cost each household $600 more.
That doesn't seem to be the case for UPS, who is still profitable after its unionized delivery
drivers secured pay raises in their 2023 contract.
To quote the famously socialist outlet, the Wall Street Journal, quote,
A large body of research has shown that when company,
stop employing their own workers for tasks and instead push those jobs out to smaller firms or
to freelancers, wages and other job protections tend to decline. The New York bill is, quote,
very innovative, said Paul Osterman, a professor emeritus at MIT, and the author of Disposable
Workers, a new book on the Transformation of Employment. His own surveys of Work arrangements
indicate about 12% of U.S. workers are contractors employed by intermediaries.
So as I've already suggested, this model is a much bigger problem than just Amazon.
Amazon has also threatened that if the Delivery Protection Act passes, it would force them to,
quote, consider relocating delivery operations outside the city.
Specifically, Amazon has threatened to move its distribution centers to New Jersey,
which they say would extend delivery times for New York City residents.
But then in August, New Jersey sued Amazon, alleging their use of last-mile contractors is illegal.
With New Jersey claiming, per the Wall Street Journal, quote,
The e-commerce giant illegally used its dominance over its package delivery
network to suppress wages and working conditions for thousands of delivery drivers while preventing
them from organizing. Amazon has said the complaint is, quote, not grounded in fact, unquote.
So I think it's unlikely Amazon will actually move all of their facilities from New York City to
New Jersey, because one, companies never actually move out of New York. And two, doesn't seem like
they're going to have much more luck in New Jersey anyway if the state is claiming the very same
things that lawmakers have here in New York, which has prompted the Delivery Protection Act.
But that's the type of propaganda that Amazon is running to try to push back on the bill.
And we mentioned Amazon running ads, but they're not just running ads.
Around July, I got sent this very oddly worded survey for,
from Amazon with all these leading questions about like, would I support a bill that made my deliveries
more expensive, take longer, or force independent delivery drivers to work for big corporations?
It had maybe like 10 to 15 of these questions that were all phrased very oddly so that they could
engineer specific responses so that Amazon could have a survey that shows like X number of
New Yorkers think this bill is a bad idea or think a bill that would do
XYZ is a bad idea? You know, they've been sending those all over. People keep
texting me. I got the survey mad or sending me pictures of the mailers. But,
you know, in reality, we're actually doing the work and like mocking on, I think
we've knocked over 9,000 doors now. And you actually talk to New Yorkers about the bill.
It's extremely popular. You know, Olivia and I have both done a lot of canvassing for
electoral candidates, people like Mayor Mom Dani. And, you know,
it's a lot harder to go canvas for electoral candidates, right? There's a lot of people who tell you,
you know, get out of my face. But when you knock on a door and say, this is a bill that's going to
get Amazon under control, it's going to help these workers, you know, organize unions and protect their
rights, people are immediately on board. Sometimes all you have to say is this bill is, you know,
about controlling Amazon. People are like, where do I sign? So, you know, New Yorkers in reality are
really ready to find a way to rein this company in that's more and more controlling every aspect
to their lives. So don't worry, you know, the survey, notwithstanding, the bill seems to be
extremely popular when anyone actually learns what it does.
Part of Amazon's fear around the Delivery Protection Act could also be due to the
Mumdani administration's aggressive approach to enforcing worker protections and cracking down on
big corporations exploiting delivery workers. Last month, Mayor Mamdani and the Department of Consumer
and worker protection announced a record 131.5 million dollar settlement from DoorDash for
underpaying or even not paying their delivery workers. This is the largest labor enforcement action
in New York City history, the largest labor settlement in municipal history. Over $115 million will go directly
to more than 260,000 workers
who were denied the pay that they earned,
with DoorDash paying an additional $16 million
in civil penalties,
including funding to build a city and worker-run
wage theft monitoring tool to keep DoorDash accountable.
Here's the deputy mayor for economic justice, Julie Sue.
DoorDash built a system that was quietly leaving
out categories of trips and on-call time so the real amount of work by deliveryistas wasn't
counted. Worse, that practice was hidden from workers, making it almost impossible for them to
know when they were underpaid. Some were paid late, some weren't paid at all. This historic
settlement is not just the result of increased investment in the Department of Consumer and
Worker Protection by Mayor Mamdani, but
but also the tireless work of deliveristas, advocates, and organizers at the Workers' Justice
Project.
Affected Doordash workers don't even have to file a claim.
The Department of Consumer and Worker Protection has already identified all individuals owed
money through their analysis of Doordash's records and will reach out to workers later this
month. The department poured through terabytes of pay data to discover the huge magnitude of wage
theft and systemic violations of New York City's delivery worker laws like the minimum pay rate.
Now, two months ago, Tony Shue, the CEO of DoorDash, gave business owners a piece of advice.
A CEO, he said, has to take the greedy algorithm and keep going all the way to see if there is more.
In computer science, a greedy algorithm is one that makes the most optimized best short-term outcome choice at every step and never weighs the consequences.
New York City and the tens of thousands of delivery workers who call our city home have reckoned with greed as a business model for far too long.
For years, DoorDash failed to count every hour worked by delivery workers.
This was not a rounding error or an accidental mistake.
In 2023, when the city began enforcing a minimum pay rate for delivery workers, Doordash left time out of the count, time on canceled trips, and trips that crossed city limits.
Investigators at our incredible Department of Consumer and Worker Protection went through terabytes of DoorDash's own data.
After analyzing 152 million payments and 110 million hours of work, they arrived at a staggering,
conclusion. DoorDash had underpaid more than 260,000 delivery workers across New York City
between April of 2022 and June of 26. According to the mayor's office, these workers will receive
compensation calculated at approximately 200% of the amount that they were underpaid. Just last
year, DoorDash spent over a million dollars to prevent Mamdani from being elected, and now they
must pay over 131 million. After Mayor Mamdani announced this settlement, DoorDash took to social
media to post a notes app style apology reading, quote, we messed up. Our mistakes meant some NYC
dashers were underpaid or paid late. That's unacceptable, and we're deeply sorry to the dashers
we let down. We've reached a settlement with the city of New York, and we will make this right
by paying every impacted dasher the amounts they are owed. Unquote. Bitch, you stole over a hundred
million dollars. That's a big oopsie. You didn't just let some dashers down.
Per the mayor's office, quote,
this enforcement action builds on the Mamdani administration's broader effort
to vigorously enforce the laws that protect delivery workers.
The administration has already secured more than 104 million in additional tips
by cracking down on deceptive app design,
and 725 million in increased wages for delivery workers since January.
unquote. Mayor Mamdani ended the DoorDash announcement with a warning to other companies.
And to any corporation that has built a business model on greedy algorithms and worker exploitation,
consider this your notice. If you keep trying to rip off New Yorkers, we will be happy to make history again.
This is New York City, where hard work pays and greed will cost you. Thank you.
About a month earlier, on August 10th,
May Ram Dhani publicly backed the Delivery Protection Act
and made a slick little video explaining what it is
and why it's important for workers.
To quote the mayor, quote,
corporations like Amazon build billion-dollar business models
by insulating themselves from accountability
through a system of exploitative subcontracting.
As last-mile delivery centers have exploded across New York,
so too have traffic accidents and worker injuries.
The Delivery Protection Act is a common-sense regulation that protects delivery workers,
safeguards the communities where these facilities operate,
and ensures that the corporations benefiting from workers' labor are responsible for the consequences of their business practices.
New Yorkers should not be forced to subsidize corporate profits with less safe streets and more precarious jobs.
The people that make these companies run deserve dignity, stability, and a safe workplace.
It's time to end the subcontracting model that puts profits over people and build an economy
that works for working New Yorkers.
One of the best things we've had is we've had the support of the mayor.
Mayors are on Mabani and as deputy mayor Julie Sue, come out really strongly in favor of the bill.
There was like amazing press about that.
so a lot of earned media around that.
And a lot of our coalition members have also been hard at work, doing a lot of additional
research, putting out really amazing press.
In fact, just this week, there was a wonderful story that featured the work of our friends
in Align.
They did some really great research locating like all of the different traffic violations
and parking violations.
Amazon has incurred because this bill isn't just a worker safety bill.
This is a street.
safety bill and a climate bill. You know, our SIO Tiffany loves to talk about how this last mile
delivery sector is kind of like the Wild West. It's just exploded. And there really isn't a
whole lot of rules of the road, of guidelines of regulation. And so they're just kind of running
roughshod. And this really uses the power of the city municipal legislation to really regulate
in a very sensible way.
these businesses should operate for the safety of workers, for the safety of consumers,
and for everybody out on the streets of the city.
As Matt from DSA mentioned earlier this episode,
after sending over 100 letters and knocking on thousands of doors,
city council member Rita Joseph and Flatbush almost immediately flipped
and signed on to the bill this past August.
But she's not the only one who's changed tune since DSA and the Teamsters up to their
organizing this summer.
We've had a big influence since we started a canvassing operation.
I think in New York politics at this point, people know what it means when a bunch of people
at DSA signs start showing up in your neighborhood and knocking doors.
People get very freaked out very quickly, which is good for us.
So like I said, when we knocked Rita Joseph's door, she decided to get onto the bill right away.
We also then got another council member named Sean O'Grue to flip onto the bill as well.
I think the same day.
It was also right around when Mayor Mondani put his video out.
So I'm sure for a lot of council members, it was really time to get on board time between us and the mayor.
But then since then, we also were able to move a council member Camilla Hanks onto the bill as well.
And she's really important to get on because her district is actually on Staten Island and overlaps a lot of the Amazon organizing going on there that goes all the way back to like the Amazon labor union and the ALU.
So it was really important for us to make sure that Staten Island is part of our plans because those workers have been in the Amazon fight longer than anyone. And we're really proud of that one as well. So in total, in the last two and a half months, we've flipped three people onto the bill. And we've also really developed a kind of citywide feeling that this bill is very, very important for workers' rights. And we really see more and more people talking about it now. And I think that that has a lot to do with the publicity. We've given it over the last couple months. So, you know, again, we already have a super majority. This is now it's really just all about.
getting Speaker Menon to actually put it for a vote,
and if she does, we're extremely confident that it will pass.
With a supermajority in city council,
now the pressure is on Speaker Julie Menon
to call the bill to a vote.
Last Saturday, DSA canvassed Speaker Menon's district
in the Upper East Side,
and they plan to do another neighborhood canvas sometime next week.
We want to get the bill passed on November 12th,
so that's the new deadline,
so we're going to be doing more campaigns.
canvassing, hopefully having more rallies.
DSA also has an online tool to help you send your city council member or Speaker Mennon a letter,
expressing your support for the Delivery Protection Act.
You can send a letter to your council member or to Speaker Mennon.
I think sending it to speaker Mennon at this point is the most important thing.
So anyone who's a New York listener should definitely do that.
In terms of rallies, DSA is planning a big last hurrah in support of this bill.
outside City Hall on October 22nd, which will be the last city council meeting before November
when organizers intend for the bill to be brought to a vote.
So we're going to have a big showing right outside City Hall on October 22nd to really demonstrate
our power and really put out the call out there for this bill to be agendized and brought
to the floor for a vote on November's hall.
Yeah, so if anyone wants to come out and canvas or come to a rally, this is really a final push, and we're feeling pretty confident, but we need to end strong.
The Delivery Protection Act could be the wedge that cracks open Amazon by strengthening workers' ability to organize through closing the illegal union-busting loophole and ensuring that corporations like Amazon or FedEx can no longer get away with using third-party shell companies to shut up.
shield themselves from liability. Samuel Levin, the commissioner of the Department of Consumer and
Worker Protection, put it plainly, quote, the Delivery Protection Act affirms a simple idea. Those who
profit from our labor and public spaces must also be responsible for the people and communities
that make it possible, unquote. Chipping away at Amazon's vast network of delivery subcontractors
could also have national ramifications.
If the Delivery Protection Act passes in New York City,
it could provide a template for other cities across the country
to start to regulate Amazon,
to protect last-mile delivery workers,
and shut down the hyper-exploitative subcontractor model
dominating huge sectors of our economy.
And if we succeed here in New York,
surely it can be done elsewhere.
In New York State DSA,
we just really feel strongly that taking on Amazon is a really important existential battle for
socialists and the labor movement. So we see this is really the first step in using the power
we have in canvassing and the electoral arena, but also our ability to mass mobilize people
to figure out a way to rein Amazon in and really help the labor movement take it on because
it's more and more infiltrating every sector of the economy. They're going into entertainment. They are also
going into groceries, they're going into web technologies and AI. They're really everywhere.
Set to be the first company make a trillion dollars in profit. And if we're going to have a socialist
future in New York and in America, really anywhere, we need to be Amazon and get it organized
in the same way that they had to organize steel or the auto industry in the 30s. The fight now really
does have to go through Amazon if we're going to see the socialist future we're all fighting for.
Yeah. And I would just add, you know, for me especially, and I think for a lot of DSA members,
what makes the DSA difference isn't just, you know, that we are taking on at the corporation
and the way that the legislation really empowers workers. It's how we campaign. It's literally
the way in which we fight. We are doing it, as Matt said, using all of the same tools that
helped us win the mayoralty and helped us been big in recent primaries. It's just literally
the basics of organizing.
We are just talking to people.
And lo and behold, as Matt said,
none of them like Amazon.
They wanted to be regulated.
You know, that is the DSA difference.
We organize people.
We have member-led and worker-led campaigns.
That is transformative.
To keep up with the Delivery Protection Act,
you can follow NYCDSA on Instagram
or NYC-DSA Labor.
As mentioned, there will be a canvas
in Julie Menon's district
sometime next week,
and a, hopefully,
final rally on October 22nd.
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Stream Carly's new album, Honest Woman. Available now.
I'm Melissa Jeltsin, and in my new podcast, what happened to her,
I'm bringing you new stories and conversations every week.
Stories about women whose deaths were too quickly ruled a suicide.
She was starting to get worried and get scared for her safety.
Stories of survival.
The only difference.
between me and her, frankly, was a little bit of luck, because by all rights, I should be dead.
Cases that everyone else called closed.
They can't convict her, right?
Like, she has so much evidence.
These stories all start in the same place, with a woman failed by a system that didn't believe her, that didn't protect her, that didn't see her.
