Behind the Bastards - It Could Happen Here Weekly 58
Episode Date: November 5, 2022All of this week's episodes of It Could Happen Here put together in one large file.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information....
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Alphabet Boys is a new podcast series that goes inside undercover investigations.
In the first season, we're diving into an FBI investigation of the 2020 protests.
It involves a cigar-smoking mystery man who drives a silver hearse.
And inside his hearse look like a lot of guns.
But are federal agents catching bad guys or creating them?
He was just waiting for me to set the date, the time, and then for sure he was trying to get it to happen.
Listen to Alphabet Boys on the iHeart Radio app, Apple Podcast, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Did you know Lance Bass is a Russian-trained astronaut?
That he went through training in a secret facility outside Moscow,
hoping to become the youngest person to go to space?
Well, I ought to know, because I'm Lance Bass.
And I'm hosting a new podcast that tells my crazy story and an even crazier story
about a Russian astronaut who found himself stuck in space.
With no country to bring him down.
With the Soviet Union collapsing around him,
he orbited the Earth for 313 days that changed the world.
Listen to the last Soviet on the iHeart Radio app, Apple Podcast, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Hello and welcome to another episode of It Could Happen Here.
I'm your guest host of this episode, where I'm hoping to take a moment to discuss the Commons,
the principles of successful Commons management,
and why certain attempts to establish the Commons have failed.
My name, by the way, is Andrew of the YouTube channel, Andrewism.
You can follow me on youtube.com slash Andrewism.
I'm joined here with my two cool hosts.
That will be Garrison Davis. Hello.
And James Stout. Hi.
Awesome. But before I get into exactly what makes the Commons work,
I first want to discuss where exactly the Commons are.
Because despite being, you know, common throughout human history,
a lot of people can't imagine how they might have worked, what they are.
Of course, the Commons is a very specific definition, a particular context of feudalism and whatnot.
But even outside of that, the idea of the Commons is essentially the resources accessible to all members of society.
The totality of the material riches of that community, or even of the world,
regardless their whole inheritance, rather than being subject to enclosure and to privatization.
Even today, despite the process of enclosure, which is where they have its own podcast episode,
or series of podcast episodes, or book even,
even today they are still, you know, viable, existing Commons institutions.
And they've, in some cases, endured for well over a thousand years.
Most famously, Eleanor Ostrom, the Economist who explored the concept in depth
and debunked the tragedy of the Commons, wrote in her book,
Governing the Commons, that from, you know, the alpine meadows of Tobel, Switzerland,
to the three million hectares of Japanese forests to the irrigation systems of Spain and the Philippines,
the possibility of community of popular rather than public or state or private or corporate ownership exists.
The possibility of communal ownership as opposed to capitalist or state ownership exists.
There's also the communal land of Chiapas in Mexico after the successful Zapatista Revolution.
And of course, as I discussed in the previous episode, there are the Commons of Barbuda,
where the entire island of the Twin Island nation of Antigone Barbuda is owned collectively by all Barbudans,
and regarded as their collective heritage.
These projects, of course, are not static. The Commons of Barbuda, for example,
existed for about a hundred years, but had some precedence prior to that,
and are now honestly being encroached upon after the sole shock doctrine of the hurricane
that ravaged the island has opened up an opportunity for Antigone Barbuda's government
to sort of swoop in and privatize the land for the benefit of foreign companies and foreign resorts.
So the Commons is not this timeless, eternal institution that can't be interrupted,
doesn't ever change. In the case in Chiapas, they had similar projects, similar institutions
prior to colonization, colonization rolled in and interrupted all that.
But still, thanks to the Zaptista Revolution, they were able to institute some semblance
of that sort of Commons institution, of that communal land for their collective benefit.
They respond to experience, to conditions, to circumstance, to serve, or in some cases,
to eventually not serve the people.
But of course, not all Commons are able to work.
All Commons institutions operate effectively, and she talks about why, using various case studies
to illustrate her point. In the course of governing the Commons, she used, of course,
the existence case studies to develop certain principles that she believed make the Commons work,
principles that she found in Commons between Switzerland and Japan, the Philippines, and Spain,
and she then used those principles to examine the Commons institutions that didn't work
and identify which principles were missing from the equation.
But I'm talking a lot about what these principles, about these principles of successful Commons management,
and I haven't broken down what they are exactly.
So to get into that, the principles of successful Commons management are as follows.
Number one, clearly defined boundaries. Boundaries in the sense of having of those involved,
the appropriators of the Commons, the people who are directly accessing the Commons,
having a clear sense of structure and characteristics of the resource system itself,
whether it be through a scientific study or through generationally preserved folk knowledge,
as well as knowledge and a clear sense of who is involved and withdrawn from and sustaining it.
Even in the case where the entire world has been common, where all land has been returned to common land,
to the ownership of none and everyone simultaneously.
In such a case, in individual instances of common pool resources,
whether it be a forest or a fishery or a lake or groundwater basin,
the people most directly accessing those, that segment of the Commons,
that system, that common pool resource, need to have a clear sense of exactly what that resource entails.
The limits of that resource, the renewability of that resource,
and who is involved in withdrawing from and sustaining that resource so that they're able to collaborate.
As in the case with the tragedy of the Commons, everybody's just this isolated actor,
not communicating at all, not collaborating. There's no collective institution in place to help them work it out.
You're basically going to end up in a case like the tragedy of the Commons where the system is depleted
because nobody has a sense of what anybody else is doing.
There's no open channel of communication, which brings us, of course, to collective decision-making power.
That's the third principle, so I'm jumping ahead slightly, but it flows better this way.
Having collective decision-making power over the Commons, meaning there's an institution in place
that those who are drawn from the Commons are able to come together and discuss the rules of the Commons,
how they're going to draw from the Commons, how they're going to deal with the Commons,
how they're going to deal with each other as they deal with the Commons, and so on and so forth.
The idea of rules is not anti-anarchist as a concept,
just the idea that there is not popular inputs and collective inputs and free association in place.
And so with consensus, with this institution of collective decision-making power,
people will be able to come up with and modify the rules as it suits their situations,
as it suits their shifting circumstances.
And, of course, and this is the second principle,
that their appropriation and provision rules of the Commons are compatible with local conditions.
The idea is that they're not relying on any external authorities to come up with these rules,
to commit to these rules, to bind themselves to these rules, even when the temptations to violate those rules apply.
So as a practice of developing community, you need to have some sense of shared norms
and developing those shared norms over time regarding behaviour.
And, of course, as in the case in almost all societies, of course, reputation and one's reputation would play a role.
If you are known to be consistently violating the Commons rules,
of course, there are going to be social consequences to that.
That's just a natural consequence.
Just because the Commons exist doesn't mean that people are free of the consequences of how they use those Commons.
Just like in the case of the environment, you know, just because you can cut down all the trees in the forest
doesn't mean you're free of the consequences from cutting down the trees in that forest.
Your actions are still going to have consequences, whether it be environmental or social.
There are, of course, limits as there are in any other aspect of life.
But, of course, simple norms regarding behaviour or concerns about reputation may help,
but you're also going to need the fourth and fifth principles established in some form to effectively maintain social harmony.
The fourth principle is, of course, monitoring, which is the process of continuously evaluating the conditions of the common pool resource itself,
as well as the behaviour of the appropriators.
Now, to monitoring is kind of spooky, right?
It sounds a little bit 1984, like big brothers watching you kind of fight,
but that's not really the intention.
It's just the idea that it's just this constant informal process of looking at and observing and collecting data on the conditions of the Commons.
The conditions including how people behave with the Commons, as well as the Commons themselves, the resources themselves,
how much of them we have, how quickly they're being renewed, that sort of thing.
And through that process of each person, each appropriator of the Commons institutions monitoring the system continuously,
you begin to learn what rules work and what rules don't.
And so you can adapt your rules to suit the circumstances, to suit how people actually behave,
which is something that centralised and hierarchical institutions have a bit of trouble doing,
because when you have this horizontal Commons institution, you're able to look at,
okay, this is how things are going so far, and let me, we can now talk about it, we're constantly in this dialogue,
we're all able to contribute our information in this horizontal system and adapt our rules and our behaviour to suit,
whereas in the pyramid structure of a hierarchical and centralised organisation,
the further up the pyramid you go, yes, the more power there is as centralised institutions tend to have,
but also less information, because the narrowing of the pyramid leads to less and less information from the bottom,
and then filtering up to the top. And so when you have the centralised institutions,
rules are a lot more rigid because they're not able to respond quickly and effectively and as informed,
as informally to the situations as they arise.
That's also why 80% of the planet's biodiversity is being protected by a very small percentage of Indigenous people,
because they are on the ground, because they're interacting with the systems in real time,
they're able to respond directly and quickly to changes in that biodiversity, to changes in behaviour,
in order to maintain and sustain that system, whereas you'd find that a lot of conservation projects,
a lot of restoration projects, environmental restoration projects are failing.
I recently read an article about how a lot of these tree planting initiatives that governments have been doing these days,
while it gets them good publicity, it gets them good social, political, international clout.
When you go back one year, two years, three years down the line, almost all, if not all, the trees are dead.
The communities living by these reforestation projects were not involved in the process.
They don't have any say in the selection of the trees.
In fact, the trees aren't always even chosen in accordance with local conditions.
There often isn't enough biodiversity in terms of the trees.
I mean, when it comes to a forest, and that's what people don't understand, a forest is a living organism.
It has multiple layers, it has multiple parts. You just pop a set of trees down and expect things to work out okay.
You know, James C. Scott talks about this in seeing like a state.
You can't just, in these states, they start these sort of forestry projects.
They try to legible, legibleize these forests, these simple roads and organisations,
and you cut out all the fluff, all the shrubbery, all the other plans that are competing, quote, unquote.
You end up with a dead system. You end up with a system that is very fragile,
that's not able to respond to changes in the environments that arise
because it does not have the buffers of a complex web of life in place.
Indigenous groups and really anybody who is grounded in the local context is able to most effectively engage and respond
because they have access to that information, because they're able to see the sharks in the system, the buffers, what works, what doesn't.