No child should ever experience that.
And we were babies.
She did all of these brave things and came out and spoke about it, and he got to be.
a year.
You never know who that devil is because he's wearing you disguise.
Sometimes it's a police uniform.
Listen to what happened to her on the Iheart radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your
podcasts.
I'm Hamza.
And I'm Martin.
And we're the hosts of Out of Character.
It's a podcast.
I know.
There's a lot of them to listen to these days.
How are you going to get to us?
Well, there's a specific reason why you should listen to us.
We are the best podcast in the entire world.
I swear.
I know, bold.
But why don't we list some of the things?
we might talk about on a regular episode.
So sometimes we'll talk about, I don't know, the Uber driver we just had.
And how nice they were, or if we tipped them or not, come and find out.
Sometimes we'll talk about that weird news story from last week.
It's the one you're thinking about, trust me.
Or maybe we'll talk about music and what's happening in the underground or drama in music
or TV shows or the Met Gala and what the actors wore.
What we're saying is we're not afraid to talk about everything under the sun.
And if you want to see what that's like, come join us.
It's a place where everyone can hang out, anyone.
Wherever you're from, whatever you're like, you're welcome.
Listen out of character from Will Ferrell's Big Money Players Network
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Didn't catch the latest Roland Martin unfiltered podcast?
Here's what you missed.
And the argument is, do you want to win?
If you don't win, you have no power.
It's real.
Those are the very people who I always say vote against their own economic
interests and they complained about the very thing they're receiving.
It's raw.
I knew that the issue of transgender athletes was not going well with a lot of black men.
Roland Martin unfiltered.
I went off, I said, this is exactly what I'm talking about.
Y'all going to scream at Chanel, but you don't want to see a black luxury company in the
same vein.
Catch Roland Martin's daily commentary on the Black Information Network.
12 seats, those are moving south.
So if you Democrats, you don't wait to 2030,
you better be hitting the ground going hard in the South now.
And download Roland Martin Unfiltered on the IHart Radio app, Apple Podcasts.
Wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm former U.S. Women's National Soccer team player, Carly Lloyd.
I'm Fox Sports Reporter Jenny Taft.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes,
we're talking motherhood, marriages, careers,
and figuring out how to balance it all.
And we'll discuss the game that brought
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Do you remember your initial reaction when Fox called you to be a part of the World Cup?
I was like, no, I don't want to do it.
You said no?
I played with players that didn't, I don't think that they really truly love the game.
I found the love with the ball at my foot.
But in my head, it was the long game.
It was like, I don't care what I'm being asked to do at Fox.
I'm going to go get some reps and I'm going to learn it and love it and embrace it.
He said, this group of people will never be in the same room as part of the same team ever again in your life.
And it is your job to make sure that you enjoy the moment.
You're proud of what you accomplish together.
Listen to whatever it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Hello everyone and welcome to It Could Happen here.
My name is Dan Al-Kurd.
I'm a researcher and analyst of Arab and Palestinian politics.
Today I'm talking with Yara Asi, who is a Palestinian scholar, author, and public health researcher,
studying how conflict, structural violence, and political systems shape health and human security.
And she's also a non-resident fellow at the Arab Center, Washington, where I'm also a non-resident fellow.
And she's been doing a lot of excellent work, highlighting the health impacts of Israeli policies and American policies in the Middle East generally, but also particularly in Israel, Palestine.
So today we're going to talk about what are the health conditions in Gaza?
I think that we have seen a lot of the spectacular violence.
We understand and even the most unaware,
understand the degree to which Gaza has been devastated.
But she breaks down for us what that looks like
and what are the policies that are being used
to attack Palestinian health in Gaza and in the West Bank.
And then what it means for the Palestinian people
to be so de-developed, not only economically,
but at every sector, including the health sector.
It's a very bleak episode.
None of my episodes are good, but this one is particularly hard to listen to.
There's also a mention of sexual violence.
Not in detail, of course, but I do want to just put that out there for listeners as fair warning
because that is a very triggering conversation, regardless even if it is at the simplest
level of detail.
But without further ado, this is Yadda about the health impacts of Israeli people.
policy on the Palestinian people. Thank you for listening. Yoda, thank you so much for being on the show.
Thank you for having me. So I want to start. We're going to talk both about Gaza and the West Bank,
but I want to start with Gaza at the beginning here. Could you give us a rundown of what health conditions
are like in Gaza right now? Yeah, absolutely. You know, this has been obviously the focus of a lot of
health research over the past three years since the beginning of the genocide and for good reason,
because it's kind of a microcosm of every possible public health disaster you could imagine
in a single, very small, very populated setting. So just, you know, some top line numbers.
We know that at the very least, 74,000 Palestinians have been killed since October 7th.
And epidemiological projections estimate that the number is likely much higher, especially when you add in
all of those that have died from starvation, malnutrition,
malnutrition or lack of access to health care because they had cancer or they needed a heart,
you know, surgery or brain surgery or something. We know that at least 20,000, around 20,000
people in Gaza, many of whom are children, require immediate medical evacuations for some sort
of procedure unrelated, typically to trauma. We're talking a lot of cancer cases, high risk pregnancies,
complex surgeries that they can no longer get in the Gaza Strip because the health care system
has been essentially decimated. As of this past month, there's also, you know, more than 100,000
injuries. Many of those are life-changing injuries, amputations, nerve damage, spinal damage,
brain damage that will require lifelong rehabilitation. And, you know, obvious question is,
who's going to do that and who's going to pay for that and what's going to happen to those people?
Less than half of Gaza's hospitals are even partially functioning. So prior to the genocide,
Gaza had about 36 hospitals, many of which offered, you know, a variety of services, but some of
which were specialized, you know, cancer care, pediatric hospital. Now we're at a point where
the hospitals that are even still open because so many were damaged to destroy or just have no
resources are just basically able to do basic care, emergency care, triage, basic wound
management. Israel is still restricting at the border. Medical supplies, you know,
you know, basic pharmaceuticals, medications, things that would be available in basically any other
contexts on earth, even in low-income countries, are not available in the Gaza Strip.
We know that 1,700 health workers and humanitarian workers have been killed in Gaza, many of whom
were directly targeted, either in their homes or in aid convoys. And, you know, it's an environmental
disaster. So there's sewage in the streets. There's lack of clean water. There's rats.
rats, yes, fighting people in their tents. God knows what, floating in the air that people are
inhaling on a daily basis, including babies and children. So it is just as bad as we imagine.
And, you know, we're about what, a year now from this quote-unquote ceasefire. More than 1,400
Palestinians in Gaza have been killed since the quote-unquote ceasefire. And others are dying in
other completely inhumane ways, such as building collapse that we saw a couple of weeks ago,
because many people, to avoid the rats and the cold, because winter is coming, have just decided,
I'm going to go back to a structure, even if it is half collapsed.
Damaged.
And we're unfortunately seeing that some of these structures are collapsing with people and families
inside. So, you know, although the health crisis in Gaza has kind of disappeared from the news,
as soon as the ceasefire process started,
the health catastrophe is just as bad
and it is not getting better.
You know, I get stuck on this question.
It's like, like you said,
what's going to happen to these people,
even if the ceasefire stopped killing people,
which, you know, like you said,
there are still people dying.
Like, we need something so dramatic.
And it shouldn't be the case
that the rest of the world steps in
to pay for Israel's crimes, you know,
Like, anyway, that's a whole other issue.
But I want to highlight some of the work that you have been doing for the Arab Center, Washington in particular.
And I'll put all of these in the show notes as well.
But you wrote a piece for the Arab Center, Washington about medical evacuation and that Israel is controlling this process and using it as a tool of war.
So could you break down this argument for us and describe it to listeners who may not be as familiar?
Yeah, absolutely.
So due to the blockade in Gaza, we're talking the pre-examination.
2023 blockade, as well as the import restrictions in the West Bank that have kind of put a ceiling
on what the local health systems are able to do. So certain medical equipment is banned by Israel
from entering Gaza or the West Bank. And so for decades, there has been a medical permit system
that Palestinians have to apply to a permit, apply to Israel, mind you, receive permission
from Kogat, paid for by the Palestinian Authority. So Israel is not a
not paying for these medical evacuations. And they would leave the West Bank or Gaza to receive care,
usually in East Jerusalem, sometimes in Israel, sometimes in neighboring countries like Jordan and Egypt.
As of October 7th, Israel essentially closed that process that had existed. And this was an already
broken process, and I could talk to you all day about that process before even all of the current situation.
But what has happened is Israel is really tightly constricting who is able to leave the Gaza Strip,
even to go to the West Bank, which is both occupied Palestinian territory, to receive the medical care that they need.
I was just at an event last week where the CEO of Augusta Victoria Hospital,
which is one of the main hospitals in the East Jerusalem Hospital Network,
which is where many Palestinians go, especially for cancer care,
he said he hasn't seen a single patient from Gaza since October 7th. The World Health Organization has a list of, again, approximately 20,000 cases of people that need to leave to receive care. And aside from the fact that Israel is often delaying approval of these permits, and anyone listening knows, when you have a health issue, you don't have infinite time. They're usually time sensitive, especially if you're dealing with something like cancer or pregnancy, obviously very time sensitive.
If you delay, you're going to need more care, greater care, and your prognosis is just worse.
You're much more likely if you do have cancer.
Wouldn't we rather treat it when you're stage one than when you're stage four and you're
finally able to get the permit?
So we are seeing people dying while waiting for these permits.
We have heard reports that for some people who did manage to leave Gaza to receive care,
that they were being forced to sign forms that would basically not allow them back into
Gaza. So yes, we will let you leave to get the care you need, but you can't return. And we're just
seeing a blockage of this system. So there have been countries that have been willing to pay for
and take these medical evacuees. But even in some of these recipient countries, we're talking
dozens of cases, maybe hundreds in a few. We need thousands of cases here. And also at the same time,
we need to think about what rebuilding the health system in Gaza looks like. So we don't need to engage
in this medical permit system as broadly. Now that, I don't think we'll see that anytime soon.
So Israel uses its control of the territories to affect health conditions inside, not just the health
system, but also, as I said, sewage, lack of electricity, lack of nutritious food. Then it controls
the process that Palestinians have to use to leave to get care, even if it is not Israel
where they are going to get the care, even if Egypt is willing to accept them, or Italy is willing
to accept them or the UAE or whoever, ultimately this is an Israel permit process. And this has been a
situation, again, since especially the blockade started in 2006 in Gaza. And we have long argued
that this is unjust, but to put someone's health in the hands of an occupying power. And what we saw
over the years was not just denials going up of the need for these permits, but delays such that
people are missing appointments, people are not getting timely care, and people are dying while
waiting for services. So this has long been a really unjust process, and now we're kind of seeing
the inevitable outcome of not challenging that process, the impunity that Israel has had in controlling
basically every aspect of Palestinian health. And now we have people who are dying while waiting
for chemotherapy. It's really inhumane. I think, at least some of us who like, you know, follow this more
closely. At this point, it's like ridiculous how accustomed we have become to the news item that
says, this person died at a checkpoint waiting to go to the hospital. But this is this on a massive
scale. It's truly dystopian, the degree to which Palestinians have no control over any part of
their lives. It's heartbreaking and dystopian. Also in December, you wrote about how Israel suspended
37 humanitarian groups, including the Norwegian Refugee Council, the IRC, and these groups provided
more than half of Gaza's food assistance and supported the hospitals as well, if I understand correctly.
So what justification did Israel give for suspending these humanitarian groups and what is really
going on here? So Israel has used the same justification that it has used basically for every
restriction that it has placed on Palestinian life, which is this kind of blanket, unquestionable,
100% urgent, necessary security needs. So all of this, the checkpoints, the permit system,
the incarceration of Palestinians, the, I mean, all of it. This whole system is justified by Israel,
again, and its allies as this kind of, we need this for security. And so we have seen that
with humanitarian organizations as well. Now, I won't get too into the preamble of this,
But even before this new registration rules for humanitarian organizations, Israel has been working very hard to whittle away the power and access that humanitarian organizations have, perhaps most notably to your audience in Unruwa, which it has been discrediting, delegitimizing for decades.
And because, you know, Unrua is for all its flaws, an organization that does recognize the rights of Palestinians to return to their homeland.
And so Israel kind of, you know, placed all these accusations on Unrua that members were
aligned, you know, aligned with October 7th or participated in October 7th.
It caused a lot of countries to cut funding.
Now, independent investigations have since found that, of course, these accusations were
completely unfounded in most cases.
And at the very least, did not justify kind of dismantling the entire organization.
but as it has happened many times,
nothing really was done.
I mean, this kind of happens.
People say, well, gee, that's not fair.
And then everyone just kind of moves on.
So the inevitable has happened, which is now Israel,
again, an occupying power,
which is not in debate, according to international law,
is trying to impose new restrictions
on humanitarian organizations who are working,
particularly in the Gaza Strip.
And part of what they are requiring
is the name and address of,
every local worker that works at these agencies.
Now, let's think for two seconds about why these agencies may not want to engage in that.
Humanitarian and health workers have been killed in their homes by bombs with their families there.
Aid convoys that have been clearly marked.
Probably your audience is very familiar with the World Central Kitchen Convoy
and that kind of infamous image of this van with the logo on it with a bomb right next to it.
And so many of these organizations said, we're not going to be able to do that.
We're not going to do that.
But essentially, you're asking us to give you all the personal information of our staff.
Now, Israel had initially said, if you don't comply with these by March, at the time that I wrote that piece, then they would be deregistered.
We've since seen many organizations come out and say that they would not participate.
Some have.
So we have seen some compliance by some organizations.
And of course, their argument is always, well, we need access, and this is what we have to do for
the access.
So we have seen some delays in Israel's courts as to actual implementation of this.
And organizations like Unrua and others that have a heavy local Palestinian staff presence on the
ground, they don't need internationals to get entry permits, which Israel is blocking.
And we've seen this increase in recent months, basically foreigners of all types, including foreign
ministers who are trying to enter the West Bank, let alone Gaza, are being turned away. But we have
seen those organizations are still functional to some level. But I have heard whispers and, you know,
people are very, very concerned about what this means for the future of these organizations as it
relates to their work with Palestinians. Local staff need to be paid. They need to be sure that
they're safe. They need to have the equipment and resources that they need to help people. And so, again,
Israel creates rules and then basically says you have to submit to these rules or you won't be
able to do what you need to do, what you're tasked to do, and what you had previously been
permitted to do. Again, the rules themselves are unquestioned. Again, we saw some condemnations
of this, but primarily from the humanitarian organizations themselves, we saw quite a strong
statement early on signed by many of them that said, this is completely unacceptable. But
unfortunately, the global powers and the funders of these organizations have not meaningfully
pushed back on this. Now, we're seeing a lot of upheaval, and I won't go too much into this,
in the Israeli Supreme Court. And of course, Israel has elections coming up. So a lot of these
processes have been kind of delayed and put on hold. So we're really interested to say the least
as to how a lot of this unfolds after Israel's elections. Correct me if I'm wrong with this,
because obviously this is not my area of expertise,
but I was at a meeting with the Commissioner General of Honor Ra recently.
I mean, before I asked the question,
also tell the listeners without bearing the lead,
the reason they want to dismantle Honorua is because it keeps alive,
or they think it keeps alive this issue of the right of return,
as if that is a right that can disappear if Onerwa disappears.
Now, that said,
Honorwa has been under attack,
and like you said, they've attempted to dismantle it in a variety of ways.
But based on what I heard,
at that meeting, Onerwa does comply with the state of Israel.
Honorua does provide lists and fires people based on Israeli suspicions.
And at least this is what I got out of that meeting.
Maybe I misunderstood the degree of coordination.
Yes.
So we could have a whole other episode, right, about critiqued.
About Anurwa.
Yeah.
And that would be a whole interesting conversation.
But Anurwa has rightfully so been critiqued by Palestinians.
So when you look at camps and they're really underdeveloped, overcrowded, very, you know, dusty, very thin streets.
And then you look at the Unrua school, big, shiny, the foreign staff that are coming in to overlook these schools and hospitals are paid much higher salaries than the Palestinian staff.
There's a whole host of arguments about Unrua.
And it's important to remember that when Unrua kind of was founded in the late 1940s to deal with this new and,
expectedly short-term Palestinian refugee problem. At the same time, there was another, you know,
kind of strain that was meant to deal with the political side. So Udurwa was never meant to be a political
actor. It was only meant to kind of provide relief in these new camps that had sprung up
that went from tents to buildings to basically towns. And so in some ways, they are critiqued
for something that is not their mandate. They are a relief organization. And so as long as Palestinian
refugees need relief, their argument is, we're going to give the relief, someone else needs to
work out the political side. And we can argue about how that relief and how humanitarian ecosystem as a
whole has kind of enabled Israel's actions and made it so that Israel does not have to comply with
its obligations as an occupying power to provide food, to provide medicine, to not transfer
populations, for example, from occupied territory to Israeli jails. We can have a conversation about that.
And Unruwa is very publicly, I would say, conservative when it comes to critiquing the Israeli government.
So when you look at recent statements from organizations like Oxfam or even MSF, which typically really prioritize neutrality, even they have been really willing to say now, you know, they've used words like genocide.
This is ridiculous.
Yes, this is ridiculous.
This is a complete affront to the entire infrastructure of humanitarianism as we developed it after World War II.
UNRWA is much more conservative with its statements. And again, it claims that its priority is access.
It is the biggest service provider for health and education in the Gaza Strip. And it is one of the biggest in the West Bank. So, you know, it's this kind of catch-22 that the Palestinians that depend on those services are in.
Now, as far as I know, because UNRWA is in the UN system, their argument is that they do not have to be subject to the same restrictions that Israel would place on non-U.N.
humanitarian organizations. And recently we've seen other Israeli activities, such as they bulldoze
the Unrua headquarters in East Jerusalem. Like they are trying both bureaucratically, administratively,
and physically to kind of remove this entity. But as far as I know, and things change very quickly
on this, they did not comply with the new registration details. That said, they did really internalize
these accusations that Israel had levied against them after October 7th. They did fire some staff.
They, in the opinion of many, did not forcefully defend their staff as much as they could have.
And when you talk to people that work with or work in Unrua, again, they say, we are just trying to get through this period and maintain as much of an infrastructure as we can.
And they have been through ups and downs before.
I don't know if they've been through downs that are this down at any point.
You know, the past, especially since the first Trump administration, we've seen really targeted attacks against Unrua, which the Biden administration continued.
But yes, it is undoubtedly, Unrua is not as vocal in terms of defending its staff, in terms of making political proclamations, in terms of, you know, just what we would kind of hope that one of the primary actors that is tasked with protecting a very vulnerable population would do.
I mean, defending its own mandate.
Right. Defending its own mandate.
Right. To provide relief.
And it's kind of constantly, and so much of the international community is kind of constantly
playing by Israel's rules.
Israel makes an accusation, makes a rule.
And instead of being like that accusation is insane or this rule is based in nothing,
people just start arguing about, well, how can we get against that rule or how do we
defend against that accusation?
And this has been the playbook for a really long time.
I think Unrua has not been very effective.
in defending against that.
Again, I think they would probably argue
that's not what we're supposed to do.
There's supposed to be political entities
that defend against that.
And we have seen some of the funders
that pulled funding initially
after October 7th have reinstated funding.
That said, Unrua is in a very precarious position.
And I and others are really interested
in seeing in five years,
what will Unrua look like?
Will it be an organization kind of in name only?
you know, there's so much uncertainty, I think, coming up, and they're a huge part of that.
Because if their services go, we suddenly have hundreds of thousands of people with no school,
no hospital, no clinics, and a lot of Palestinians that work for UNRWA with no jobs and no salary
and to contribute to the already insane unemployment rate and, you know, kind of economic doom spiral
that the West Bank and Gaza are in right now. So it's a really complicated, nuanced issue.
And there's just so much uncertainty. I couldn't even begin to speculate on what comes next.
Yeah, like you said, there's so much to talk about on that topic and on Gaza as a whole.
I just felt like despite how much they comply, you know, there's no winning.
No winning. That's it. Yeah. That's the main takeaway.
Yeah, Israel isn't trying to cooperate, obviously. Like, right. Yeah. So let's move on to the West Bank now.
Sure. I've talked in a recent episode about how the West Bank is being ethnically cleansed.
So listeners can refer to that episode if they want more info.
But in July, you wrote for the Arab Center, Washington,
about specifically the use of sexual violence in both territories.
But since we're talking about the West Bank,
how is sexual violence being used in the West Bank right now?
How is it being used and by whom?
And what is it accomplishing?
Yeah, this is a tough topic, you know?
And that was a really tough piece to write just because I think part of what we
as kind of Palestine-focused scholars or people, even just observers of the situation,
there are just so many pieces and mechanisms of displacement and ethnic cleansing utilized by Israel.
So my primary lens that I used to look at that is degradation, de-development,
and destruction of the health system.
But I think, you know, what we've seen, especially since October 7th and all of these accounts
that are coming out of Israeli prisons, is that sexual violence is wielded as,
as a tool of essentially abuse and torture,
primarily of Palestinian prisoners.
Now, as early as the Nekba,
there were reports in villages
that were being kind of raided by Zionist militias
of sexual violence of women and girls
as a way to kind of show power.
I mean, that's really the core of sexual violence.
It is a way to show power.
It is a way to induce powerlessness.
It is a way to say,
I can do this to you,
and there's nothing you can do about it.
and I'm going to do it publicly.
And so there are many reports from the Nekba and the years afterwards that indicated that
sexual violence was being used.
And then the women, in some cases, were being paraded around Jerusalem as kind of a warning to other
Palestinians.
So it's been a part of this ecosystem, you know, for almost a century.
So what we've seen lately is many Palestinian prisoners, male and female, have reported sexual
violence under Israeli guards. There have been, in fact, there was, I'm sure your audience is familiar
with that famous video from, I believe, the State Timon prison of a Palestinian male prisoner who was
being sexually assaulted. He needed medical care for his injuries. And there has been many
reports that along with other forms of torture and medical neglect, so lack of clean food,
lack of showers, lack of bathrooms, lack of care for medical needs, that sexual abuse,
and violence have been used against Palestinian prisoners. This includes stripping people publicly,
including women. This includes sexual assault in some cases. Sometimes it includes threatening sexual
assault upon people's families that are back home if they don't collaborate or cooperate
or give information. You know, it's all used as a form of torture. And this is a very
difficult issue to discuss throughout the Middle East. We have unfortunately very little good
comprehensive data on incidents of sexual violence and assault. Much of this comes from firsthand
testimonies of those who have experienced it. But there has been an undeniable increase in those
reports. I mean, Israel has imprisoned thousands of Palestinians just since October 7th, many of whom
no charge, you know, kind of under administrative detention. And there is no access.
to these prisoners by the Red Cross or others.
Sometimes they won't even allow their lawyers or their families to talk to them.
So all of this is kind of happening in secret.
And it's those lucky prisoners who are released or have some contact with the outside world
that are able to kind of tell people what is happening.
And so we've seen this increased brazenness with Israeli soldiers.
They are kind of even boasting about their crimes online, posting videos, posting pictures,
posting what they see as kind of funny stories
about how they're treating Palestinian prisoners.
And we're seeing sexual violence reported by them as well.
So it's not just the prisoners reporting this.
The perpetrators are also saying,
yeah, we're doing this.
No one can do anything.
I think much of that has gotten lost
in the conversation of what's happened to Palestinians
because, you know, there's so much overt things happening,
you know, the destruction of Gaza, the genocide,
the settler violence throughout the West
bank. But the settler violence has also taken a tone of including sexual violence and abuse. There was
this story that I recount in the piece of a man who was sexually assaulted by settlers, then kind of
paraded through his own village. So we are seeing this kind of tool of domination utilized more brazenly,
more openly, more explicitly by both primarily Israeli prison guards and Israeli settlers. And again,
the incentive structure is that you can do this and nothing is going to happen to you.
And so in that kind of bubble of impunity, as we've warned about, and many scholars have warned
about and many observers and many Palestinians, the more you let them get away with crimes,
even documented crimes, the more they are going to perpetuate these crimes and escalate
when we're in the escalation phase right now.
Yeah, there's this dynamic of like also even the threat of sexual violence is pushing Palestinian families to leave because they're worried about their children.
They're worried about their.
Exactly.
So, yeah.
It's really interesting because settler violence, you know, it can come in several forms.
It can be very explicit.
They attack or threaten you.
They attack your car.
They kill your livestock.
They burn your fields.
They, you know, spread garbage on your crop.
quarter. There's a million mechanisms. And what we're seeing lately is that added to that list is either
sexual violence or, as you said, the threat of sexual violence. And in that piece, I recount how some
families said that was the line for us. We were willing to stay. We were going to stay. We could deal with
the physical attacks. But once it got to the point where I could no longer sleep because I was,
I felt feared for my mother or my daughter or my sister or, you know, people in my family at
risk of this sexual violence that was threatened, we have to go. And so you can see how it is a tool
of the ethnic cleansing that you pointed out because it is a way to, without actually even doing,
you know, enacting the violence, you can force people to leave their homes. And what happens after
people leave their homes is settlers immediately take over that land. And we've seen that happen over and
over again. Yeah. And it's not, it's not an empty threat because, like you said, they get away with
it. So if they did enact the violence, so like these Pasoenian families are making rational choices.
Rational choices, exactly. Yeah. It's just such a hard topic. Yeah, it is. And just to know,
we've barely even scratched the surface because so we know that because of, you know, religious and
cultural context, many people who experience this are simply too ashamed, to shame. To shame.
They certainly won't report to a researcher or even a field worker, even if they're a local
Palestinian and this happened to them. So undoubtedly, this is happening to people and not being
reported at a much wider scale than these publicly reported stories. Yeah, absolutely. I always think
also like first of interfalda, second interfaula, like sexual violence was used and they weaponized
that shame. They weaponized that secrecy. Right. And now we're just seeing it at such a scale that there
are some brave people who are ringing it to our attention. That's a great point. It's become so
unavoidable and overt that people are even willing to kind of overlook or overcome that shame and stigma
because I think one thing that Palestinians have been trying to say forever is look what they're
doing to us. Please just look. At least acknowledge that you see that it's happening. And there's
been a million instances of that and a million different, you know, ways that Palestinians have
tried to tell their story. And this is now, unfortunately, an horrific part of that story.
Finally for the publication current history. Yeah. And an essay titled, When Health is the
target, violence restriction, and neglect in Palestine, you examine the systematic degradation
of the healthcare infrastructure that's long been used, as we've been saying, like, as a political
and military tool against Palestinians. And you describe a lot of the tactics we just talked
about. But could you explain to us specifically in this last part what de-development means and how
Israel is pursuing that goal? Yes, definitely. And so de-development is kind of been, especially as it
refers to specifically Palestinians, especially in the Gaza Strip, was a term coined by political
economist Sarah Roy, which described not an underdevelopment, which you would see with, you know,
lack of money, lack of financial ability to build better things, to do more, but an active
de-development, which basically placed a ceiling on the level of development that Palestinians had.
So it wasn't suddenly about how much aid was coming in or how educated Palestinians are.
Do you have the specialists that can do this or that? Do you have college educated people?
As we know, Palestinians are among the most educated populations in the Middle East.
Lack of skill was never an issue. But through primary,
primarily this system of movement restrictions, import restrictions, preventing the movement of people
in and out of Palestinian territory, Israel has been able to de-develop. First, Dr. Roy referred to this
in the Palestinian economy. So Palestinians used to have a, you know, it was a small territory,
but a relatively important role in, you know, importing olives and olive oil and all of soap.
Gaza had its strawberries. You know, Yaffa had its oranges. It was a,
country, it was a place, I suppose, that was active in terms of a global market.
And through first the Nekba and the establishment of the state of Israel, but especially through
the occupation, and then, of course, through the economic restrictions of Oslo, Israel has been
able to essentially, with a metaphorical dial, control how the Palestinian economy could grow.
and by preventing, you know, collecting taxes, withholding taxes, preventing import of goods.
So, you know, you want to be an entrepreneur.
How are you going to import the goods that you're going to sell?
How are you going to export the goods that you create?
And we started seeing this across sectors, the agricultural sector.