Humiculturists are able to, you know, to have these intensive systems because they are constantly monitoring, come in full circle here, constantly monitoring the feedback that they're getting from their systems.
And of course, there's a fifth principle, you know, in these sort of situations, you're still going to have a couple opportunistic people who may be tempted to take advantage of the trust present in the group.
And when I say opportunistic people, I don't mean to create this other, this outgroup.
I just mean it's in the sense of, you know, you have, like we all do, moments of weakness, right?
And in those moments of weakness, it can be easy for some to falter, and in that falter and jeopardize the security of the system as a whole.
And so the fifth principle of successful comments management is the practice of accountability and systems of accountability through graduated sanctions.
Of course, empathy needs to be maintained throughout the process, and I don't think that every infraction must automatically responded to with sanctions, like, again, I'm not trying to do something in 1984.
It's just obviously when you have a system that has, and I know I'm referencing 1984 like a right finger, but yeah, I think it's fine to reference 1984 correctly as opposed to like someone who hasn't read it or read anything else that he wrote.
Yeah, yeah.
We can take it.
But you know, you obviously not every situation can respond to its sanctions, obviously, empathy is maintained throughout the process.
But when you have a system in which a lot of people are dependent on the sustainability, not just people living right now, but generations to come and that's not something we are accustomed to thinking about.
But generations to come you have to think about with these sort of common institutions.
You can't do as the capitalist do and just let people do whatever with minimal if any environmental protections with minimal if any like standards in place.
Yes, infractions vary in severity and stuff, but when the livelihood of the entire community is at stake, you know, things can be so easy.
When infractions are just, you know, temporary deviations or unthreatening to the overall survival of the CPR, then you know, tolerance can be high, but it depends on the circumstance and that's why it really is important that the prior four principles are in place.
You know, you have the clear defined boundaries, you have the rules of the commons established by collective decision making power over the comments with a constant process of monitoring in place, because again, the responsiveness of the people on the ground is a lot more in tune with the conditions of the
commons and with the needs of the people themselves because they are the people and the fifth principle and the fourth principle and all the other principles would be nothing without the sixth principle, which is the presence of conflict resolution mechanism.
Humans are going to human, you know, we make mistakes, we have disagreements, and it needs to be some sort of means of discussing and resolving conflict in a healthy and effective way.
There are a lot of processes in place. A lot of communities, egalitarian communities throughout history have used some sort of system of mediation.
There's also arbitration, which tends to be more common in state societies, and there are also new models and methods of justice being established and drawn from from the past as well, that we can look into but they are conflict resolution mechanisms, they have to be in place,
with successful comments management. We live in a society and society includes conflict. Conflict is not always necessarily a bad thing, but it's a thing and you can't ignore it and expect it to go away.
The seventh principle is the freedom to organize and this principle is, you know, the basis upon which the other principles rest.
In some places people have a lot of autonomy to self organize free of state control. In other places, they don't.
In other places, there's a lot of state encroachment on the commons because that has been the mission of the state to further their tendrils in every sphere of life and existence.
So, obviously, the end goal, or one of the end goals is the complete abolition of the state. And obviously, the process upon which we reach those end goals would require prefigurative politics in the sense of establishing the institutions that we want in a future society in the
here now and building that dual power capacity to provide a competitive excuse the capitalist terminology, but a competitive model that can, you know, compete with rise from and separately from and eventually replace the existing system.
So that's the process of social revolution. I have a video coming up on that in December.
Lastly, and this does not apply to every instance of commons management.
But in some cases, you'll need the eighth and final principle for successful comments management that is nested enterprises, which is, you know, basically the same principle as an anarchist confederation.
You know, if a particular community is accessing a commons institution that other communities are accessing, or if the commons that a group of communities are accessing are part of a larger regional commons or archipelagic commons or continental
commons, then he wants to have means of collaboration, bottom up, of course, bottom up organizations, but you know, maintain the power to local level while coordinating these larger scaled commons and ensuring that there's a smooth running and smooth communication between
the appropriators, you know, the people involved. These principles very clearly differentiate between success and the failure cases to reiterate the commons.
The principles successful commons management as follows clearly defined boundaries, rules compatible with local conditions, collective decision making power to establish those rules, monitoring to ensure those rules are compatible with people and conditions,
graduated sanctions to ensure that rules are kept up with and the commons are protected from potential threats, conflict resolution mechanisms because humans are going to human, freedom to organize, particularly in the fragile early
stages of establishing these projects and nested enterprises, confederation from the bottom up.
In certain failure cases, we see that, you know, none of the principles apply. For example, in the book, Eleanor Ostrom references these two Turkish fisheries, the Bay of Izmir and Bodrum, where there was severe
rent dissipation, continuing unabated. Of course, the book was written a while ago, so I'm not sure how the situation has evolved since then.
But rent dissipation is basically a circumstance in which the commons, common pool resources are being depleted severely, and the sustainability of those commons are at stake.
And so without those principles in place to ensure that it doesn't happen, you get a situation like what's going on, or what was going on in the Bay of Izmir and Bodrum.
In the Kirindi Oil Irrigation Project in Sri Lanka, they did have clear boundaries that one principle in place, but the other principles were not.
In Mojave, California, they did have the institution of collective choice. They did have conflict resolution mechanisms, and it did have the recognized right to organize.
But the other principles were not in place, and so that institution was also a failure.
Or we could look at the case in the Mawala fishery, also in Sri Lanka, where rent dissipation had become a very severe problem, particularly after 1938.
Now they did have rules in place. They did have a monitoring system.
But unfortunately, you know, despite having those rules, despite having, you know, regulating the access to the beach and the use of the beach sands and the control of the number of nets to be used.
I mean, they really did try. It wasn't a problem of ignorance.
The issue was that although they were aware of the consequences of adding too many nets and drawing too much from the fishery,
the issue became that the appropriators, the fishermen themselves, they don't have the autonomy to make and enforce the rules of the fishery that was deprived of them.
And so the institution was not able to sustain itself in the long term.
So in all these cases, you know, no more of the three design principles actually characterized any of these cases. And so they were unable to solve the problems that they faced.
There, of course, also issues where they are viable but fragile common systems where, you know, they have more of the principles in place, but they still lack all of them.
So also in Sri Lanka, there was the gal oil, where boundaries and membership were clearly designated, where rules have been devised and monitored, where collective choice arenas have been set up.
But they, you know, did not have the autonomy and they did not have conflict resolution mechanisms in place.
And so the institution is not as robust as it could be.
Of course, when it comes to the commons and existing institutions, existing fragile institutions, existing successful institutions, existing failures of institutions,
that does not necessarily need to limit our imagination of possibilities.
But it's good to be informed as to what has worked in the past and what hasn't.
We can still imagine future scenarios and experiments and how they might play out. But the point is, if we're trying to reinstate the commons, we need to understand what makes them work.
At least what has made them work in the past and in the present.
For more information on the commons and also the potential of a library economy, you can check out my videos on the commons and the library economy on my channel, youtube.com slash angirism.
You can also check out Eleanor Ostrom's book, Governing the Commons, as well as a book called Eleanor Ostrom's Rules for Radicals, which I haven't read yet, but I feel it was pretty good.
If you like what I do, and you'd like to support me, you can follow me on Patreon.com slash St. Drew, and on Twitter.com slash underscore St. Drew.
That's all I have for today. It could happen here. Peace.
As the FBI sometimes, you gotta grab the little guy to go after the big guy.
Each season will take you inside an undercover investigation. In the first season of Alphabet Boys, we're revealing how the FBI spied on protesters in Denver.
At the center of this story is a raspy-voiced, cigar-smoking man who drives a silver hearse.
And inside his hearse were like a lot of guns.
He was just waiting for me to set the date, the time, and then for sure he was trying to get it to heaven.
Listen to Alphabet Boys on the iHeart Radio app, Apple Podcast, or wherever you get your podcasts.
And when I was there, as you can imagine, I heard some pretty wild stories. But there was this one that really stuck with me.
About a Soviet astronaut who found himself stuck in space with no country to bring him down.
It's 1991, and that man, Sergei Krekalev, is floating in orbit when he gets a message that down on Earth, his beloved country, the Soviet Union, is falling apart.
And now he's left defending the Union's last outpost.
This is the crazy story of the 313 days he spent in space, 313 days that changed the world.
Listen to the last Soviet on the iHeart Radio app, Apple Podcast, or wherever you get your podcasts.
What if I told you that much of the forensic science you see on shows like CSI isn't based on actual science?
The problem with forensic science in the criminal legal system today is that it's an awful lot of forensic and not an awful lot of science.
And the wrongly convicted pay a horrific price.
Two death sentences and a life without parole.
My youngest, I was incarcerated two days after her first birthday.
I'm Molly Herman. Join me as we put forensic science on trial to discover what happens when a match isn't a match and when there's no science in CSI.
How many people have to be wrongly convicted before they realize that this stuff's all bogus? It's all made up.
Listen to CSI on trial on the iHeart Radio app, Apple Podcast, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Welcome to They Could Happen Here, a podcast about things falling apart and then maybe kind of putting them back together again, sort of. This is a special episode about things that happened, where things that happened is the Brazilian election.
And with me to talk about this is Garrison. Hello. And James.
Hello. So I think I think people probably know by now.
Luis Anasio Lula de Silva, better known as Lula, has defeated JR Bolsonaro in a absolutely terrifying squeaker of a presidential election.
This is, like, by far the closest election that Lula, a former two-term president of Brazil has ever won.
Part of this is a campaign of last-minute voter suppression that Bolsonaro and his supporters did, where, like, basically, like, the Brazilian federal police started setting up, like, they set up, like, 550 roadblocks to stop people in Lula Strongholds from voting.
There's, like, they assaulted people. It wound up not mattering. And right now, as of time of recording, which is 1 p.m., 130 p.m. Pacific on Halloween, Bolsonaro is missing in action.
There's no, like, no one's seen him. The only sign of life that there has been from him is he unfollowed his wife.
Amazing stuff.
It sounds like he just locked himself in the presidential palace and turned all of the lights off.
Yeah, he's missing in it. Nobody's seen or heard from him.