Palestinians couldn't import the fertilizer and the seeds that they needed.
They were, you know, the land was getting smaller and smaller.
So what we're seeing in the Palestinian health care system,
is this same de-development phenomenon.
How it's enacted in the health sector is in a multitude of ways.
So they prevent literal building materials from entering the territories, particularly Gaza.
I mean, we're talking cement.
We're talking wires, pipes.
They prevent import of those materials that would build the infrastructure that we need.
But of course, infrastructure is not all the health system needs.
You need educated staff and providers.
They have limited the types, especially in the Gaza Strip of specialties that medical schools can teach because they simply don't have the equipment or they don't have the staff.
Then they prevent Palestinians from being able to leave to get that training and then return to the Gaza Strip.
So part of what has been so horrific to witness in Gaza is not just the killing of health workers, but so many of them who had experienced, who were specialists, who had gotten training in Switzerland or Saudi Arabia,
or somewhere, come back to Gaza.
Now what we're seeing in Gaza is of the remaining health care system.
A lot of it is new graduates or trainees.
You have lost decades upon decades of experience of wisdom,
heads of departments, deans of medical schools,
you know, these people that kind of had the infrastructural knowledge and know-how
and knew how to make things work and knew how to connect people together.
You strip all that away.
You have a quote-unquote health system,
but it's very limited in what it can do.
In the Gaza Strip, you had limitations on import of pet scanners and CT scanners because of the argument that Hamas could use materials from that equipment to dot dot security risk, right? Don't ask questions. We've seen limited amount of import in the West Bank. In the West Bank, we also see destruction of ambulances, attacks on paramedics. Paramedics of the Palestinian Red Crescent are now wearing bulletproof vests. We're seeing, as you noted, ambulances and other people stopped at Chenex.
There have been hundreds of births by birthing mothers at checkpoints who are on their way to the hospital.
I include, as part of the de-development of the health sector, the kind of environmental degradation.
So health includes your ability to eat good, nutritious, clean food.
It includes your ability to drink water.
You know, the West Bank is under significant water restrictions at all times, essentially.
And in the Gaza Strip, there's very little clean water, even prior to the genocide.
It's something like 95% of the water was non-potable and had to go through different treatment facilities.
You know, sewage in the streets, lack of public services.
I mean, I could really go on and on.
So through its system of deprivation and restriction, Israel has essentially created a healthcare system that is never operating at 100%.
So even when the WHO talks about fully functional Palestinian hospitals, there was still so much they could not do.
that their colleagues in Jordan or Lebanon or Syria or any other country, even in the region,
can do simply because they can get the tools, they can get the specialists, they can get the
skills. It's not a matter of, again, more money. We don't need more humanitarian agencies on the
ground. It's Israeli restrictions that are purposefully kind of creating this environment where
there is a ceiling to how well the health system can do. And so the kind of pressure valve for that was
the medical permits. So a huge part of the Palestinian Authority's budget towards the health ministry
was paying for Palestinians to leave Palestine and in some cases get care in Israel. So, I mean,
think about the logic of that. You have a struggling health system and sometimes your best option
for patients is to pay your occupier. Exactly. Pay the occupying power or pay the Jordanians.
You know, Jordan has an entire corridor for Palestinian patients.
because it takes so many of them.
Similar, Egypt has specific hospitals
that are well known for taking Palestinian patients.
Much of the East Jerusalem Hospital Network,
which used to be the heart,
the beating heart of the Palestinian healthcare system,
was severed from the West Bank,
especially after the second intifada.
And now Palestinians, even that live in Ramallah,
or Bethlehem that are, what, 45 minutes away,
it takes weeks or months of waiting to get a permit.
And then it's not just you that needs a permit.
let's say you're sick.
Maybe you want your partner to come with you,
or maybe you want your mother to come with you,
or maybe your child is sick,
and they need you, of course, to come with you.
Israel also controls the companion permits,
and sometimes that is an entirely separate process,
and then you need a permit for every visit.
So there is not a single aspect of health care,
whether it's in a Palestinian hospital,
in Palestinian territory, broadly speaking,
or needing to leave Palestine
to get care somewhere else
that Israel has not actively dened,
developed through deprivation and restriction. And so that is what we talk about when we say,
it's not just, oh, this is a war-torn country. And if only they had more aid, if only they had
more this and that, things would be better. No, this is a artificial situation policy created by
the Israeli state. And I mean, I guess fortunately for us, they've only become more explicit about
saying what their goals are, which is this, what they're calling voluntary immigration,
but is essentially kicking Palestinians out of the land so that they can take it.
And they have utilized every sector, education, agriculture, economy, and health to enact that goal.
And by, you know, public surveys and by what we're seeing, it is successful.
There have been hundreds of villages ethnically cleansed in the West Bank in just the past few years.
More than, what, 60% of the Gaza Strip is now basically inaccessible to people in Gaza.
and we have seen polls of younger Palestinians who are saying,
I can't do this.
I can't live here anymore.
If an opportunity comes for me to go somewhere else,
to study somewhere else, to get a job somewhere else,
I'm going to take it.
And this is the voluntary, quote-unquote, immigration
that the Israeli authorities are talking about,
making life so difficult such that anything you need is a challenge.
Every journey when you leave your house is a question,
will I come home? How long will it take? You know, my son wants to go to a wedding in a neighboring village. What will
happen to him? I'm having, you know, cramping while I'm pregnant. Should I go to the hospital and risk it or should
I just stay home and see what happens? I mean, just think about like the daily stress and decision.
The grind. It's unimaginable. And, you know, I haven't even talked about mental health yet with you.
I know. I mean, that's a whole other aspect of this. We need you back on a different episode, just like talk through like every
single aspect of this because it's like, I am Palestinian. I was born in Columbia Hospital.
Like, I lived there. Yeah. And I still can't fathom how bad it has gotten. Yeah.
I don't understand how people are living. I don't understand they've been under attack to this level.
Yeah, I will say, you know, my family is primarily in the north, in and around Nabilis. And I mean,
some of the elders in my family, you know, they, and I've said this many times lately, they lived through 67. They
remember the jets flying over the village. They lived through the first Intifada. They lived through
Oslo. They lived through the second Intifada. Without exception, they are reporting that now is the worst
I can remember. And for the first time, because as you know, it's like a very Palestinian, you know,
Samud, right? I will rather stay and die on this land than go somewhere else. That is like such a
rally and cry, yeah, cultural sanctity I'd grow up with. But for the first time,
saying, I don't know if we can expect the next generations to do what we did. No one's getting paid.
And if you are getting paid, there's very little to buy. And if you can buy something, you worry about going to the store.
I mean, it's every level of life. And imagine raising a child, trying to go to work. And, you know, the settlers, just the knowledge that they are out there.
People are so terrified of going anywhere. I mean, not even leaving the village or the town, leaving your house.
live near a settlement, leaving your house is a threat. Yeah. And they'll come to your house too.
Like, don't worry about it. You stay in your house, they'll also come. Right. Yeah, it's very bleak.
I apologize that we ended on such a bleak note, but this is really the reality facing Palestinians.
No, it's important. Yeah. And I really appreciate your time breaking all this down for us,
that this is such a crisis on so many levels. But yes, like health, like human health and
the human condition is so under attack in both territories. But thank you so much, Yaddo, for your time.
I really appreciate it. No, thank you for having me and for asking, you know, I think such
detailed questions so that we can, I mean, I feel like we barely scratched the surface,
but hopefully your audience has a good look at just how holistic and comprehensive the current
emergency is. You know, this is, we're past the point of, is this a humanitarian crisis? What is
a political solution. This is an existential crisis for Palestinians at this point. And what happens
in the next few years will, I think, really determine what happens to us as a people.
Yeah. I agree and hope that it isn't too late. Yeah. Thank you again. Thank you for having me.
Radio experience. Carly Pierce, live at the Opera House, October 16th.
Win your way in to the exclusive IHeart Radio Soundcheck Party. And it's a
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I'm Melissa Jeltson, and in my new podcast,
What Happened to Her, I'm bringing you new stories and conversations every week.
Stories about women whose deaths were too quickly ruled a suicide.
She was starting to get worried and get scared for her safety.
Stories of survival.
The only difference between me and her, frankly, was a little bit of luck.
Because by all rights, I should be dead.
Cases that everyone else called closed.
They can't convict her, right?
Like, she has so much evidence.
These stories all start in the same place,
with a woman failed by a system that didn't believe her,
that didn't protect her, that didn't see.
her. No child should ever experience that. And we were babies. She did all of these brave things and
came out and spoke about it and he got a year. I never know who that devil is because he's wearing
disguise. Sometimes it's a police uniform. Listen to what happened to her on the Iheart radio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. I'm Hamza. And I'm Martin. And we're the host of
Out of Character. It's a podcast. I know there's a lot of them going around. But why should you
listen to ours. Well, we're only the best podcast in the entire world. And we talk about pretty much
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drama in music worlds. Yes, sometimes we even talk about just everyday mundane situations in our
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Or we'll talk about the Med Gala and the looks that they wore. Are they awesome? Are they trendy? Come find
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together and connect so what are you waiting for come connect with us listen out of character from will
feral's big money players network on the i heart radio app apple pods or wherever you get your podcasts
didn't catch the latest roland martin unfiltered podcast here's what you missed and the argument is
do you want to win if you don't win you have no power it's real those are the very people
I always say vote against their own economic interest
and they complained about the very thing they're receiving.
It's raw.
I knew that the issue of transgender athletes
was not going well with a lot of black men.
Roland Martin unfiltered.
I went off, I said, this is exactly what I'm talking about.
Y'all going to scream at Chanel,
but you don't want to see a black luxury company in the same vein.
Catch Roland Martin's daily commentary on the Black Information Network.
seats, those are moving south.
So if you Democrats, you don't wait to 2030,
you better be hitting the ground going hard in the south now.
And download Roland Martin Unfiltered on the IHart Radio app, Apple Podcasts.
Wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm former U.S. Women's National Soccer team player, Carly Lloyd.
I'm Fox Sports Reporter Jenny Taft.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes,
we're talking motherhood, marriages, careers,
and figuring out how to balance it all.
And we'll discuss the game that brought us together.
because nothing is off limits.
Do you remember your initial reaction
when Fox called you to be a part of the World Cup?
I was like, no, I don't want to do it.
You said no?
I played with players that didn't,
I don't think that they really truly love the game.
I found the love with the ball at my foot.
But in my head, it was the long game.
It was like, I don't care what I'm being asked to do at Fox.
I'm going to go get some reps,
and I'm going to learn it and love it and embrace it.
He said, this group of people will never be in the same room as part of the same team ever again in your life.
And it is your job to make sure that you enjoy the moment.
You're proud of what you accomplish together.
Listen to whatever it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
This is It Could Happen Here, Executive Disorder.
Our weekly newscast covering what's happening in the White House, the crumbling world, and what this means for you.
I'm Garrison Davis.
Today I'm joined by Robert Evans, James Stout, and Mia Wong.
The whole gang back together.
This episode, we are covering the week of September 30th to October 7th.
James, I think you can take it away with your barrage of news.
All right.
So, yeah, we've got a lot of small things this week.
Another person has died in ICE custody, making this the deadliest year on record,
with 37 reported deaths so far.
Of course, it's only October.
Yeah, like, we're entering the final quarter of the year, like this week.
Julian Kuro Churata died in Louisiana.
After being transported from the Richwood Correctional Center,
the ritual correctional center has a long and dark history of neglect
and even homicide of linked to an article about that in the show notes.
This week, the president suggested in a rally that it would be acceptable for him
to allow Iran to bomb San Diego and Los Angeles.
A small price to pay.
Yeah, I remain neutral on the issue of Los Angeles, but we're not having that in San Diego.
He's not so much remarkable.
He always says crazy shit, right?
His rallies, he just goes on a wild one.
But, like, what's remarkable, I think, is a response to the administration?
It is itself a kind of interesting thing for a president to say.
It is a remarkable choice in the month before an election.
It's a little bit high.
It's a small price to pay for keeping the world safe, keeping our country safe.
They can take out a city.
Let him take...
Let him take out Los Angeles.
Let him take out San Diego.
That's, this is a very price to pay.
The cheering is what's also very interesting.
I'm looking at the faces of the people immediately behind him.
They're turning to each other.
Yeah, they all look a little confused.
I'm going to read a post from Rapid Response 47.
It's one of the White House-associated Twitter accounts.
The LA Times had said that, like, the Trump had suggested it would be okay to take out
Los Angeles or San Diego because that is,
of Fraser. He said, quote, no, he didn't, you buffoons. He was saying the US is fighting to stop
Iran from having the ability to take out LA and San Diego with a nuclear weapon, which they would
if they had the chance. That's not true. That's just not what Trump said. That's just very clearly,
and this isn't, you know, this isn't taken out of context. He was, he was saying that if Iran
nuked Los Angeles or San Diego, that would be a small price to pay for us to beat Iran,
for us to then, you know, like destroy Iran.
That's what he's saying.
He was previously talking about gas prices.
Yes, there's no other context.
Like, he was saying it would be awesome
if this liberal city was wiped off the face of the earth
because it would let us do what we're going to do already.
We also have, like, most of the Pacific Fleet,
a massive Marine Corps base, fucking nuclear submarines.
Like, it would be very inconvenient for the States
and we lost San Diego.
But, yeah, there's this line in 1984.
The party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears.
It was their final most essential command.
didn't, you buffoons?
Yeah, people love to be fucking wrong about George Orwell.
It is the bane of my existence.
This is an excellent time to be quoting in 1984 by George Orwell, because this is the kind
of shit it is about.
Moving on.
A lawsuit in Texas has stopped the border wall construction, not just in Big Bend National Park,
but also in the region at large.
Oh, wow.
Yeah, yeah.
People seem a little confused about the implications it is.
Border War construction is still ongoing in other places.
There are other areas where there are still waivers for land,
protections, which they're still using. And I think it's worth noting that the ultimate victory
is a temporary pause in the wall, right? The ultimate victory is the wall comes down and the
land is restored as best it can be. Like this wall is still doing damage to construction,
has still done damage. And I think sometimes people get a little lost in a source, but it's still
a good thing. United States troops have completed their withdrawal from Iraq, leaving the Kurdistan region
of Iraq, especially vulnerable without the air defense that it's relied on so heavily.
since February there have been a thousand
drone and missile
attacks on Kurdistan. Following this
withdrawal, there was an I-Islamic state
attack in Kerkuk last night.