So by the time this episode comes out, there's, like, a small chance there's been a coup. There's, like, a small chance he's died from COVID. I don't know.
Probably neither of those have happened.
But, you know, so Lula won his election, like, he won, like, 50.8% of the vote, roughly.
And, okay, so there's a lot of voter suppression, but even voter suppression cannot explain why Lula, who won his last elections with, respectively, 61 in 60% of the vote, was reduced to, like, 50.8% this time.
And, okay, so this begs two questions. Who is Luisa Nassia Lula da Silva, and how did we get to this election?
So the first episode of this is going to be answering the first question, and the second episode is largely the second question.
Okay, so who actually is Lula? Lula is born in 1945, actually, his birthday is a few days ago, to a desperately poor family in Brazil's northeast.
And this family moves from the northeast to what became known as the ABC region of Brazil, which is Santo André Sal Bernardo... Jesus.
Who can't say names in Brazil now?
Okay, here's the thing. This is not a famous name. This is Sal Bernardo.
Wait, are you conflating Brazil and Argentina, which are famously not the same country?
Different languages. Here's the thing. If this was in Spanish, I could do this. I'm going to make this disclaimer here.
All of my pronunciations of this are based on my terrible knowledge of Spanish. The problem is Brazil famously speaks Portuguese, a language that is not Spanish, so...
Yeah, but okay, so there's a thing called the ABC region because there's three cities there that are ABC.
Got it.
As part of this mass migration, which is popularly remembered as this mass migration of people from the northeast to Sao Paulo, but...
That's the popular memory of it. The actualities of millions of people flow into Sao Paulo from all across Brazil.
The ABC region becomes Brazil's industrial heartland. Every story you read about this will call it Brazil's Detroit, and that's kind of true and kind of not true.
I don't know. Everyone who writes about Brazil is like, how can we make this the US?
God forbid other countries have their own realities.
Yeah, and okay, there is an extent to which Brazil is also the ex-slave colony thing, right?
But no, Brazil is its own country. However, comma, the ABC region becomes the core of Brazil's massive metalworking industry.
And this industry is just like, from the 50s to the 80s, just like purely expanding.
The historian JD French knows that the ABC's population increased by 800% from 1950s to 1980, so Lula arrives in the middle of a veritable industrial revolution.
This is going to end in one of history's sort of great built industrial working classes, but he's there that's kind of not what's happening.
The other thing I should mention about this region is that when I say metalworking, the reason there's so many Detroit comparisons is that this is a region that is massively involved in Brazil's auto industry,
which in this period is expanding and is very large.
I think I've actually talked about this in the neoliberalism episodes a little bit.
Yeah, so Lula leaves school in fifth grade to basically find whatever work he can in the street.
And this is another sort of very famous thing that everyone talks about about Lula, about he has a great school education, and that's sort of true.
It is true that he never went to school past fifth grade mostly.
I thought we'll get to some other stuff that he did later.
What happens basically is that his mom's able to get him into this government metalworking apprenticeship program that is teaching young people how to basically become skilled metalworkers.
And this also is an education.
There's a lot of very interesting theory stuff about this, about how these people are also kind of worker intellectuals because in order to be a metalworker and to do all this stuff,
you have to know a shit ton of stuff. You have to know a bunch of tactical stuff about how metal works.
It's very highly skilled and very high degree of knowledge you have to have.
So he gets this kind of education.
And he becomes a very, very good metalworker and he's part of a highly skilled and the academic literature will call it highly paid.
This is highly paid compared to someone who's a worker but who's not one of the skilled metalworkers.
These people aren't lawyers. They're so closer to the actual working class than people who are auxiliary parts of the ruling class.
He enters this sort of manufacturing boom as part of what's called the Brazilian miracle.
He's there a bit before the sort of Brazilian miracle starts but there's this period under the military dictatorship which takes power in 1965 where they kind of like luck into a functioning economy.
Although I should mention this now.
In this period in Brazil, inflation being good and under control is inflation is at 20%.
When inflation is at 20%, everything is considered fine and when it goes up from 20%, it's like oh no, we've lost control of inflation.
And this kind of like, this is a survivable thing because people's wages are sort of indexed to their index to cost of living increases to some extent.
Which is the thing that like...
Yeah, it will never happen here.
Yeah, well I mean, I guess if you do the kind of stuff these guys do, you can probably get some of this.
But yeah, the sort of interesting thing about what's happening here is you have a very large industrial working class but it's not really very militant for most of the time Lula's in it.
Except for sort of right around the military like coup in 1965.
Lula sees some of kind of like the old radicalism.
Like he talks about like watching people like storming factories because they're on strike.
The Brazilian working class does a lot of fun stuff that they do.
They do things like, okay, so everyone will show up to a protest with like a bunch of pockets full of marbles.
And when a counter recharge starts, they'll just roll the marbles down the street and the horse will step on the marbles and fall.
That's an OG battle of cable street maneuver.
Yeah, yeah. My absolute favorite one.
This is just like pure Looney Tunes shit.
They do this thing where...
Okay, so they'll string piano wire up like between light posts and then they'll bait Calvary Ennis to the charging at them.
And then they'll run under the thing and the guys will just get fucking clothes lined.
That's so good.
Yeah, that's pretty great.
Horse cops.
You don't see horse cops in America, but...
Well, you see them sometimes.
I have seen some horse cops.
Portland's horse cops only like stopped existing a few years ago.
Yeah, in the UK up until very recently, they used them to police protest.
Yeah, there was footage from 2020 of people getting run over by horses in the States.
Yeah, they still do this. Yeah, it fucking sucks.
I think the most famous police horse related story in the US is a Philly sports fan.
I think it was like 2014 punching a police horse.
What a city.
The most famous British police horse thing is the horse humping the cop.
Critical support to the horse?
Yeah, it's gonna quickly copy the image into the chat so you can all enjoy it.
Okay, all right.
I'm glad that we've taken this episode in this direction.
Oh my fucking... Holy shit, that... Oh my god, okay.
That is much more graphic than I thought it was going to be.
Well, do you know what else will take a cop and bend it over and... Nope.
All right, well, here's some...
We can't promise that, Garrison.
Here is some advertisements.
And we're back with other things that will scar my soul forever.
Oh, boy.
Up until sort of 1965, there had been a kind of left-wing government in Brazil
and then the military coup just overthrows it.
And the left is kind of just like annihilated from this.
And it's not just from the pure political repression,
which is like all the communist parties are forced underground.
But one of the real things that sort of like really shatters the Brazilian left
is that the coup happens and the left sort of knows there's a coup coming, right?
But they expect that when the coup happens, there's gonna be strikes
and like the working class is gonna fight them and they're gonna beat it.
And everyone kind of just like in the factories kind of just shrugs
and nothing happens and they just get rolled over.
And this is the start of this period of sort of like, you know,
this kind of like the workers movement, like nothing is happening again.
There's some sort of radical student groups are trying to do stuff,
but like, I don't know, there's a Brazilian version of May 68,
but mostly what happens there is like one factory gets occupied
and then the army shows up with guns and they get owned and it's really grim.
You know, you have these sort of like tiny like, actually, okay,
you have these tiny Catholic Maoist groups who release Maoist student groups.
Wait.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Okay.
We just go straight through that.
All right.
It's nuts.
Normal.
Totally normal.
Yeah.
And then, you know, they're trying to do like guerrilla and certainty stuff
and the army just sort of like kills them all.
They're horribly destroyed.
So for almost a decade and a half, like you have a very deep politicized industrial
proletariat and Lula's part of this, right?
Like from, from like when he enters the workforce until like the late 70s,
he is not political at all.
Are they doing the thing under the dictatorship where they have like pet unions,
I guess, when it's like one mandated union for the industry?
Actually, I was about to talk about this.
Yeah.
So the Brazilian labor system and the thing is,
okay, so this wasn't set up under this military dictatorship.
It was kind of set up under like a previous one.
But this, yeah, it's still sort of a thing.
All of the unions have to register with the state.
And when they're doing contract negotiations, right, they're not negotiating with the
corporations or negotiating with the state.
And so this means that like the state is setting wage rates.
It's going to become important later.
But yeah, there's a really interesting sort of problem here because there's this
entire class of basically sort of like government union guy who's like basically
a bureaucrat and is like really corrupt.
We love unions.
Yeah.
Well, and this is like, and like a lot of people just hate them because like that,
like, you know, because they like literally what these people are are like,
they're a guy who's doing this job to get ahead.
And then their job is to sort of like, like, you know, technically it's like
mediate the class struggle, right?
But like what that actually means is like make sure that like,
there isn't actually sort of like, like make sure the union isn't actually sort
of a source of class conflict.
And you know, this, this is the whole sort of thing behind this because before
like the 1940s, Brazil had this really, really built in like labor movement.
They had a bunch of anarchists like the anarchists tried to overthrow the government
a couple of times.
They have these huge general strikes.
There's a communist party is like a real thing.
And then the government tries to like bring all of like, you know, okay,
fuck it, we're going to bring all the unions under our control.
And it's still also true that these are like, they're still technically unions.
So there are people who are sort of doing union organizing in them, right?
Like they still do some regular union stuff.
And yeah, we're going to talk about this a bit more later, but there's,
I don't know, these unions are fucking weird.
Like they're not like unions anywhere else I've ever seen.
Yeah.
But so because if you are thinking like Lula,
in this point, like is a political, right?
And people keep trying to talk to him about politics.
And he's like, I just want to play soccer and like chase girls.
And he talks about this like drinking like in speeches a lot.
But his brother, who's known as Fray Chico is a Brazilian communist party militant
for like his entire life and being a PCB militant in like the 60s and 70s.
This is like life-threatening.
The party is outlawed.
Everyone is so clandestine that like Fray Chico's own wife doesn't know
that he's a communist and finds out that he's a communist when he gets arrested.
Like it's, this is like the level of like clandestine shit that everyone,
that like, you know, the sort of communist parties are working on under here.
But Fray Chico is also like an open union activist.
And everyone knows he's like, he's a leftist basically,
because you know, even the sort of like, the unions are sort of like split between
like there's sort of left factions that are like trying to actually do union stuff.