It looks like they attacked a PMF
position and killed one person, but they
already claimed responsibility for destroying
a thermal camera.
Can you storm with the PMFs? Yeah, a
popular mobilization forces like
militia that was mobilized to fight the Islamic
state. Right. In the
fighting against ISIS and Mosul, you had
like two primary, like, non-state militias.
There was the Peshmerger, which is like the Kurdish militias from the north.
And then you had the popular mobilization forces, which were the Iranian-backed guys.
And the dudes you wanted to avoid when you were there, to be honest.
They were not the least trustworthy of the Iraqi state forces.
Some of those guys run a wild one.
Yeah.
And remain on a wild one to this day in some cases.
Yeah.
Oh, boy.
I know Iraq is supposed to be doing some sort of regularization there, but they keep pushing
about the deadline is that.
It's a big ask.
It is.
Yeah, that's a lot of people with guns
who don't want to come back.
Well, and the Iraqi state
has never, in its modern incarnation,
managed a functional military
without huge numbers of like non-state
but state-aligned militias.
And so it's just a massive change
for them to make.
Yeah, right?
The monopoly they have a legitimate violence
is very tenuous at all, right?
Like, it's just not the way that it is in the US.
It's certainly not a monopoly.
The Iraqi state is like the Microsoft of having like a legitimate.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
It's like an oligopoly.
There's like an apple out there.
There's an Android.
Yeah, you've got Samsung.
Up in Kurdistan.
Yeah, yeah.
That's a good analogy.
Yeah.
I want to move to Spain, right?
It's been a huge series of protests in Spain following the eviction of an 87-year-old woman
named Maria del Carmen Abascal.
She's known as Marie Carmen.
It's pretty common to contract your name.
Yeah.
People began occupying the Puerta del Sol in Madrid.
Many of you'll remember this as one of the very early seeds of the Occupy movement, right?
Or of the movement that became known as the Occupy Movement.
Pedro Sanchez attempted to pass a reform package,
but he ran up against right-wing opposition in Parliament,
which he then dissolved and called a snap general election.
He has now proposed a new set of steps,
which would need to be ratified by an interim legislature
because Parliament has been dissolved, right?
in Barcelona over the weekend
there were huge protests
cops ordered people at the street
the protestors in Gracia where I used to live
filled the streets with burning trash
and threw stuff at the cops instead of leaving
you love to see it
it's so funny to me that like I can picture
the exact street that it's being filled with burning trash
because I have been there several times
where that has been happening
the circle of life continues
on the Rambler people use construction materials
to try and hold like arguably one of the most iconic
boulevards on the planet.
It's ironic. This is happening
90 years and a couple of months
after Catalan workers
fought the country's army
and defeated it in the same streets.
Moving on to Crocodile News.
Florida Crocodale. Did you guys know they have
crocodiles in Florida? No.
Are you sure?
Are you sure? I've heard from Florida
men and their allies
on this one. It does seem they have crocodiles.
James, I, I have heard.
We've all heard from the Floridians.
Yeah, thank you.
And let's put people in quotation marks there.
We're talking Florida.
Hey, okay, the Floridian and transgenderes are cool.
I'm not talking about that.
I'm talking about people from the northern part of Florida.
Yeah, the Florida, Georgia.
People in quotation marks.
Well, unfortunately, there is one less crocodile in Florida now.
Yeah.
Crocodile has been found dead from lead poisoning.
It got into a pool, and it's done.
decided behaving weirdly and had this kind of foul-smelling, I think, like, vomit.
And then they got it back into a canal, and then they found it dead the next day.
Did an autopsy, and it had a bunch of lead in its stomach, 23 air rifle pellets, and a fishing sinker.
This is important because, like, this is a policy issue, right?
Like, specifically the use of lead projectiles for hunting is something that's been prohibited in California and in, like, condor.
I don't think it's prohibited in condor region.
I think it is prohibited in Condor parts of Arizona,
but it's also like a voluntary program
where they'll pay for you to have copper monolithic ammunition.
And there's been a whole lot of pushback on this recently.
In Florida, I know a lot of people hunt iguanas with air rifles,
but like this is a very direct causal relationship
that we can point to from like lead to dead animal.
I don't know how commonplace this is,
but I thought it was interesting as a relatively rarer species.
I do want to get into depth on this on natural causes,
but I'm going to find some people to interview
so it can be clear on where the side stands on that.
Finally, in the straight of Hormuz, Hormuz news,
Iran is once again attacking ships
with anti-ship cruise missiles,
things that they still have,
despite months and months and months of the US trying to bomb them.
I think there have been six attacks
since the UN General Assembly happened in late September.
That were recorded this on Wednesday.
It seems like they're taking along about one a day at the minute.
So there might be a couple more by the time you.
hear this. Also this week, Paramount has closed the $11 billion acquisition of Warner Brothers,
forming a new conglomerate called Skydance, which is the Ellison company that originally
bought Paramount a few years back. So now both CNN and CBS are in control of the Ellison's.
Ellison sent out a day one memo to all these new employees, which warns,
them, quote, integrating two companies will bring change, including difficult decisions that affect
our workforce.
Layoffs are obviously expected in the next few months.
The state of California was able to secure concessions such as a promise to release about 30
movies a year for five years and a $5 million fund for independent movies.
Cool.
Then we'll fix it.
Yeah.
This will put a dent in obviously the absolute and total consolidation of media.
in general of all forms
into the hands of an extremely small number
of people who absolutely suck.
This is the worst merger that I can like
remember in my life. Like it's the worst thing
that I can like see and remember as like a conscious
living human. Like yeah.
The scale of this is like absurd.
It shouldn't be allowed.
Yeah. No, it very clearly violates
antitrust. If Lena Kahn was
in charge, it's obviously wouldn't happen.
No, they would have the Navy SEALs.
Yeah.
Hey, minimum viable
2028 program.
Yeah.
No, breaking up this company
should become a project
that gets promoted
by people like Khan and us.
And if we're going to have Navy SEALs,
this is what you use them for.
Yeah.
The anti-Ellison SEALTA vision.
Yeah.
I will note that the very last
Warner Brothers production
as an independent studio
was the movie Digger.
Which I heard is actually pretty good.
It is not doing well.
It's a catastrophic.
box office bomb. I heard it's really good. I'm looking forward to seeing it. Very divisive film.
Yeah. Very divisive film. I'm not anti-digger, but it is very funny that that is their last release,
is Tom Cruise's biggest box office bomb in a generation. Obviously, David Zazlov has been,
in many ways, a disaster for Warner Brothers, and his reign of the company is partially what's led
them to being acquired here. But Warner Brothers has put out a bunch of really interesting.
in good films the past few years.
And the current batch of executives promoted and fought for those.
Movies like sinners, movies like one battle after another.
Those executives are already gone.
Those executives are not going to be sticking around David Ellison's new,
New Warner Brothers.
So the people that brought you one battle and sinners are no longer at the helm.
So I wanted to update everyone on what's been happening in Lucchial.
If you didn't listen last week, you can get the very basics.
but I was there last week, not there now.
A number of people had been defending a pair of cottonwood trees
that had once been part of the stand of cottonwood trees
that joined canopies over the border.
Construction workers for fish of sand and gravel,
I previously dropped three of them
in their construction of the border wall,
at which point someone had been sitting
in the one remaining tree on the northern side.
There's another tree which seems to be very close to
or spanning the border,
which had been sat in briefly by someone who'd come from the Mexican side before they came down.
On the 5th of October, Border Patrol staged a huge raid on this camp.
The camp for what it's worth it on private land.
Generally, BP doesn't need a warrant to enter private land unless it's a domicile
if they're 25 miles or less from the border, which they were in this instance.
So they raided the camp.
They then came in with a cherry picker, pulled the person who was in the tree out of the tree,
detained them and then pushed over the tree with an excavator very, very quickly. They moved extremely
fast to do this whole thing. They detained 10 people that day. I'm not quite sure of what those
people or if those people have been cited or charged yet. I'm still trying to get that information.
The next day, five more people were detained and somebody began defending by sitting in it the other
tree, the tree that straddles the border perhaps, or the tree that people thought was in Mexico,
but it's not exactly clear, like without seeing the border monuments, exactly where they line up.
Like, the thickness of a line on a map is way too thick to have this kind of definition.
And so currently, the other tree is still being defended.
That doesn't mean the border wall construction is completely stopped.
It seems they're working at a very frenzied pace.
As we recorded until Wednesday, they began working overnight on Tuesday night.
And what they're doing now is it appears that they are building.
So this is an area where they have double barrier, right?
two walls about 60 foot apart.
One wall just inside the Roosevelt reservation
and then one wall just inside the United States.
And then there's a road between them that BP can drive, right?
And it kind of exceeds hundreds of acres of the United States
to border patrol control, right?
Most of it was public land in this case, right?
Forest Service or some of it's state wildlife refuge.
Some of it, I think BLM manages that Roosevelt reservation
for what I can understand because BLM posted notice
that they were closing it last week.
So what Border Patrol is now doing
is building that northernmost wall first
to prevent access to the southernmost wall.
And it seems that they're doing this
at a very frenzy pace.
It seems like they might be skipping some of us,
just from pictures I've seen,
they might be skipping some of the usual
smart wall fiber optic conduit
that they would put in there
and just trying to get up a barrier
as quickly as they can,
obviously to prevent people continuing to protest.
The protest had the permission of landowners
to be on their land and their local sheriff had said that he wasn't going to be arresting any of the
protesters. So BP decided to do it themselves after 71 days of that tree being defended. So that
tree is now gone, but the other tree remains. I thought it's also very sweet that people have
taken cuttings from the trees that were taken down and those cuttings are already growing to,
which is nice to see nature springs eternal. But yeah, I'm going to cover this in a two-parter
and natural causes. It will not be the Monday after you hear this, but it will be the Monday
after that. That'll be the first episode and there'll be two episodes. So you'll have to wait
to then to get the long version of this. Talking of long, we've got a long time without
advertisements, which I know makes our listener sad. Let's hear from Fisher's Sand and Gravel.
So we mentioned earlier that there are a large protest going on in Spain. There are also
very, very large student protests going on in France right now.
started September 18th, where high school students, and this is an interesting development because
most of the written history of student movements is about college students, these are high school
students. And they have started en masse blockading their schools and taking to the streets.
These protests started in the Parisian suburbs. It is worth bearing in mind the French urban
infrastructure is effectively the exact inversion of the way American infrastructure worked,
with white flight, where in, you know, in the U.S., you have, like, white people fleeing the urban
core into the suburbs. France has built the opposite where working class and non-white people
were forced into the suburbs because they were, like, not able to live in the urban core,
which is predominantly whiter and significantly richer.
Everyone watch Le Hane. It's great.
I wish I had any of you what that was.
But, yeah, it's good.
It's a French film about this.
Ah, okay.
It's about people living in these sorts of, like, suburbs.
It's two immigrants and I think a young Jewish kid who then travel into the city center and bad things happen.
It's very similar to the story that you're going to be talking about.
But it's like looking at the conditions 20 years ago and the same conditions now.
Yeah.
And conditions are worse.
Yes.
Not the same actually.
Yeah.
So these purchase spread very, very quickly.
And it is now spread effectively everywhere.
It's not just in Paris.
It is across the entire country.
I think right now, the last number that I saw,
and this changed while I was writing this,
the last number that I saw is 500 of France's 3,500,
like high schools were fully shut down.
So these protests, again, started a couple of weeks ago on September 18th.
As of Wednesday the 7th,
they are not just continuing, but escalating.
Now, we're going to get into the police response.
in a second, but I can't count the number of times on this show. I have said there was a giant
police crackdown and the images of the police crackdown spread the protests, but that's what
happened here. Why is this happening? Why is it specifically high school students who are now in the
streets in full-on conflict with riot police who are reacting to and treating them the way that they
treat? I mean, frankly, worse than most protesters get treated in France, which is sort of astonishing.
Yeah, so there's actually a good crimping piece about this.
There's a lot of things happening here.
Part of it is a reaction to class sizes where you have, I mean, 30 and 35 kids,
sometimes a lot more than that.
Class sizes is an issue that's familiar also to,
a lot of these demands look like the demands you see in teacher strikes effectively everywhere.
Yeah.
Yeah.
These class sizes are enormous.
Part of it is the structure of the French education system,
which is French schools have breaks,
but also you're in school from 8 a.m.
6 p.m. which is longer than most places and also causes, you know, this also causes
teachers to have to work longer hours. And that means that, you know, because they're working
longer hours, the number of teachers you have is strained because you're covering more time.
This plus, you know, decades of neoliberal austerity has led to conditions where there will
just not be a substitute teacher. So a teacher will get sick. They'll have like maybe a person
there, but it's not even a substitute teacher who
could take over lesson plans. You just have a week at a time
we're in a subject that's on the national
exam system, and there's
no teacher.
Which is just sort of appalling
given one of the other things
that these protests are about, which is this
sort of algorithmic
program. I remember we had
a much
less
I don't know, ferocious,
a much more strict version of this
when I was in high school, but in France they have this
student program where you're supposed to
to put in your choices and it looks at your test scores
and it spits out what you're what you should be doing
after like high school. Okay. And this is one of the things
that like it feeds you into what track you're going into
right. So it feeds you into vocational schools. It feeds you into
like what kind of colleges you can get into
it has turned into the system kind of like we talked about with the
Indian student protests where there's this incredibly intense
pressure on students to like fight against each other
basically for you know, it's like it's
promoted intense competition and then also
it's just it's a weird
algorithm system and everyone is like forced
to manage these
issues you have
with this weird algorithm taking
what your information you're giving it and spitting
you out this thing that like
determines the rest of your life
I mean there's a lot of other
problems the actual conditions in the schools
themselves are very bad like
you know it's leaking roofs
things like that
there's also I saw a thing about like
lunch breaks where
students weren't able to eat because the lunch break
wasn't like they don't have enough cafeteria staff
and the lunch break wasn't long enough for all the students to like
get food.
Jeez. Yeah, that's a problem.
Yeah.
These conditions are emblematic of
I mean just a lot of what
of this sort of deterioration of
social services and
you know the sort of death of opportunity
for these students in a way that
the more I'm thinking about the more is just
oh, this reminds me a lot of
of the Indian protests.
And so the protest themselves,
the Macron administration made a decision
very, very early on
that they were not going to negotiate
with the students.
They have kind of become more open to it.
In the past day,
we'll see what happens there.
But their immediate response
was, you know, a brutal police crackdown,
which has been the Macron
administration's response to most things.
And this has been
a full-on French police assault
on a bunch of children.
A 15-year-old got his hand blown off.
I've seen conflicting reports about this.
It seems like he was trying to pick up what he thought was a tear gas canister,
but was actually a stun grenade.
Yeah.
But I've also seen reports that, like, it hit him.
I don't know.
But regardless, somehow the police fired a grenade and it blew this kid's hand off.
Yeah.
Another student has lost an eye.
I think that kid was 16.
The kid who got his hand blown off again was 15.
I'm going to quote from Crime Think here because there's another really bleak case.
But currently, the 14-year-old boy can't open his mouth as all of his bottom teeth were knocked up by the impact and all of his upper teeth are broken.
Jesus.
So, yeah, that kid is 14.
Yeah.
These are, again, I cannot emphasize enough.
These are actual children.
And this is also kind of part of what's complicated in covering this because I think it's important to mention that a cop should not be knocking out the teeth of anyone.
The fact that they're doing this to 14-year-olds is particularly.
brutal and also I think that it's
true and this has been one of the debates that's been
sort of raging across French society is like
are these students legitimate political actors
like do they have the right
to have their voices heard and
you know like go and take political action like
this and
the right has kind of said no
and argued that these people are sort of pawns
of you know
the they're pawns of what I would describe
as the center left party
France unbowed the media will
describe them as hard left but like
come
They're like to the right of the old PCF and the old French Communist Party was like not a particularly like communist communist party.
But it's worth noting that while France Unbound has talked to students and like spoken at some of their protests, this was not a protest that was organized through the parties at all.
There's an interesting interview in Le Monde with the French sociologist Vincent Tiberg where he points out that, you know, France is a country that has seen high school organized.
high school student protest too.
But these are not those kind of
protests. You know, 2006 was kind of
the last big
high school student protest. But those
ones were organized by leftist student unions that were
directly affiliated with the parties. This is
not that. This is a bunch of students
taking action autonomously.
They are self-organized and they are not
particularly connected to
any of the French
political parties, even the sort of far-left ones.
And the scale is like
huge, right? Oh, it's massive. For some
I think that's more autonomously organized, like hundreds and hundreds of thousands of participants.
Yeah, like all across the country.
Yeah, I mean, they fully have shut down.
Okay, I'm not going to try to do the math on air. Hold on.
One in seven, 500 out of 3,500.
Yeah, that sounds, that sounds right.
That's why they call him PhD James, everyone.
Yeah, a historian over here.
Hell yeah, hell yeah.
I picked an anthropology degree specifically so I wouldn't have to do this kind of math.
You just get to measure people's skulls instead in anthropology and do that kind of math.
Yeah, well, look, anthropology consists of two things.
Racism and a discourse about whether or not it's doing racism.
So, you know, this is why I'm a podcaster now.
A discipline that has never done anything wrong.
That is most of what my anthropology class is.
There's some good stuff in there.
Every once in a while, they accidentally start a social movement.
But.
Yeah.
Oh, you do linguistic anthropology and it melts your brain.
Oh, that's so scary.
Yeah.
From the perspective of La Crohn's insumise is a French word for France unbowed, right?
Like, it's like a dempsock in that it has people who are left of other people in it.
But like, me as right, this isn't a particularly radical party, at least sort of on a global scale.
Like you've seen some politicians do a lot better than others.
Like I'm sure everyone by now will have seen the Bali Bagayoko video, right, of the mayor getting tear gas with the kids.
but like it's not about politicians and like attempts to make it about politicians
other than being pissed off at them.
Yeah, and people asking for like huge like structural changes.
Yes.
And frustration at both the left's inability to address this political situation in France
and you know continuing as sort of like like we talked about in like Brazil
and in some parts of the state.
It's sort of like gerotocracy even among the left.
Yeah.
We have these kind of old guys who may have done good things.
but they're still in their 80s,
and you need to pass the torch.
And a lot of what I'm seeing
from these protests in France,
it is a very generational uprising.
Yeah.
Also built on the frustrations
about how 10% of the school budget
is being diverted to the pension system.
So there's a lot of this kind of generational frustration
and the left in France has also run into that.
I was going to say,
I did use calculator for this one,
but it is 58 years since 1968.
But you have this generation of like Suasso Wita, like 608ers.
Yeah.
They've gone in a number of directions, right, but like to include like part of the electoral left.
And like it's not like we haven't seen protests, it's seen 68 in France, right?
But like, yeah.
It shouldn't be that one generation gets to have the, like, we were the radical students who changed the world.
And therefore you students now have to listen to us even though we're old as fuck and don't understand the shit that you're going through.
Yeah, and I think the sort of structural issue in terms of how, yeah, on a generational level, like how the left has been and has not been connecting to these students, I think it's also very important, again, like, where this started and the kind of like working class suburbs that the French left has had a really tenuous relationship with, like, kind of since the 70s, and we talked about this, like, so like, I got three years ago now, there was a huge,
series, there's a huge uprising
over a police killing
in a different set of
in a different set of
French suburbs that really
came in this moment of what had been really
fierce upheaval in France, like in the
wake of the yellow vests and all these other protests.
Other pension protests.
Yeah, right.
But this was the one where like
the non-white people in the suburbs
went up and the rest of France was like
oh God, no, fuck off. We
hate you.
You're like,
and to this day,
like that,
the interview with the sociologist
I was talking about in Le Mans,
which is like the biggest newspaper
in France is talking about how of all.
These students are like actually different than like the like urban disturbances
from those 2023 protests about police brutality and sort of structural racism
and class violence.
And when you look at it,
it's like no,
they're not.
Like,
they're actually a lot in some ways.
They're a lot more similar to that than they are to the other protests which
have been going on,
which is where I kind of want to.
close this, where we have also started to see the rest of French society move slowly in sort of
line with these student protests where, you know, obviously part of the student protests are about
this neoliberal kind of austerity budgets that the Macron administration keeps trying
to pass. And so there's also been a one-day strike of about like 300,000 workers from the sort
of traditional like leftist unions.
Also about 11% of teachers and faculty are now on strike in the middle of this too.
So it remains to be seen exactly the extent to which the rest of the French left is going to join into these protests.
I want to mention something briefly about schools here and why it's important that these are starting here,
which is that schools are not just places where you get education.
they're also, you know, it's not just the basic part of like the reproductive labor that reproduces capital.
It's not just that it produces future workers.
But it's also a place where like the basic care for students and the basic social reproduction of like children is carried out by the state, which allows workers to work.
Right.
And this is why shutting schools down is also a giant lever that allows you to like actually fully shutting down schools on mass is a lever that allows you to disrupt the rest of the economy.
it forces parents to, like, not work.
It's not exactly analogous,
but it can serve the effect of what coal strikes used to,
where if you shut down the supply of coal,
it shuts out all of the workers down the line,
where if you force all of these parents to have to stay home,
like all of these workers are no long, you know,
are now also on strike as a sort of secondary thing
of shutting these schools down.
This is why the state always tries to make it really hard
for teachers unions to strike,
because schools are a lever of power
that you can use in a labor system if you use them correctly.
I want to close by mentioning that,
as this has been going on,
there's been unrest building in France over,
I mean, a whole bunch of things.
There's a police bill I think we talked about
in this show that is trying to
allow the French police to...
Basically, what it would do is
it's a proposed bill that if it was
passed, if a French police officer
shot someone, they would be
immediately assumed to have killed them legitimately.
And then they would have to be proven
that they illegitimately killed them instead of
there being an investigation immediately.
So, it's a bill
that says that if a cop drags you to an alley and shoots you, and there's no one there,
there's nothing you can do about it, that's been causing unrest. And one of the old
sort of signals that's been set up in the middle of this, and it's unclear who is doing this,
but there's been this giant call put out from these mass demonstrations on October 17th.
And there's this question, you know, a crime thing is talking about this. I've seen this in other places
of, are these student protests going to last until then until that giant uprising? Are people going to
come out into the streets before then.
And at this point, all we can sort of do is wait and also,
I guess if you're in France, go now, you're not going to get a better shot.
If you're trying to overthrow the government, stay in line, you know?
Yeah.
Like, I want to, like, end up, like, one actual important note, which is, you see this a lot in the nature of French protests,
see this in American protests where, like, one section of society will go into a revolt
and everyone else just kind of waits.
And you get these cycles where like
the people who were kind of
in the streets and Occupy
weren't the same people necessarily.
I mean, some of all of these either was crossover,
but they weren't the same section of society
that went in, like went into revolt in Ferguson.
Right?
They like waited until the next one was out.
Or like, you see this with like the British student movement.
And then right after the British student movement
kind of gets crushed,
there's like there's like the riots in London 2010.
And you've seen this here
where there were a bunch of like strikes.
by like the organized left and there was like the yellow vests and then when the suburbs went up in
2023, everyone else stayed home. And if you do that, they're going to, they're going to line you
up and they're going to knock you out one at a time. And the only way that you can win is like when
one sector of society goes out, even if it's not yours, go with them. Don't leave, don't leave the kids
to die alone, like go support and go fight with them. I do have something that's not on my script
that I wanted to bring up really quickly
because this just came out today
and I do think it's an important story.
This happened back in August
but we didn't know about it until today.
So a congressional candidate
in Arizona, Bernadette Green Placincia,
who is running in Arizona's
eighth congressional district
and trying to unseat incumbent Republican
representative Abe Hamida
was raped in August
while she was repairing
a damaged campaign sign in Sun City.
This was like,
like a regular thing for her. Signs would get damaged, you know, either purposefully or just like by
the climate and she would go out and fix them in the morning. And one day when she was out doing this in
August, at about 2 a.m., she was struck in the head and lost consciousness and regained consciousness
to a man sexually assaulting her. She believes he had said something about her being a democratic bitch,
although she's not 100% certain about what he was saying. I think this is just kind of an important
thing for people to be aware of for obvious reasons.
God, that's bleak.
Yeah, it's pretty fucking horrifying.
Anyway, this story came out within hours of us recording this,
so I don't have much more on it than that.
The way that we tend to talk about, like, sexual violence,
we tend to talk about it as something that's, like,
an individual phenomena and not as a regime of violence
that's done to discipline people into falling in line.
And this is a really, bleak and blatant example of, like,
oh, yeah, no, sexual violence also.
is a social phenomenon that is designed to keep people in line.
And fuck that.
I mean, it's just worth noting that, like, even in a position of, like, relative cultural power to certainly the average victim, she didn't feel safe coming out about what had happened her for months.
Yeah.
So that's pretty worth acknowledging, too.
Moving along, on October 4th, 26th, Russian public health regulator Ross Patrin, Ross.
Sorry, I guess.
It's going to take a second.
This is a bad one.
It looks rough, man.
I'm not even going to try it.
The Russian public health regulator,
their equivalent of the Department of Health,
I'm not going to try to say the name.
You don't listen to this podcast
because of my pronunciation of foreign languages, right?
I'm not even going to try here.
Famously, our strongest suit.
I've never seen a B and an N come together
without a vowel right now.
It's really softened.
Yeah, there's some complicated phonetic shit.
going on in that word.
Norley.
Fascinating.
Well, now I have to try to say it.
Rospatrebnaz.
Nadsor?
Rospatribnads.
Bnads.
Yeah.
The Russian Department of Health.
It issued a public, sorry, it took a long time to get to the meat of this.
Issued a public statement that one employee of the Anti-Plaug Institute of Siberia and the Far East had perished
due to her accidental exposure to pneumonic plague.
This employee, 28-year-old Daria Shipilova, had apparently broken a vial containing plague bacteria and contracted the deadly disease.
In short order, 200 some odd people who had close contact with Daria before her death were isolated and put under observation.
Multiple hospitals and other facilities in the area were closed and or put under observation.
As news of this all trickled out into the wider world, people began to freak out.
I think I first came across this story.
and like it was pushed to me.
I don't even follow this subreddit,
but the prepper subreddit
like pushed it to me.
Because people were freaking out about it so much, right?
Yeah, that makes sense.
That makes sense.
To be fair, this is not worth being concerned about, right?
And I think this panic was an equal mix of PTSD from COVID
and quite frankly, the enduring popularity of Stephen King's best novel, The Stand.
I bring up the stand because I can't lie,
I initially got a little worried because the way in which this started is exactly
how the world ending plague and the stand begins.
There's like a U.S. scientist at a bio-weapons lab who like breaks a vial and it kills everybody
and it escapes containment and it wipes out, you know, the whole world, right?
And to be clear, this is the sort of story that should generate some anxiety.
It's not unreasonable if you were concerned about this.
But on closer inspection, I truly don't believe the specific case is worth freaking out over.
For one thing, there's zero evidence that it has spread beyond its initial victim.
It sounds scary to hear that hundreds of people have been contained after an accidental fatal plague exposure, but that's what you'd want the Russian government.
That's good.
You would want them to take this kind of precaution, right?
They are, I don't normally say this about the Russian government, but they seem to be responding responsibly to this.
They seem to have an understanding that you have to respond very seriously to this sort of thing.
Yeah, and it being the Plague Institute, where it's...
this happened, does raise the odds of the people dealing with it knowing what to do?
Right.
It's the plague institute. And we'll talk a little bit more about that in a second. I do want to note here,
so far, 60% of the people who have been detained have already been tested and been declared
free of any sickness, and it seems like the rest are going to be given a good bill of health
soon, a spokesperson for Russia's public health entity that I will not try to pronounce and
formed the New York Times. Laboratory tests have identified two cases of COVID-19 and two
cases of rhinovirus infection or the common cold, the regulator said, according to the
Interfax News Agency, no other infectious disease pathogens were detected in any of the contacts.