But like for sort of leftist goals, there are like more moderate people
who are like bread and butter trade unionists.
And then there's also just like a bunch of people who are like just the corruption fashion.
But yeah, like Lula doesn't care about the union at all.
Like he's not even in the union until Fray Chico,
like his brother just like literally just like drags him kicking and screaming
into running for an elected position in the union,
because like he needed a guy to run on a slate,
but he couldn't run himself because everyone knew he was a leftist.
So he was like, okay, I'm going to your brother, you run.
You're not like openly a leftist.
You can actually win this.
And this is, you know, and then this works and he has elected
and this is where Lula like learns politics from the book Lula and his politics of cunning quote.
Lula would have to master the mundane aspects of union life,
including bureaucratic routines, budgets, services and preparing union assemblies.
Lula would also undergo a gradual politicization through relationships with fellow directors,
union lawyers and staff and activists central to the union's turbulent internal politics.
Finally, Lula would need to learn about the repressive dimension of working class life
under military rule, including close supervision and surveillance by police,
employers and labor ministry officials.
And what's interesting about this story is like everyone around him we joins this union,
including basically his boss in the union is a guy named Vidal,
who's a very powerful union leader.
Like, you know, his brother to like everyone thinks he's going to be this sort of like compliance,
like obedient finger head.
And instead what they have done is they have created arguably the greatest politician of the 21st century.
What are the things that's important to note here?
Is it like, okay, so like the unions are like fucked up, right?
And everyone kind of understands they're fucked up.
These are still probably the most like, like these are probably still the most competitive democratic elections
that are happening in Brazil.
Like Brazil technically has elections.
There's these sort of like two official parties.
So, okay, so it's kind of weird that the military like is in power, but like they have this sort of veneer that they're not.
And they technically they technically sometimes have a civilian president.
They have these sort of like parties that are kind of real.
But you know, the union actually has like, there are like leftist slates, there are conservative slates.
Like there's this actual sort of politics going on.
And Lula is actually able to sort of like make his mark through his ability to just like make friends with people on both the sort of like radical and moderate side of the union.
Union sort of political aisle.
And this is because Lula like Lula is just funny.
He loves playing soccer.
He loves just like dancing and hanging out.
And this lets him like win his election slate like pretty easily because you know, she's just she's just very popular.
So these are things that like, I don't know, like the other workers in the factory a lot of times don't care that much about union politics,
but they do care about like that you care about soccer a lot.
And so Lula was able to build a bunch of support.
And this lets him sort of easily take a position in a union system that like I it's basically a miniature state.
Like the unions have their own welfare programs.
They have they have their own education system.
And you know, this is part of the thing about people talking like Lula is like completely uneducated.
It's like, no, it's not like he spends a bunch of time like in classes that like the union like puts on basically like university and academic classes right for for its workers and for other people sort of affiliated with them.
So he spends a bunch and this is like, you know, part of where he learned sort of politics and where he learns political economy is like is through the through these classes the union has.
And he sorry, he the union also like, you know, I talked about like they run welfare programs, right?
So he's like he's like a social worker.
Right.
Trying trying to sort of like help workers and pensioners with this job.
He gets this position that like everyone hates like he has this position basically like running running their sort of like like welfare program and like nobody wants it.
But he like does it.
And he does it really well.
And this makes him really popular because he's the guy that like, you know, if you're like a pensioner, right?
Like he's the guy you go to to figure out pension bullshit.
And he's the guy you just go to in order to sort of get stuff done.
And yeah, you know, and this means he's spending a bunch of time doing paperwork and like negotiating with government bureaucracy.
And this makes him a very, very effective politician.
Um, here's from Lula's politics of cutting again, but Lula also gained access to an even larger constituency at the union headquarters, a working class public sphere.
Do you know how many people passed by the union daily?
He asked a journalist in 1979 at minimum 1500.
Those frequenting the union did so for many reasons, often for various sorts of assistance or assistencia, which I think is yeah, like government like union assistance stuff.
Yeah.
But also to complain about work, shoot the breeze or catch up with friends.
Some union directors often arrived late to the headquarters and were off always busy when they did.
The gregarious Lula, by contrast, maintained an open door policy and his office became a gathering point for rank and file workers, factory activists and fellow directors still linked to production.
And this is another thing that's sort of important about this is that like, okay, like once you reach like a certain position in the union, like you're just a full time a union guy.
And so there's a lot of people who like, join the union and become like union people because it means like it takes you off the shop floor.
And they're this, you know, the government does this deliberately, right?
Because it means it, you know, you're created, the thing they're trying to do is create a certain bureaucratic layer between the working class and like their union.
But Lula's like, still really connected to what's going on on the shop floor because he's just like talking to everyone all the time.
And the product of this is that Lula is becomes a very, very, like he comes to trade union, becomes a very, very powerful one.
He rapidly becomes the president of his union after some like Vidal, who's like his boss.
There's this whole thing where he's trying to stay in power, but he doesn't run for president of the union because of some complicated political maneuvering.
And so Lula ends up as the head of the union. Vidal's like, it's fine. I'm still going to be in control here. And that is not what happens.
You have just given the presidency to like a genuinely, truly singular like political figure.
But there's something that's very, very important about Lula that you need to understand to figure it, to like to understand anything that's about to happen here and basically says Lula is not a communist.
This is very important. He could not have done what he's about to do, which is, you know, become literally like a living symbol of one of the largest strike waves in Brazilian history.
He could not have done this if he was a communist. The military, if he was a communist, the military would have, you know, tortured and possibly executed him like they'd done with thousands of other communists.
His brother, Frejiko, was kidnapped and tortured horribly by the military, although he will insist that he didn't have it as bad as like a lot of other people did, which is true.
But also like they tortured the shit out of him and it was fucking horrific.
And the fact that like every single like person like the fact that every single fucking member of the military dictatorship was not fucking like taken out behind a fucking shed shot and had their like corpses fed to dogs is like genuinely one of the reasons why we're here right now.
This stuff is awful. It is a theme of the podcast.
Yeah, yeah, but what to do and think that is, you know, Lula and his wife are eventually able to sort of get him released because he's not like a very high like he's in the PCB.
Like he's in the Communist Party, like French, his brother, like, but he's not like a high ranking guy.
And, you know, the sort of cruel irony of it is like they knew that he didn't know anything that they didn't already know, but they just tortured the shit out of him in many ways.
But one of the important things that happens here is his brother, like under torture, like insists that Lula is not a communist and like continues to insist this because he isn't.
And, you know, and like people who are like that and people in the military leadership like believe this, right?
Because like that, like they're, you know, they have a really extensive sort of intelligence network.
Like at this point, they basically like they've basically destroyed the Brazilian Communist Party and they've like captured and killed most of their cadre.
And because he's not a communist, Lula is able to stay in the labor movement, even if in the short term after his brother gets arrested, he loses his job in the Union.
Because and he's able to do this because like beyond his brother who like his brother has literally been like saying communist stuff at him for decades and Lula has just been like, I don't care.
And like a couple of other people who he's just kind of kind of friends with like Lula, like he has no connection to the organized left.
Like he's not sort of like, like he's not like a leftist, right?
Like in that sort of conventional sense, like he's not tied to one of sort of the old left political factions.
And this means that he can stand in as a kind of sort of labor leader that the more moderate fashions the military dictatorship have been looking for,
which is this sort of like non-communist, like quote unquote, genuine trade unionist.
And okay, so like talking about like a moderate faction of a military dictatorship is always kind of fraught because you know it's a military dictatorship.
But like, like all these people suck.
It's also true that there were there were factions within the military dictatorship who, so there was a faction called like the dungeon, which is like the people torturing all these people to death.
There were other people in the military dictatorship who are like, this is really fucking gauche.
Like, why are you guys doing this?
Like this makes us look bad.
Also, why are you torturing these people?
And those guys look at Lula and they they're willing to work with him because like what they think they're doing is creating this sort of like authentic non-communist labor movement that will like work with them to stop communism.
Like sort of like the AFL-CIO, like specifically to talk about this like in the in the way that the AFL-CIO does in the U.S. working as an anti-communist force, they think that they can get Lula to do this.
And Lula does a lot of stuff that like looks like collaboration to the sort of like surviving leftist around him.
He develops like literally like personal relationships, kind of friendship.
It's not really friendships, but like develops personal relationships and professional relationships with members of the regime.
And, you know, again, it looks like he's collaborating, but that's not what's actually happening.
What's actually happening is that he's holding these negotiations in order to sort of increase the power of the union and build this like safety network.
Because he has these personal relationships with people in the regime, it means that he's not going to get fucking disappeared and his people aren't going to get disappeared.
And this has happened to a lot of even a lot of sort of other regular union activists who didn't have this kind of connections just like get vanished.
And the people he's able to build connections with like keep him from being like vanished and keep his trade unions from being slaughtered.
And, you know, like the people in like in the military kidtership like really think that like, OK, they've gained that, you know, they're gaining an ally and defeating communism.
The thing they are actually doing is progressing their own grave diggers.
OK, you know who else?
Yes, there we go.
You know who else is creating their own grave diggers, Garrison?
The Advertisement Industrial Complex.
Yes.
They have produced us.
We can dream.
Unbelievable.
Well, in the meantime, so inside inside the new Batman game, you play as the four sidekicks after Batman allegedly dies.
And the weirdest thing is that they because three of the sidekicks don't usually have capes, they don't do any kind of mass gliding feature for city traversal.
Instead, you have a really slow bat cycle and then you have an almost Spider-Man like grappling hook and it's it locks on to anything around you.
It's really confusing.
Are we back?
OK.
Yeah.
And we're back.
We should we should leave in like just like two minutes of Batman talk.
It was completely baffled.
So OK, the other thing about Lula just as a person is that fundamentally he's a negotiator.
Like his style is almost like Biden-esque in the sense of like Biden sort of believes like talking to everyone across the political eye, etc.
Except like, OK, the key difference here is that Lula is actually charismatic.
Yeah.
But like, you know, he will just sit there like with people across the aisle and like talk things out and negotiate with them.
He'll talk with employers.
We'll talk with members in the military dictatorship.
But, you know, the other difference is that like, OK, so Biden is like is a concert politician.
Right.
Like when he talks about like talking with people across the aisle, he means like strum Thurman.
Right.
When Lula is talking with people, he's talking with everyone like he like literally everyone.
He runs the classes talking with random people like Union halls and meetings at picket lines at like soccer games at bars.
And because he spends all of this time talking to people constantly, he gains this just like incredible ability to read crowds and like tailor message messages for them
and like figure out what sort of like like what sort of things will work with whatever person is saying.
And he gains this like absolutely incredible ability to sort of charm people.
And it works on people even on people who fucking hate him.
Like there are there are like journalists who will spend literally their entire careers trying to destroy him.
And when they're asked about him, they're like, well, I mean, like he was a person.
He's really charming.
Like he's a nice guy.
And but, you know, so part of what he's doing in this period, this is this is this is the late 70s.
Going into the early 60s playing this like this very specific like game of respectability politics of like not directly criticizing the government.
And like there are these like there are these strikes that start happening because.
Okay, so it turns out that the military government has been trying to get inflation like the whole sort of economic system they've been doing starts to fall apart.
And inflation starts to come back and they start doing these like measures to combat inflation.
And the unions.
Okay, so originally no one believed them, but the union has like has like a like.
They have like a think tank kind of right they have like a social sort of like center with a bunch of sort of like sociologists and economists and.
They figure out that the union has been lying about the government's been lying about like how bad inflation is.
And then the IMF in the late 70s confirms this that that that the military leadership has been lying about how bad its inflation is by doing some statistical stuff.
And this matters because they've been setting costs of living adjustments by a lower level of inflation that's that that was actually happening.
And this pisses everyone the fuck off because they're like literally the government is robbing us like they've been lying about how bad inflation is like.
And this is like this is like a 30% income drop right for these workers and this pisses everyone the fuck off.
And suddenly there's these massive like protests there were like hundreds of thousands of people like 100,000 people will show up to a soccer stadium as part of a strike like.
But you know Lula has to make sure that everyone doesn't get murdered and so he does these things like he'll like he avoids directly criticizing the government he has this whole thing about how like he wants to negotiate directly with the employers.
He like kicks out like leftist student groups who are like trying to like distribute like common to students who are like trying to distribute pamphlets at the rallies because he's trying to make sure that the strikers aren't seen as like communist subversives and instead is sort of like they're seen as like good
upstanding hardworking citizens and yeah here's from that book again. Given the diverse outlooks Lula represented himself as a thoughtful righteous man who disparaged riotous behavior as unworthy and counterproductive like all honest workers.
He called for the strikers to be disciplined and counseled against classes with the police.
He continually frames their fight as one with the companies not the government or the policemen.
And this like works because any more radical action probably is going to get everyone killed.
And I mean like when the strikes are going on there's like like they're getting buzzed by helicopters.
There's like fucking army trucks everywhere.
But you know he manages not to get everyone killed.
And the result of this is that Lula immediately becomes the most famous worker in Brazil.
He's like on TV.
He's leading strikes everywhere like there's these massive rallies.
And you know there's some really like there's some really like genuinely adorable stuff that's happening.
We're like when he's giving his first speech to one of these rallies it's like it's fucking raining.
The soccer stadium is just mud like his podium is literally sinking into the body.
He's trying to speak and this is like the first time he's addressed a crowd this loud and he's nervous and people start leaving.
And they're doing one of the other things I learned about this is how old the how old the crowd mic is.
So they're doing this thing that becomes known as the crowd mic where like you don't have a microphone or you can't reach everyone.
So the speaker says like a sentence and then each person in the crowd says a sentence and it just sort of moves back through the crowd from everyone repeating it.
And he's trying to give the speech is not going great.
And like the workers in the front row start like yelling like hey you can do this Lula don't worry you got this.
And then he like and then this is like absolutely adorable moment and then he sort of like gets better at it.
And like by like the second one of these like people are just like in love with him.
He is unbelievably popular.
He's an incredible speaker.
He's like it's very easy to and you see writing about this at the time that are like that look at him and are like well this guy like this guy is literally like people people are like calling him literally the Messiah of the working class.
Like this is the kind of sort of like like a claim that he has like there are after one of his speeches like the entire crowd literally carries him on their shoulders from one end of the soccer stadium to the other.
Like there are like like there are people like walking on stage and calling him like father in saying Hail Mary's like it's it's fucking wild.
But you know but like and like when when when like sort of rich and educated people look at this they're like oh these people are like blindly obedient to him.
They're like they had this client-patern relationship.
He's like manipulating the masses and that's not what's happening.
Like that's just not what's happening.
Like he actually like the union votes against him like a couple of times like because because he's trying to do negotiations right.
And there's a thing if I'm understanding the story right.
I think what happened is that he's trying to like negotiate like people coming back to work negotiations continues like a show of good faith or whatever.
And the unions like fuck no we're not going back to work and just like votes him down.
And so like this kind of stuff happens right like that you know like people respect him enormously and he is like literally in some sense he is like the avatar of the industrial working class like working class people look at him and like and they see themselves in him.
And they see they see the power that he's able to sort of how many people he's around them they're like oh shit the union is strong like we are strong we can actually sort of fight back.
But it's not like a sort of client-patern thing.
He he's it's just like he's at the head of a workers movement that is a force in and of itself and has its own agency and capacity to act and Lula has to like negotiate with that.
And like he has to sort of like rebuild their trust after he you know is taking a sort of more moderate line.
He he eventually gets like arrested in 1980.
So he gets released after like a month.
And from there he gets to work founding like every important leftist organization like the last 40 years.
So in 1980 he's one of the people who founds the workers party in 1983 he founds the CUT or the English translation of its unified workers central which like to this day is Brazil's like National Trade Union Center.
Like it's like it's like their big union federation and this is illegal at the time.
But you just like fuck it we're doing anyways like these people are losing the the the the the the dictatorship losing control.
And the CUT like plays a huge role in how the dictatorship loses power.
So does the PT to some extent like the PT the PT like as a party are powerful enough that like they were involved in drafting the Constitution.
He's there for the founding the landless workers movement which is a social movement that like ceases land that's not being used in leadership as a worker.
She's heavily involved in the campaigns to sort of force the military out of power.
And you know as a military dictatorship like kind of falls apart in democracy like kind of like fully returns to Brazil in 1989.
He goes like full intellectual politics.
But the problem is that like he's kind of too early for his politics.
He spends like the entire 90s just like getting his ass handed to him in elections over and over again.
And part of what's happening you know by part of literally what he's doing in the 90s is rebuilt.
He's like rebuilding the entire Latin American left like from ground zero after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the sort of like global defeat of left in the 80s.
He's one of the founders of the form of Sao Paulo which is the first of this series of sort of like meetings of leftists from Latin America and the Caribbean which is trying to figure out like.
Okay like hey what is socialism now that like the Berlin Wall is down.
And everything sort of going to shit.
And in 1990 that's a really bleak prospect like neoliberalism is completely ascendant nationalism has destroyed socialism like every sort of former social states falling apart like capitalist are running rampant across the globe like.
Literally in like entire communist parties are just like disbanding and all of their sort of cadre are becoming liberals.
But you know as the 90s go on and people actually have to sort of like live under this they increasingly realize it sucks ass.
And that I you know what living under neoliberalism means is like I am a structural adjustments and like the economy like there's there's the Asian market collapse there's a bunch of other market collapses.
And you know as after the Zapatista sort of go on the take like the first like part of the left to really go on the offensive after their uprising in 1994 the left kind of starts to put itself back together.
And this left like I think like this version left it's kind of dead now but.
Like I think there are people who are old enough to remember it or like remember sort of like what it used to be like the slogan of this sort of whole like like left like one of their big slogans is another world is possible.
Which is sort of like the anti like the anti it's a response to like thatchers there is no alternative is like another world is possible is this is the sort of like alter globalization left like this is the left that does the battle of Seattle in 1999.
And Lula is there for like all of it like after Seattle he helps after the battle Seattle like he helps found the world social forum which is just like giant meeting place for like international social movements.
And you know and so you know through through this whole period like the left is sort of gathering a strength everywhere. Like well okay in Latin America and also like I mean it is in a lot of places right like in India.
Like Indonesia to some extent the US although the US has this problem that 11 happens and yeah that's a shit show.
Yeah it's amazing how that this movement existed almost everywhere else but not to my knowledge is as significantly here.
Yeah well I mean we had we had Seattle right but then when that 11 happened the big unions like pulled out of doing any direct action shit and then it kind of everything kind of got ate by the anti war movement which.
Yeah and then the and then the Greenscare. Yeah and then that led to add busters doing and stuff at Occupy Wall Street and then.
Yeah that's the last 20.
Okay I would say this I think there's a break here like I think I think Occupy is when that kind of politics died because when Occupy under and this is the sort of irony of this and we'll get you next episode is that like.
You can there's a good argument that the place that that politics actually died was in Brazil when the workers party fucking like tear gas then rubber bulleted the absolute shit out of a bunch of protesters who had been who were like the Brazilian wave of sort of like that series of protests and they crushed the shit out of them it is horrible.
Like this is one of this is like one of like my foundation political memories is like fucking tanks rolling down the street people shooting rubber bullets at people like 70 year olds getting tear gas.
It is a it is a fucking shit show but in 2002 like you know it's not that we haven't gotten there yet like even the sort of like cynical Trotsky I like can't imagine the fucking PT rolling tanks through the favelas which is what they're going to be doing in 12 years.
And we had that was it went I can't remember when Tony Blair maybe there's 97 but like Britain the British Tony Blair right like represented this other vision for the left.
Yeah well and everything's like people like one of the books I was reading was like people talk about Obama is being like the end of the same wave except Obama sort of like to read like even more so than any of the other politicians when we talk about is the sort of like recuperation of this right
like yeah he's the guy who takes out energy and is like yeah and and OK so we're going to get into like the negative side of all of this shit next episode but like in some sense Lula does play a similar role in Brazil and we will get there but right now.
OK so there's another part of this that like doesn't get talked about that much which is that in the early 2000s in Latin America.