Sorry, it wasn't directly to the Times.
It was to Interfax.
And you do have to imagine that those like four people who had the cold or COVID were like
freaking the fuck out.
Yeah, yeah.
So like, oh my God.
Is this the end?
Worst days of your life.
I don't think sniffles are a sign of the pneumonic plague, but I would imagine you're not
thinking super logically in this sense.
Now, the pneumonic plague is insanely deadly.
It has a 71% case fatality rate.
For some idea of how bad that is, the case fatality rate for Ebola is only around 50%, right?
Although rates in past outbreaks have varied wildly.
There's a lot of factors that can influence that Ebola case fatality rates in different outbreaks have been anywhere from 25 to 90%.
Right?
There's different variants of Ebola, right?
Just as we don't exactly know what variable.
of the pneumonic plague this is, right? If I'd actually have a lower or a higher case fatality rate,
this may be the only case of someone getting infected with this specific strain of pneumonia
plague that we have. I don't know that we really know exactly what she has. But yeah, this is a
scary, deadly plague. But that also makes the case that, like, if it had broken containment,
there would be way more sick and dying people by now. And given the overall competence of the
Russian state, if this was an out-of-control plague in Siberia, I don't think they'd be able to
keep this locked down very long, right?
No.
No.
If 71% of people exposed to this, we're dying, right?
Like had contracted it and we're dying.
I don't think they'd be able to keep this thing.
I'm like we'd be able to keep this thing secret, right?
The other thing I should point out is that scary as that case fatality rate is,
that's not the only thing that should make a disease worrying to you, right?
That's super worrying if you catch it.
But pneumonic plague is not widely transmissible.
Think back to COVID.
If one person on a bus or a plane or in a room has COVID and sneezes, not back to you, but I mean, COVID's still here.
If one person in a room has COVID and sneezes, a bunch of people around them have a very good chance of getting infected, especially if they're not vaccinated, right?
Pneumonic Plague does not work this way.
There's a very good CNN interview with biologist Angela Rasmussen, and she points out that this plague variant requires a lot of contact with the infected person.
and even someone dying of plague is not coughing up a bunch of infectious material, right?
It's just not the same kind of illness in any way, shape, or form.
This is why none of the contained people who were close to Daria have gotten sick.
Pneumonic Plague victims are not super infectious.
That interview with Dr. Rasmussen also brought up a very good point.
This anti-plague lab is being described often as like a bio-weapons factory,
and the Russian state has surely done weapons research at this and other similar facilities.
I'm not going to doubt that.
But if absolutely no one, anywhere on planet Earth, was doing any biorepins research,
this facility would still exist because plague is endemic to the region, right?
Right.
It's not, there's not plague in this facility because the Russian government loves cooking up plague.
It's because this part of Siberia, tons of animals have the plague,
and people get plague all the time in this part of the world.
This is the exact same thing with, like, Wuhan and like the Wuhan CDC there,
which is like, yeah, there's a bunch of infectious disease research there,
because there's a bunch of bats there.
This is where you do it.
Yeah, you put the lab in the place
where stuff is happening so you can study it.
And yeah, plague is carried by animals.
And by the way, Siberia, this part of Eastern Russia
is not the only place where plague is super endemic.
The Midwestern U.S. is riddled with plague carrying prairie dogs.
And occasionally a person here too.
Right, California.
I'm not saying that's not the end.
Those aren't the only animals that can give you plague.
occasionally a person will catch bubonic plague in this country, which is a variant of the same
disease as pneumonic plague, and they'll get it from, you know, some fucking animal.
You may recall that the whole U.S. has not been wiped out by an outbreak of the bubotic plague.
This is because the bubonic plague is super treatable, but also not super easy to spread in the modern world.
This may sound weird given that bubonic plague wiped out much of Europe, but that was because
the primary vectors for plague are wild animals that bite people and flees,
from infected animals.
The OG plague took centuries
to get its teeth into the populace
and only succeeded because back then
people lived in super close contact with livestock
and had no real way of dealing with fleas.
And we also didn't have like antibiotics, right?
Yeah.
You know?
There's a ton of reasons why that happened then
and it doesn't happen now.
Now, not to say a treatment resistant form of the plague
that's more infectious couldn't spread
and evolve under these conditions.
There's just not any evidence.
that that's happened yet, right?
And so I would say this is not really something
that should be on your front burner of concern.
And like in terms of like where a disease like this would come from,
there's something that Angelus like talked about before.
Like the odds that this comes from a bio-weapons lab
is significantly lower than the odds that it comes from just like a factory farm.
Right.
Where you have all these animals in really close containment and diseases spread
extremely fast and get to mutate extremely quickly.
Like that's, that's like,
The primary disease factor risk is that and the human contact in the wild.
Yeah, that's a great point, Mia.
And we should probably move to ads right now.
And then when we come back, I will talk about Brazil, which is honestly a little more worrying than the plague right now.
And we're back.
So moving across the world to what some people call the Russia of South America, not me and not anyone I know.
But you could call Brazil that.
It wouldn't be very accurate, but you could call them that.
It's big.
Flavio Bolsonero emerged ahead of the current Brazilian President Lula in the first round of voting.
Neither candidate emerged with an outright majority, so the election will proceed to a runoff,
but most experts seem to consider Flavio's victory all but a foregone conclusion at this point.
Political consulting firm think policy told Reuters they estimated Lula would need to win 62% of voters
who supported other conservative candidates in the first round of voting to have a chance.
This does not seem likely.
If you read a lot of coverage of this election, one thing you'll encounter is that every expert on Brazilian politics is very convinced that Flavio's presidency will be an extension of Jayao Bolsoniero's presidency.
A lot of Brazilian voters are convinced, and in fact, it's probable that most people who voted for Flavio did so because they wanted another term for Jaya.
Right?
Flavio himself said at a recent rally, I asked God for the opportunity to walk up the ramp of Plano Alto Palace next year alongside President Jairio Messius Bolsonaro, right?
It's a pretty clear signposting there.
Jayaeer is currently serving a 27-year sentence from house arrest.
He is legally forbidden from holding office again as a result of his conviction over the coup attempt.
Flavio has promised to seek amnesty for not just his father,
but for the rioters who marched on Brazil's capital to keep his father in office.
He's also promised to impeach the Supreme Court justices who ruled against Jair and as supporters.
This is deeply concerning for a number of reasons.
I want to quote from a New York Times article that came
out today on the subject. The Bolsoniara family's comeback mirrors the enduring hold of other powerful
political dynasties around the world, including the Marcoses and the Philippines, the Sharifes in Pakistan,
the Fujimori's in Peru, and the Kirchner's in Argentina. But Mr. Lula's political movement has
failed to produce a successor and appears to have lost touch with its base, as many Brazilians link it
to corruption and government mismanagement. If Mr. Bolsoniaro now succeeds in unseeding his leftist
rival in the October 25th runoff, he would gain unusually broad powers to shape.
Brazil, the ex-president will be able to appoint up to four new justices in this nation's Supreme
Court, which has 11 seats in total. So one thing that's really worrying about this is that Flavio and,
you know, Jair, kind of through the transit of property, will have nearly total power when he takes
office for a lot of very frustrating reasons to do with the way Brazil's democracy is structured.
There's very little, if anything, in the way of, like, constitutional
governing rails that would that would limit what flavio can do this is an extremely concerning
situation it's very dispiriting it's a good reason not to listen to quite frankly most of like
the western left's takes on politics outside of and sometimes including the united states
because if you would listen to what people were saying about lula prior to this it's entirely
like he's this wonderful like leftist hero. And the reality is, you know, Lula's done some great things.
He has some great political stances. But you can't look at his regime as anything but a failure if it's led to Bolsonaroism.
Yeah.
Right. It failed to stop this, you know. It just as Biden failed, just as Clinton failed, right? Just as Obama failed to stop the rise of Trump.
Right. We can't pretend that in this case, because we can ignore the downside.
and the failures of Lula's regime because we don't live in Brazil,
that, like, he didn't fail, he did, you know?
And that's just something the left has to grapple with.
Like, this is a guy who said and did a lot of the right things
and who went pretty hard after prosecuting Bolsonaro,
and it was a catastrophic failure.
I don't know what else to say.
Yeah, I mean, I think something I've talked about,
back in the last election, I did a very long series of,
episodes on Lula and one of the sort of structural problems of the program of the workers
party was that it was always dependent on the commodity boom and you know the massive export prices
you get from that and the moment the commodity boom collapsed the entire project was on borrowed
time because it became impossible to do the kind of like sort of class negotiation of redistributing
a bunch of the profits from the commodities that were selling overseas and like raising living
conditions for people while paying off Bolivia's sort of like oligarchical ruling class.
And the moment that coalition fell apart, you know, everything went to shit.
And the problem is like there isn't really a way to deal with Bolsonaro without like
systemically going through and like destroying like the media oligarchy and like a whole bunch
of different sectors of the Brazilian ruling class.
But Lula wasn't, it was a difficult position for them even in the 2000s when they had a
really, really strong political mandate.
And there wasn't any way to do it,
even if they'd wanted to,
under the last electoral coalition,
which was this very fragile coalition
with a bunch of anti-Bulsanoa conservatives
and this weird parliamentary left,
center-right coalition that ended up
with a bunch of sort of like very
shitty, like, neoliberal economic policy going through
that like just continued to enable
sort of Bolsonaroism.
And yeah, you have to grapple with like, if you aren't able to fundamentally destroy like the material basis of your opponents, they're eventually going to overthrow you.
And you're going to be back here.
Yep.
Yep.
It's, uh, I don't know, it's disappointing.
We'll have more coverage on this in the future because this is really important, right?
Just as it's very important to look at what's happening in Hungary right now as like an example of what a post-Trump United States might look like.
it's very important to look at Lula's and his coalition's failures in terms of like, well, number one, this also does mirror in some ways mirrors what happened with Biden. But this is also evidence of like, you don't want to take anything to directly. Because again, these are all very different countries and very different from the United States. But there are some lessons here for the entire world. And like how hard it is to unseat an authoritarian.
regime that is entirely predicated on making stupid, easy promises to people, right,
as opposed to coalitions that are attempting to do the very difficult job of governing.
And that you're always going to be in an uphill battle if the other guy is just spouting fantasies.
And if the media goes along with it, that's a huge part.
The media aspect is a huge part of this.
That's an massive aspect.
As much as this is a warning for us going forward, I think this is an example of like, what if, what if, you know, someone even much more progressive than Joe Biden would take office in 20208? What if we get a sort of like ineffectual social democratic administration? Right. Who might actually do some things that are...
You might say the right things and fail. And it might even do things that are kind of sensible. Might actually put forward some good policies. Yeah. But that just not end up mattering because of whatever kind of structural limitations they hit, whatever kind of, whatever kind of, uh,
media narratives really, really take hold.
You see this kind of really big focus on, like, fraud and corruption on the right right now.
Yeah.
About, you know, that's a big part of what government is supposed to do.
And this is something that Zoran is tried to take by the horns and try to, like, make sure that
the right can't fully co-opped that sort of language.
Be like, if we want to have a socialist or a social democratic government, it needs to be
efficient and that should be actually real efficiency.
I continue to think one of the things that any leftist movement,
trying to unseat authoritarianism in the United States particularly needs to have as a central issue,
is fighting fraud and fighting scams.
Yeah.
Almost nothing is more important from an electoral standpoint, in my opinion.
Yeah.
There's a new poll from KFF looking at issues that voters care about for the midterms.
Cost of living is the top issue for Democratic and independent voters.
Yeah.
Of course.
Of course.
Republican voters, while Republican voters want candidates to discuss, quote, fraud.
And I think that's a really interesting look at where we are right now as a country.
I think tying this back to Brazil, too.
Like, this is one of the problems that the PT, the Workers Party had was like the way that
the media was able to steer like all anti-corruption stuff in Brazil, like ended up going
after the Workers Party, even though all of the corruption scandals implicated literally everyone
across the entire political spectrum.
Yeah.
And like, this is part of what happened.
This election, where, like, there's a bunch of fraud scandals with, like, the Supreme Court.
But that's been, like, tied to Lula.
And he's the one who's taken the hit from it, even though it also involves, like, all of the right-wing political parties.
And that's, like, one of the dangers of sort of, I don't know, it's like one of the persistent problems of, like, the way that fraud and the way the anti-corruption politics get deployed by the right.
That's just this, like, decades-long issue.
Another weird example of this is that the mayor of New York went on to a podcast by a guy named Theo Vaughn, if you're familiar.
Yeah, I know.
Theo Von.
Yeah.
And one interesting thing that happened is Zoran was talking about how the city just secured a historic $130 million settlement from Doordash.
And $115 million of that is going to go directly to DoorDash workers who Doordash was underpaying for years with workers.
with workers receiving anywhere between 500 to thousands of dollars
in pay that was stolen from them.
But part of this settlement is also $16 million in civil penalties
and funding to build this tool,
which will be operated by the city and workers,
to monitor DoorDash to make sure that they don't rip off their workers going forward.
And it's something that was very interesting.
When Theo heard that, he's like, why?
Why would you use that money?
Why not just give that money to the,
workers. You know, he kind of inquired about this as a possible example of fraud. Like, why is the
city taking, you know, $16 million? Like, is it actually going to be, you know, good? Or is that another
example of fraud and corruption? And I think that that's a really interesting look at like the
mind of the kind of like right wing, you know, focus on fraud. I'm like, no, that money is actually
going to build a tool to make sure that Dornash cannot defraud its own workers. Yeah. Going forward
and it'll be operated by the city and workers themselves.
But it's a really interesting look at like this sort of like distrust.
And even in something like a, you know, a $130 million settlement,
which is, you know, history.
That's the largest worker like labor settlement in municipal history.
That's massive, yeah.
Even in that, there's this kind of like, you know, like a worry in the mind of the right
that somehow this will be used for, you know, fraudulent means.
Yeah.
I do want to reiterate here.
When I say that, like, Lula failed, that's not even coming from a point of necessarily, like, moral condemnation.
It's just like, we lost.
We have to be factual.
It didn't work.
We have to look at what went wrong here.
You can't just pretend that this was a good presidency because he said the right things and went after Bolsoniara.
We lost, right?