It's not just that like the left is winning elections like there are open revolutions going on like there's there's a bunch of them.
There's a like like arguably like the last communist revolution like ever happens in like the last sort of like the last gas the classical workers it happens in Argentina in 2001.
This is huge revolt against the IMF and austerity.
And like this is this is the last time like in world history that like people occupy factories and then attempt to like like take them over and use them as a way of seizing the means of production.
People occupy factories in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014 but like by that point like those guys are occupying factories and then having like occupy meetings in them.
They're not like attempting to sort of like seize production.
Yeah.
But you know like these are real revolutions right like there's there's there's there's a coup against Hugo Chavez that gets overturned by another popular revolution.
There's the water and gas wars in Bolivia which culminate in like literally deep like the capital is like entirely blockaded off from the rest of the country and surrounded by roadblocks and the fucking government like this is in 2005.
The government is like fucking imploding the military's fallen apart like you know like very like and this is this is this is the sort of chain of events that brings you realize into power but like they very nearly just destroyed the entire believe in governments.
The cycle sort of ends with the Oaxaca uprising in 2006 where like like the people of Oaxaca just fucking take the city and hold it for like a few months and like run it through democratic assemblies and then like the army shows up and they get.
Yeah but like you know like like there is a point like that that was like.
I think like like in my lifetime like the workers of a city fucking just took it over.
This is stuff that like you know like I think now we kind of like we have problem like I think most people sort of forgotten about this stuff like this this was a moment in which like like revolution and the destruction of capitalism was on the table.
Yeah and like I did a lot of it.
I'm not super I lived in Venezuela for some of this time briefly but it felt very possible in a way that like it probably hasn't since right like yeah.
It was fascinating to see like and the cooperation between those countries was very real right like obviously Cuba like Cuba Cuba doctors fucking everywhere right if you travel.
Yeah.
But it was fascinating to see like people from here coming here and they think they had that Sao Paulo forum right where they would where these ideas would be exchange and it.
Yeah that was very formative for me it genuinely felt like it was possible for something as a result of this like ghoulish IMF policy that we've had for the previous 20 years people like no fuck this we're doing it our way.
Yeah.
And yeah.
Okay but this is this is this is what's really weird about Lula because Lula is running in 2002 and he's watching all of this happen.
And his strategy his response to this is basically the analysis because he spent the entire 90s lose running leftist campaigns and losing right.
Yeah.
And his strategy in 2002 is he's going to move the PT the workers party to the right both in terms of messaging and in policy so as not to sort of like scare voters.
And he finally convinces the rest of the PT to do something he's been advocating for for like decades which is allying with sort of like liberal or conservative like non leftist parties which they do in this election.
And we're going to see how that goes later because oh boy.
But you know okay so like why why why are they sort of doing this.
There's a few reasons partially it's because Lula has been like losing elections is being like we have to do something different.
Partially it's because the PT is a product of the collapse of like.
Okay the PT like in the 2000s like the the the base that had formed that party is basically collapsed right the PT is like it's core constituencies are sort of like leftist groups there's like like left wing Catholic groups.
And the sort of like the the the giant sort of like trade union stuff that like the giant workers that Lula is a part of but by 2002.
Like the Catholic Church has swung back to the right like the sort of the sort of left Catholic people are on the retreat there's very few of them left.
There's and we're going to talk about this more later but the sort of giant industrial unions that like Lula had been ahead of.
Like and that you know Lula's career in the PT itself comes from have been shattered by sort of like the by the industrialization and the collapse of sort of Brazil's industrial economy.
And the product of this is that with it without its sort of social basis like Lula keeps losing elections.
So he goes okay so his solution to this and the PT understands this right like they're they're aware of the fact that like part of what's happening with them is that like they've.
You know they're losing parts of their working class base because that that working class literally doesn't exist anymore.
They're gaining a bunch of sort of middle class like leftist activists but they need to find a way to sort of broaden their appeal.
And so like he promises like openly gives us like speech about how he's not going to do like a rupture with the economy which is what there's party have been campaigning on because you know the PT are leftist right.
The whole point of another world as possible is we don't have to live very capitalist anymore Lula's like no no no no no guys hold on hold on.
I didn't mean that like we're not going to do a rupture and instead what Lula does is pledges to and like stays in the Brazil's commitments to the IMF including like fucking insane shit like maintaining primary budget surpluses which is nuts.
And you know and he instead of like yeah yeah he stays in the end and you know so Argentina famously like Argentina solution to the sort of uprisings that are happening is that they default on our debt to the IMF they're like fuck you we're not paying.
And Lula's like nah nah we're pay like it's fine we'll just keep paying it and like the PT itself is like what the fuck is going on like what what is happening here why is this happening here.
Like why why is he doing this and you know Lula's just like well okay we need we need to take power we need to do this take power and so he does and weirdly in the middle of this cycle of sort of like.
The resurrection of the left he's running increasingly to the right.
And you know okay part of what's happening here is that there's an inherent problem that leftist governments have when they take over the state especially when they take over a capital state by winning an election which is that.
If you are in control of the government right if you control the state your job is now to keep the economy running.
And in theory this isn't incompatible with leftist beliefs but if you stop if you stop and think about what this actually means for a second.
Keeping the economy running means keeping the economy growing and economic growth right means that capitalists have to keep making more money every year than they did last year.
Like that that's what economic growth is right and this is a real problem if you are a leftist taking power.
Because if you don't do this you will a lose elections because regular people get pissed off because when capitalists don't make more money they start firing people.
And be the bourgeoisie who only ever grudgingly accepts the leftist sort of like a legitimate power in the first place.
If you're if you're if they're if they're not getting more money every single year they will overthrow you.
And you know Lula knows this right.
But the solution to this problem that these they sort of like pink tie governments come to is basically to let a faction of the sort of national bourgeoisie the sort of national capitalist class.
The people who are like capitalist domestically like they let them into this product of sort of like not this nationalist developmental project.
And so what this means essentially is you are like you are buying you are buying a section of the ruling class off right.
You are giving them access to state contracts you're doing state investments infrastructure that helps them like expand things like mining so they can you know take take some of the profits from it.
You're giving them preferential access to government contracts and exchange research supporting you and there's a lot of ways this can look like.
The M.A.S. and Bolivia for example starts bringing these elites directly into the party with this sort of developmentalist faction.
In Brazil it looks like an alliance something called the Centro which is like some throw.
Sorry my poor Jesus not good which is this like this sort of like every present force in Brazilian politics which is like the corruption faction.
It's like this this series of sort of parties that are like kind of loosely knit who kind of vote together but you don't like they don't.
The parties nominally have ideology but like their ideology is I am I am like a local political like powerful political person and you are going to pay me or you will not be able to pass literally any bill ever.
And OK so they have to form an alliance with sort of these parties and the other thing they start doing is that they are just literally but like they just literally start buying people off.
And this leads to sort of like a bunch of corruption scandals that we're going to get you next episode.
But while Lula is in office this seems like it's working really well.
He's able to sort of pay off the bourgeoisie and fund the social welfare programs for the Brazilian working class.
And this has a massive impact right like this lists something like 20 million people out of poverty and OK and I and other people will argue about what it means to like lift people out of poverty.
And how poor they still are.
But you know it is true that people have a massive increase in quality of life like people are getting running water in their homes for the first time like people are having electricity for the first time.
It's also worth pointing out that Lula who is white spends a fucking shit ton of time fighting like fighting against racism and fighting for educational job opportunities for black people even though OK there's like an asterisk next to that.
That has to do with the police that yeah oh it's it's fucking oh boy it is worse than you can possibly imagine.
But you know like he's trying to end hunger.
He has this very famous program called the Bolsa Familia which is basically like if you're pouring off and you agree to send your kids to school and get the vaccinated like the government will just give you money.
And you know there's also a micro loan part of this which is my dot dot dot.
Nothing bad will happen from the Brazilian government attempting to get a bunch of people to take micro loans.
This does not lead us into fascism at all.
But you know OK like this works right Lula is able to grow the economy like Brazil's economic growth in this period is like seven percent which is fucking nuts like year on year.
He leaves office with I've seen it ultimately said is like an eighty five or ninety percent approval rating he's unbelievably popular.
And you know so everything like looks good right kind of from inside Brazil it looks like the PT has succeeded beyond the wildest dreams of everyone.
They've been like they've been a successful social democratic party and that they've lifted a bunch of people out of poverty.
There's like people who are alive because like who are alive today who would not be because the PT was in power right.
And you know there are people who don't starve there are people who don't go hungry.
There are people who have opportunities like educational opportunities to have opportunities to advance themselves the first time ever.
And it's a successful capitalist government too because again seven percent year on year growth right like this is fucking nuts.
Like this is this is the kind of economic growth that is like unimaginable in in most parts of the world.
However comma if this at all actually worked we wouldn't be here right now with I you know the fascist president going into like hiding.
And so next episodes you know March I've been to I've been talking about Grave Diggers sort of this episode right there's a famous part of the communist manifesto.
When Marx talks about like capital like capitalism producing its own Grave Diggers and capitalism has never done that right like to this day right now capitalism has yet to produce its own Grave Diggers.
Social democracy has bruised its own Grave Diggers in every single fucking country anyone's ever done it.
And the next episode in next episode we're going to watch the PT bruised its own Grave Diggers and we are going to watch them attempt to bury Luisa Nassia Lula de Silva and the rest of the Brazilian working class alive.
Oh good. Do you want to do a Bolsonaro update because he's apparently left the building.
Oh shit okay yeah and Bolsonaro up to wait Bolsonaro has left the building hold on breaking breaking news.
Yeah it's he left the palace finally.
Yeah in a convoy of black SUVs.
Oh he's expected to break the silence.
Yeah but so I'm looking at Benjamin Fogel who's pretty good on this.
Yeah he's expected to break the silence but not to congratulate Lula on winning.
Jesus Christ.
I have lost goodbye.
Okay so yeah there might be a if I don't know what we're going to do if there's a coup in between this episode and the next episode.
Hopefully not I don't know.