We have to deal with that.
We have to play the ball where it fucking lies, right?
Anyway, let's talk about Dennis Hastert, huh?
Famous paedophile.
Oh, Dinnie?
Oh God.
Dini was his nickname.
Unfortunately, too many people still do love Dini.
Jesus Christ.
Yeah, yeah, a lot of people sharing our profession have some serious fucking issues.
Multiple articles that I've read today all pointed out that he went by the nickname
Denny and was considered a very cool and approachable Republican speaker at the house.
Yeah, it was real approachable.
He was approaching some fucking other people.
I'm saying this because Dennis Hastert, the longest serving Republican speaker,
of the house and a serial pedophile died earlier this week on October 5th. Hastert's legacy,
such as it was, was ruined after he left office when regulators noticed a bunch of really
weirdly structured payments that he initially characterized as blackmail payments based on false
allegations. Oh, some guy made me, you know, is blackmailing me and it's all bullshit, but it's just
easier to pay. This was a lie. The payments were to a man who as a boy had been molested and I think
raped by Dennis.
This was during his time
as a high school wrestling coach.
This guy was 14 when Hastert abused him.
And when he approached the former speaker
of the house decades later,
Hastert agreed to buy his silence
with $3.5 million in hush money.
This is not an amount you would spend
on like bullshit blackmail allegations, right?
This is a fortune.
That's a lot of money.
The financial crimes are the only ones
Hastert was actually convicted over.
His abuse of his abuse of his
students had occurred too long ago the statute of limitations was up.
But the resulting investigation in court case revealed at least four victims.
And I don't know that I know of any convicted pedophiles who had four victims and only four
victims, right?
Yeah, once you're doing it a lot.
Four came forward.
This is a guy who was abusing kids in his years-long time as a wrestling coach.
He had other victims.
The judge in that case declared him a serial child mom.
molester. Now, the kind of abuse he engaged in varied, sort of the most common thing that he did was he had a
recliner that he set up outside of the boys' locker room. What? So, Jesus. He also engaged in fondling
and outright rape on at least one occasion in the form of forced oral sex. Make no mistake,
Dennis Hastered was a serial child rapist and molester. During his court case, he made a, he stated
that I want to apologize to the boys I mistreated when I was there.
coach and the sisters of one of the victims said to him,
don't be a coward, Mr. Hastert.
Tell the truth.
What you did wasn't misconduct.
It was sexual abuse of a minor.
Now, that was solid speaking out in court on her part.
A lot of journalists and media figures could stand to take a lesson from that.
The AP's obituary for him just read Dennis Hastert,
longtime Republican House Speaker who went to prison, dies at age 84.
Oh my gosh.
Went to prison.
went to prison.
Like he went on a visit to check it out.
Like, hmm, why?
Yeah, what could have happened there?
Now, Fox's main article on him did note,
although I think this may have been,
I'm not sure if this was like something they added it after the fact,
but it did call him like a child molester.
However, and I'm going to quote here from an article in Yahoo News,
Fox News gave former Republican House Speaker Dennis Hastert
an in-memorium send-off Monday,
memorializing a man whom a federal judge called a serial child molester
while relegating a sexual abuse of teenage boys
to a brief reference to allegations that had tainted his reputation.
As we go to break, former House Speaker Dennis Hastert has died, Bayer said,
as archival footage played beneath a banner reading.
In memoriam, former House Speaker Dennis Hastert dies at 84.
Bayer then highlighted Haster's political resume,
noting that the Illinois Republican served as speaker from 1999 to 2007
was the longest serving Republican House Speaker in American history.
Then came an extraordinarily sanitized depiction of why Hastert became one of the most disgraced political figures in modern American history.
His reputation was later tainted by allegations he and molested athletes during his career as a teacher and wrestling coach, Bear said.
He spent more than a year in prison.
Allegations?
Allegations!
A judge called him a serial child molester.
You don't have to say allegations anymore, Brett.
You can just say he fucked kids.
You're legally in the clear, you're not going to get to just being a coward.
Point to the judge.
Like, who's going to sue you?
Dennis Hasterts people?
Yeah.
Like, do they really want that discovery?
Like, yeah.
Okay, man, go for it.
Anyway, that's all I got.
Last Tuesday, in a short and unsigned order,
the Supreme Court allowed the Trump administration
to continue sending people to countries that are not their own.
It's a protest.
It's often referred to as third country deportation.
It's hard not to see this.
It's just rendition, right?
Like, you're sending people to places where they have no ties often to be tortured.
The court will hear oral arguments about this in December, but for now, this practice can continue.
This is manifesting in New York, for example, in the removal of people who have a status called withholding of removal.
According to reporting in the city reporter and documented people with this status, which there's a very high burden of proof for this, right?
It's a higher burden of proof than just saying it wrote.
These people have to prove that they will be in danger if they are returned.
They're being called into federal buildings for a quote, ice check-in.
They sent these very brief letters or like document update or like some pretext for bringing them into buildings
where they're then detained and sent to third countries.
Yeah.
The Trump administration has been doing this more and more, right?
It is trying to find loopholes in the law, which is very clearly designed to protect very
vulnerable people and prevent a risk of what is called chain refoulement.
Chain refoulement, if you're not familiar, is a process whereby someone is sent back to their country
where they have proven they're not safe by route of a third country.
So let's say I'm trying to send Garif to Canada, but I send them to France and then France
sends up to Canada, right?
people deported to third countries have faced torture, harassment, extortion and worse.
The Trump administration has managed to cajole nearly two dozen countries into accepting people this way.
Previously, this practice was extremely rare.
Obviously, rendition, which is not really an immigration procedure when it is carried out as rendition has happened before.
There was also a practice of returning people to Mexico who had crossed the southern border.
Biden did that.
Trump won't did that, right?
but those people weren't being removed when they had withholding of removal.
They were being removed under Title 42, which is, again, legally distinct.
In several cases, there has been an effort by the states involved to cast doubt about who is legally
responsible for people removed this way.
So in the United States case, it claimed that people moved to Secold, if you remember that.
Scandal, I guess, and travesty, the U.S. claimed that they were the responsibility of the
Salvadoran government.
The USN went on to broker a deal with Venezuela
in which it returned them to Venezuela.
Panama has claimed that people who are non-Panamanian there
were in the custody of the UN,
but the UN said that they were in the responsibility
of the Panamanian government.
The government clearly uses this practice, I guess,
as a punishment.
We can see it in the case of Kilma Abrago-Garthia,
who was offered a chance to be deported to Costa Rica
if he played guilty and threatened with Uganda if he did not.
And you hear this a lot from people,
people, migrants who have signed a quote unquote self-deportation paperwork perhaps saying,
oh, I didn't want to get sent. Generally, the way they waive this is we'll send you to Africa.
Large portions of the United States population still believe that Africa is a country, not a continent.
This is an ongoing issue. But for migrants who have never been anywhere in Africa, that is extremely scary, right?
A continent where you know no one, where people's human rights are abused.
Yeah. Well, and honestly, like, as you noted, James, we're probably, for most people,
people, your only knowledge of the continent is like war and disease. Yes, through this dark continent
trope, right? Yes, people's understanding of Africa is extremely problematic, but it's understandable
the people are very afraid. But that influences why this is such a scary thing. Yes, absolutely.
So let's take the example of more than a dozen people who have been sent to Eswatini. They were
held in a maximum security prison without meaningful access to counsel. For nine months, the government
there prevented them from meeting a local attorney and denied them unmonitored calls to attorneys
in the United States. The government of Eswetini has repeatedly said that they want to participate
in chain refoulement, saying the goal of the procedure was, quote, facilitating their eventual repatriation.
This is happening all over the world, like right out in the open. It's a very clear attempt to evade
the protections that these people have. Evidently, international law is not a real
thing for powerful countries and that's what we're seeing here. All of this comes as ISIS once again
surging arrests. They were in San Diego. I saw ICE SRT were in San Diego today. There's been a sharp
increase reported in Los Angeles. These call-ins are happening more and more in New York. Like,
I think we can probably expect to see them doing liberal cities before the midterms. Yeah. They're all over
Chicago right now too. Yeah. Yeah. They're really going after it at this time. And I think,
That's because it's red meat to their base, right?
They want to kind of own the lib, especially in New York when Mammatani has had success, right?
And they don't like that.
It is also going to result in people who have every right to go to the polls and vote being afraid to do so.
Yep.
And that is not a coincidence.
This is all part of a coordinated strategy going into next month.
Yeah, that's what we talked about a little bit last week with this new save verification
system. Yeah. And part of the system is so that people who are eligible to vote might be too scared
to even register to vote if the system flags you as a non-citizen and then puts you into contact
with ICE. And even if you are, you know, legally here, maybe you're living with someone who isn't.
And it could just scare people out of exercising their right to vote. Yeah. Maybe you just don't think
it's worth all that stress. Yeah. You don't want those people around your neighborhood. Like all of
those are very real concerns. Especially if you feel like your vote.
doesn't matter or whatever.
Like, yeah, it's all part of voter suppression.
It's a really, really kind of an insidious tactic of voter suppression.
Yeah.
Obviously, the Trump administration wants this few people to vote in these midterms as possible.
Yeah.
And certainly, certainly going forward.
Yeah.
Speaking of voting, it could happen here as well as two other Cool Zone media shows
behind the bastards and weird little guys are nominated for a Signal Award,
which is not related to the encrypted messaging app.
As cool as that would be,
as cool as that would be if they had a podcast award for some reason.
As opposed to an award for the people who have said the most things on Signal
that they would not have wanted to say on any other app,
which is I think we might also be in contention for a victory.
Reward for most bonkers group chat would also be...
Yeah, oh my God.
If you would like to vote for us for this signal,
Awards. Voting is open until October 15th. This is good prep if you intend to vote for the midterms.
I know voting is scary. Not everyone believes in it. But if you could at least vote in the Signal
awards, that would be appreciated. This is not electoralism, folks. This is not going to give us any power.
It will give some of us small statues. I don't know. I think it is harm reduction to beat
Prof G Market. Yeah, can I just say one of these people repudence? Fuck me. Yeah, yeah. We got to beat G
markets. Prof G markets? The fuck is his name? My God. Yeah, yeah, Prof G, it's an economist who talks
every fucking day about capital markets. I cannot imagine what that does to the human soul. Why?
Nightmare. I mean, I don't, I guess not why, but yeah. We are polling at 41%. We are a few points
ahead, but it's still, it's still fluctuated. So if you would like to be a big part. Yeah, if you're in
line, stay in line. Stay in line. If you want to be a big part of helping beat profigy markets,
Follow the link
And some other shit there
And some others
Housing Wire Daily
Polling at 1%
LOL
Yeah
Owned
Look
You can't stop
Flavio Bolsonaro
From winning in Brazil
But we can stop him
From winning a Signal
Award
And of course by that
I mean
Prof G would clearly
Hand his Signal Award
Over to the Bolsoniaros
We all know that
A vote for Profi
is a vote for Jair Bolsoniaro
To win the Signal Awards
When I discovered this was happening
I did go on the Profi
markets YouTube and they were discussing what the Bolsonaro would mean for the markets.
Well, there you go. There you go. Let's not look any further into that, James. Let's not look
any further into that. I have a high threshold for stress, but I wasn't able to watch that.
I've seen too much. But what will the markets think? What will the markets think? They'll think
vote for Cool Zone. Yeah. If you would like to help us beat ProvG, follow the link in the show notes.
Does G stand for Jair? No, because that's spelled with a J. But it might.
theoretically it might, you know.
Vote for us just in case.
Yeah.
If you want to email us, it's CoolZone tips at Proton.com.
Unless you're a marketing person and you're going to fuck yourself.
We reported the news.
We reported the news.
Hey, we'll be back Monday with more episodes every week from now until the heat death of the universe.
It could happen here is a production of CoolZone Media.
For more podcasts from Coolzone Media, visit our website, coolzonemedia.com.
Or check us out on the IHeartRadth.
app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.
You can now find sources where it could happen here listed directly in episode descriptions.
Thanks for listening.
I'm Melissa Jeltson, host of the What Happened to Her podcast.
We're kicking off the season with the Sandra Birchmore story, a case the police rode off as a suicide in a snowstorm.
Her family never bought it, and the man they suspected wore a badge.
You never know who that devil is because he's wearing in disguise.
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Head to Apple Podcasts, search for IHeart True Crime Plus,
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Didn't catch the latest Roland Martin unfiltered podcast?
Here's what you missed.
People wake up and go, oh, damn, wait a moment, hold up.
They change all of that.
Yes.
This is a wholesale attack.
It is targeting black people in every federal agency.
It's raw.
White folks have never allowed that reckoning to last more than a decade.
Catch Roland Martin's daily commentary on the Black Information Network.
And download Roland Martin unfiltered on the IHart radio app, Apple Podcasts.
Or wherever you get your podcasts.
You broke me.
You do not deserve happiness.
I'm Andre Gunning.
On this season of betrayal, Carl thought he was living a normal,
trauma-free life until the messages started.
Someone's not going to make it out of this alive.
Every piece of evidence pointed to the wrong guy.
He was not going to stop unless we stopped him.
Listen to Betrayal Season 6 on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
The miles change how you move, but more importantly, they change how you show up for your life.
I'm Emily Abadi.
On The Hurtle with Emily Abadi podcast, I sit down with elite athletes.
record holders, coaches, and everyday runners to unpack the mindset behind pushing through when things get tough.
Because the discipline, grace, and grit you build out there on the pavement, that's what helps you show up as your best self everywhere else.
I'd just love to say I never know who's watching. So you want to make sure you, you through and through, and you just stay true to who you are.
Listen to Hurtle with Emily Abadi on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm Fox Sports Reporter Jenny Taft.
And I'm former U.S. Women's National.
National Soccer Team player, Carly Lloyd.
And on our new podcast, whatever it takes,
nothing is off limits.
I played with players that didn't truly love the game.
I found the love with the ball at my foot.
I don't care what I'm being asked to do at Fox.
I'm going to go get some reps and love it and embrace it.
Listen to whatever it takes with Carly Lloyd and Jenny Taft
on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts,
or wherever you get your podcasts.
This is an IHeart podcast.
Guaranteed you.
in.