I mean one thing that like I will say and that I think we're going to talk a bit about next episode is that like part of what's happening right now that's very important is that Biden is in office in the U.S.
And I mean okay so the Brazilian military is a long history of doing coups but usually when they're doing coups they're doing coups with the backing of the U.S. government.
And Biden like just on a personal level fucking hates Bolsonaro and there is a there is a very real chance that this is a significant factor in why we haven't seen a coup is literally the president of the United States personally does not like the
president of Brazil and this is a fucking batshit state of affairs right like the fact that like the like personal inclinations of the president of the United States has this much of an impact on like the politics of an entire country is nuts.
This happened in the other direction for a while right like it's I guess not personally just the personal inclination of the president in that case.
Well there's weird things here too because like like Lula was really friendly with with Bush, which I think is why part of why he never like they never tried to kill him.
As opposed to Chavez who called him the devil.
Yeah, which is really interesting because Chavez are friends.
Yeah.
Right.
But Chavez gives the speech about how like everyone has their own like at the at the the world social form gives a speech about how everyone's existing in their own like conditions so you can't expect like you know you can't expect Lula to be Chavez you
can't expect Chavez to be Castro like stuff like that.
Yeah, yeah, but it's it's weird.
Hopefully Bolsonaro fucking leaves office, if not, I don't know, but either way, I don't know things are the history of Brazil during this period is also kind of bleak but after this period is way the fuck bleaker.
So yeah, we're going to talk about that tomorrow and yeah, we'll update you if there is a coup.
During the summer of 2020, some Americans suspected that the FBI had secretly infiltrated the racial justice demonstrations.
And you know what?
They were right.
I'm Trevor Aronson, and I'm hosting a new podcast series, alphabet boys.
As the FBI, sometimes you got to grab the little guy to go after the big guy.
Each season will take you inside an undercover investigation.
In the first season of alphabet boys, we're revealing how the FBI spied on protesters in Denver.
At the center of this story is a raspy voiced cigar smoking man who drives a silver hearse.
And inside his hearse was like a lot of guns.
He's a shark and on the gun badass way and nasty sharks.
He was just waiting for me to set the date, the time, and then for sure he was trying to get it to heaven.
Listen to alphabet boys on the iHeart radio app, Apple podcast or wherever you get your podcasts.
I'm Lance Bass, and you may know me from a little band called NSYNC.
What you may not know is that when I was 23, I traveled to Moscow to train to become the youngest person to go to space.
And when I was there, as you can imagine, I heard some pretty wild stories.
But there was this one that really stuck with me about a Soviet astronaut who found himself stuck in space with no country to bring him down.
It's 1991 and that man Sergei Krekalev is floating in orbit when he gets a message that down on Earth, his beloved country, the Soviet Union, is falling apart.
And now he's left offending the Union's last outpost.
This is the crazy story of the 313 days he spent in space, 313 days that changed the world.
Listen to the last Soviet on the iHeart radio app, Apple podcast or wherever you get your podcasts.
What if I told you that much of the forensic science you see on shows like CSI isn't based on actual science?
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I'm Molly Herman. Join me as we put forensic science on trial to discover what happens when a match isn't a match and when there's no science in CSI.
How many people have to be wrongly convicted before they realize that this stuff's all bogus? It's all made up.
Listen to CSI on trial on the iHeart radio app, Apple podcast or wherever you get your podcasts.
Oh, God is dead and the woke left have killed him. Welcome to It Could Happen Here, the podcast where we celebrate the destruction of Jair Bolsonaro and the concept of Christianity in the human soul,
both of which happened recently in Brazil as far as I understand from skimming the news on Twitter. How's everybody else doing today?
Utterly exhausted, but you know, such as the world without Christ we have destroyed.
Yeah, that's what the woke mob did. Speaking of woke mobs, what are we doing today? What are we talking about?
We are talking more about the Brazilian elections. I guess we should start with our perennial update about what seems to be happening there right now.
So, okay, currently is, what, 11 a.m. Pacific time? We're recording this on Tuesday?
Yeah, that sounds about right.
Yeah, yeah, that one. So as of right now, Bolsonaro like still, so he's appeared, but he still hasn't conceded the election.
He sure hasn't.
Yeah, and, okay, so the other thing that's been going on is that there's been, one of the sort of perennial Bolsonaro things is that he has a bunch of support among a bunch of sort of like,
like a bunch of different sort of like kinds of truckers. And there's been a bunch of, there's been a bunch of barricades.
Okay, from talking to people on the ground and from what I've seen from it, I don't know. It's hard to gauge how serious these blockades actually are.
I mean, some of these blockades, I've seen videos of some that involve several dozen vehicles.
Yeah, I mean, they have a lot of vehicles. Like, as the thing, okay, so the Supreme Court has ordered the police to like clear the barricades.
And as best I can tell, they're kind of just getting their asses kicked. Like, they're not really resisting, like, particularly hard.
And so I don't know if this is like, I don't know.
I mean, it's the kind of thing that it will present perhaps a model for other people in the future if there's any efficacy to it.
It certainly could be part of an effective coup, like locking down the roads in this way.
Yeah, I mean, this is not like the coup against Allende started, for example.
If Bolsonaro and his in the military don't both go in 100% right now, basically, then what these trekkers are doing will not be much more than like an annoyance.
You know, it's the same thing as with January 6th. If Trump, when they breached the Capitol, if Trump had declared, I'm remaining president, everybody rise up, well, then a whole thing might have happened.
But he didn't. And so the momentum that might have kind of led into a more thorough takeover of the government fizzled out with a bunch of guys getting, you know, into fistfights with the Capitol police and shit.
Yeah. And there's an aspect, I think, too, that's sort of important.
So these are like Bolsonaro, like this whole sort of like truckers blockade thing, like this has been going on in various forms for like the entire time he's been in office.
And like he sort of turned them into these these motorcades that he would do, but they're really weird in that like, okay, so like they are blocking roads, but a lot of it is kind of pure spectacle.
Like there's this whole wave of sort of right wing candidates, like basically, but there's a whole wing of sort of like right wing politicians who like got their start from like doing Instagram videos from like or like TikToks or like shit, like whatever, like, basically like from these blockades.
So like, I don't know, they don't they don't seem to be like as of right now, I don't think they're like an incredibly serious fighting force.
But, you know, I mean, it's not good. This is happening. It's also not good that the police was like initially cooperating with them and that the police set up their own roadblocks to stop voting.
So I don't know the situation is not good, but it's not as bad as it could be.
And yeah, and I want to reiterate that like the US has recognized that Lula has won the election, which I think makes it like infinitely harder.
Yes, the fact that and this is this is one of those things when people on the left talk about like, is there a harm reduction point in voting?
Well, this is harm reduction, right? Because if Trump had been in office, he would have backed Bolsonaro and Lula would be in prison again.
And there would be absolutely no hope for stemming the destruction of the rainforest.
Also, I do like things could still be a nightmare in Brazil. Don't get me wrong, but we've we've at least avoided the most obvious way things could have been a disaster.
Yeah.
Although I do want to point out that the Obama administration had a huge role in like this entire shit happening to be fair.
The Obama administration, I don't think was trying to put Bolsonaro in power.
They were trying to put the neoliberal ghouls in power, but they definitely will get into that next episode.
But they definitely like helped get us here.
No, I mean, that's true. And it also follows in the continually building story that like Biden's actually a much better precedent than Barack Obama.
Yeah, low bar, but I mean, incredibly low bar because Barack Obama led directly to Donald Trump for a variety of reasons.
There you are.
This is this is a weird world that we live in.
Yeah. And it's it's also like people are now starting, you know, rightfully so.
I know we're going to be talking about a bunch of fucked up stuff about Lula, most recently kind of bringing up his very bad takes on Ukraine.
But it's also like I don't care.
Like obviously, I think I would always like for people to have if they're going to have a representative democracy, better leaders.
But at the end of the day, like the rainforest being destroyed at the rate it's being destroyed is an existential existential threat to all life on Earth.
And Lula has a proven track record of reducing deforestation in the Amazon.
So what I like, I don't care that he has a bad take on you.
I just don't like it doesn't matter really.
Yeah, yeah, I saw I saw articles that were like, ah, Lula like supports democracy in Brazil, but supports authoritarianism abroad.
Like guys shut up like, holy shit, Jesus Christ.
Like I can I if I go back to two thousand, like 17, I can find all of you like writing pull fucking probos in our articles or like shut up.
So OK, so let's get to how everything went to shit.
So last episode we sort of left the PT like writing high Lula's out with like a like 80 90% approval rating.
He's done like an economic miracle.
He's pulled one street by poverty.
I and you know, if things like continued like that, we wouldn't be here right now.
So obviously something happened and to understand what happens.
Unfortunately, we have to do some materialism.
Um, OK, so bear with me through the materialism.
I promise we're going to get to a bunch of like absolutely horrific crimes against humanity.
But first we need to do a bit of crimes against humanity.
Yeah, yeah, they're it's oh, they're there are lots of crimes.
They're they're it's oh boy.
I'm already hard.
Wait, maybe I shouldn't have said it that way.
Hmm.
Moving swiftly on.
So OK, I'm good.
I'm going to quote here from one of the sort of more famous Marx quotes from a future bear that is genuinely a very good way of understanding history,
which is men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please.
They do not make it under self-selective circumstances, but under circumstances are existing already given and transmitted from the past.
So OK, what are the circumstances that like 2002 Lula is inheriting?
Um, Lula's sort of social democratic plan is able to sort of grow the economy and also pay off the ruling class to be able to stay in power.
At the same time, because something called the commodity boom, a commodity boom broadly is this like it's a large spike across the board in the prices of commodities over a sort of period of time.
We're using the sort of like mainstream bourgeois definition of commodity, which is like primary commodities and it's stuff you can like pick up off the ground, dig up or harvest.
So it's things like soybeans, like copper, iron, horses, lead.
Um, condoms, yes, we understand what commodities are.
Yes, look, Brazil condom tree, I don't know, I got nothing.
So OK, Lula like takes office and leaves power like almost exactly perfectly to take advantage of like the peak of the commodity boom, right?
Lula comes into power in 2000 and well, OK, so he wins 2002 election, he takes office 2003.
The commodity boom, according to Cambridge, Cambridge is a handbook of primary commodities in the global economy, took off in 2004 and ended in about 2014, but it's slowing by about 2010, 2011 ish.
And Lula exits office in 2010 due to the two term limit, which means he never has to deal with the consequences of the downturn.
And let's stop here for a second.
How do term limits work in the Brazilian system?
Because it's not the same as here, here like a term limit means you get your two as president and then you're done.
Yeah, so I, OK, so the way I think it works, and I could be wrong about this, but I'm 90% sure the way it works.
OK, so you can have two terms and then you can't run again in a row.
But if like someone else comes in, you can then run again after that.
It's just that you can only do two in a row.
I mean, I'm happy that he's beaten Bolsonaro, but that is a very silly way to do it.
Yeah, well, I will say something about this is something about Lula that like I think kind of infuriates a lot of the people who like don't like him politically and want to sort of screaming by his authoritarianism or whatever.
Like he he was always like, like mostly really scrupulous about the sort of like democratic norm stuff like he a lot of other sort of like pink tide leaders in the same position.
Like this is actually how even Morales originally gets in trouble is that he tries to seek a third term.
And Lula is just like, not I'm out.
I'm fuck it.
Which is which is good. Yeah.
Yeah, I mean, it kind of like on the one hand.
And so in theoretical terms, this is sort of like good for Brazilian democracy, et cetera, et cetera.
In practical terms, it's kind of a disaster.
I mean, it's good because I think that it's always good when popular leaders acknowledge like absolute limits.
But yeah, I mean, the timing wasn't ideal.
Yeah. And, you know, it.
But you know, OK, so like the reason that he's able to sort of like, you know, like if he if he if like if the Constitution allowed him to run for a third term, he would have just like, like he would have clobbered everyone.
There's just not even like any remote competition to him.
And the reason he's able to do this again is like this guy.
I mean, he got he got like 10 percent less of the vote this time.
I mean, yeah, but what was that? Yeah, OK.
Like this election was like really close.
No, no, no, you're talking about this most recent one.
Most recent one. I'm talking about Lula back then.
Yeah. Yeah. Lula back then, like literally unsophable political.
He's very, very popular at this point.
Yeah.
But but this is because of the commodity boom and we need to in order to understand what is going to happen to the PT.
We need to understand why the commodity boom happened in the first place.
This turns out to be very important.
There's there's a lot of causes technically that have to do with a lot of complicated macroeconomic stuff.
The single most important cause for us.
And I think generally the one that is like is credited with the reason that these commodity prices are increasing is the skyrocketing growth of the Chinese economy in 2000s.
And I mean, when I say skyrocketing growth, like we are talking like double digit GDP increases every year.
This is when we have that Olympics where they have all the drummers and you have that Newsweek article about how scary China is.
Maybe it's. Yeah.
Yes.
And, you know, the sort of the massive increase in industrial production, like they are the CCP is like.
Like China is industrializing on a scale that is I think like almost to one imaginable.
And this means there's an enormous increase in demand for primary commodities.
But this boom was only sustainable as long as the Chinese economy can maintain something like double digit GDP growth.
But the problem is after 2008, the Chinese economy starts to slow and sort of in response to this in 2009, the CCP does like one of the largest stimulus projects ever.
And they spend four trillion R&B on like infrastructure and welfare programs to save off a recession.
And it works.
But, you know, like they this is this is like the largest like stimulus program ever.
And it can't really keep the economy growing like ever ever since 2010, every single year.
Well, OK, I excluding the weird rebound stuff in 2021.
But like I like every single year like year on year growth or the rate of growth of the Chinese economy has been decreasing.
Right.
And OK, well, the commodity boom, you know, is produced by by feeling, you know, by by increased Chinese demand.
But OK, what happens when that, you know, isn't true?
But, you know, OK, so in the two in the two thousands, like this, this is great.
These are the sort of material conditions that make this like politics possible.
Right.
You have enormous economic growth and it brings in this economic growth is happening in sectors.
Like in very important sectors of Brazilian economy, to the extent that it's able to provide a revenue, a stable revenue base for the state that allows it to fund welfare programs like and pay off the bourgeoisie, which is, you know, this is sort of like like papering over this sort of like fundamental
contradiction of of of the PT space.
Right.
Which is that they have to like they have to keep the economy running.
So they have to have to pay off a bunch of sort of like incredibly corrupt dudes and also just sort of like Brazilian capitalists.
And they also are trying to sort of do the welfare programs.
But, you know, the commodity boom collapses and suddenly there's only enough money to either pay the capitalists or pay the workers and not both.
And the project becomes the collapse.
And this happens across Latin America.
Like I would make the argument that like the end of the commodity boom like is the reaper that came from the Latin American left.
It is at least as important, if not more so in the collapse of the sort of the pink tide over over the course of 2010s, like then the actual CIA.
But the CIA is very heavily involved in this.
But the commodity boom just sort of like just nuking all of these economies like coming to an end.
That that is an enormously important sort of like like element of this entire story.
And there's also there's another thing that we should note, which is that there's a problem with organizing your economy to be sort of like in a way that's reliant on sort of like primary commodity like export production.
A handbook of primary commodities in the global economy specifically notes, quote, Brazil's significance in coffee, cotton, iron ore, sugar and tobacco and Chile is a dominant exporter of coffee.
So, OK, Brazil exports like 11% of the world's cotton, 20% of the world's iron ore, 15% of its coffee, 39% of its sugar and 18% of its tobacco.
And also has an enormous cattle industry has got like a bunch of soybean farming, which is actually really important because it turns out as China gets richer.
It turns people into into into soy boys.
Yeah, it also makes soy sauce, which is very important for.
I mean, more importantly, our reserves of of beta-cuck energy would be disastrously low if if we didn't have Brazilian soy.
So thank you, Jair Bolsonaro, for keeping the soy flowing.
Yeah, well, I mean, this this is sort of like like this is a joke, but this is this is sort of the issue with this, right?
Like, OK, so politically, this is a there's also a massive timber industry, which has been literally destroying the entire planet.
Yes. But like, OK, so like, if you know anything about sugar, coffee, cotton and tobacco, you know, those are slavery crops.
And, you know, like, these are these are like the primary exports of a plantation economy.
And the people who run those kind of like like economies, the people who like those plantation owners are like these
the scariest people who have ever lived anywhere like at any time on Earth.
And, you know, in Brazil, these people have been in power for 500 years.
And unfortunately, this is like a big part of what sort of Lewis economic miracle is resting on.
And this isn't really like a base that produces socialism.
Like if your economic base is relying on these like unbelievably psychotic racist like planter oligarchs, like your economic base is something that creates fascism.
However, comma, Robert, do you know what else produces fascism?
The products and services that support this podcast.
Ding, ding, ding, ding, ding.
That's like our fascism just directly.
So true.
Yeah. Yeah, the gold, the gold people probably would be the main example of this.
But we also are sponsored by big fascism.org.com.
Ah, shit, I don't know.
I don't just roll the fucking ads.
Oh, we're back.
Boy, that was a good ad pivot.
I hope everybody's happy.
Chris, why don't you continue talking about Lula?
Yeah.
So speaking of fascism.
Doot, doot, doot, doot.
I was doing a...
Ah, yeah, I went into it.
Not well.
It's hard to...
We'll have Dan'll fix that up in post.
Yeah.
Okay, so speaking of creating fascism.
Yeah, let's talk about that time Lula invaded Haiti.
All right.
Okay, to be fair.
Whomst among us hasn't invaded Haiti.
This is true.
I've actually never invaded Haiti.
I've never been to Haiti.
However, the U.S. and Canada also and the U.K.
Okay, well, okay.
That is more what I was saying.
Like, it's...
Yeah.
So, okay.
So, in 2004, a CIA bat coup
ousted Haiti's democratically elected leftist president,
Jean-Batriot Aristide.
And initially...
Okay, so the initial sort of occupation force
that's sent in by the U.N.
is a U.S.
and Canadian force.
And they're sent in, like, ostensibly
under the sort of guise of, like,
restoring stability
or whatever.
Because when I think about who can make Haiti stable,
it's France and the United States.
Yeah, yeah.
Partnization stability.
And Canada.
And Canada now.
I'm glad you guys are, you know, getting involved
in your big brother's
crimes against humanity.
I'm wondering, for the Canadian stuff,
how do they ship all of
the Mounties all the way to Haiti?
Okay, so here's the thing about the U.S.
They took their horses over the water, Garrison.
Yeah.
We built the land bridge.
Yeah.
Loud and divided.
The thing about this force, right, is that, like...
Okay.
So, even to, like,
the most casual observer,
having literally France in the U.S.
and also Canada, which is, like,
it was just the U.S. but there's also a French part of it,
like,
literally...
And they put weird fucking sausage soup
on their goddamn French fries.
Yeah, it turns out, okay, so, like,
the optics of these people
just militarily occupying Haiti
is really bad.
So, okay, the U.N.
is trying to figure out, like, a permanent force.
And initially, Lula, like,
opposes Brazil getting involved in this.
Which is good.
But...
When I think about...
When I think about whether or not Brazil
should be involved in places,
Haiti would not be the top of my list.
You know, I mean, this is always...
This is always just, like, a really sad thing
of sort of, like, just, like, the history of Latin America,
of, like, how many countries, like,
owe their existence to Haiti over and over
and over again.
Like, sending them troops and ships
and weapons and then every single one of these countries
are like, ah, fuck you, Haiti.
So, Lula, like,
basically, Lula becomes convinced
that, like, this is, like,
his big opportunity to, like,
build the influence of Brazil
on the international stage.
And so, Brazil just, like, takes over the occupation
or the auspices of the United Nations
stabilization mission in Haiti,
which has the, like,
utterly impronounceable
acronym
Minishta or something.
God damn it, guys. Come on.
You know how to do an acronym.
You have enough money.
Jesus.
You would think, however, comma,
no, it's this bullshit.
And, okay, so, apparently,
this is part of a plan to try to get
US and French support for a bid
to get Brazil a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
If you Google
who is currently on the UN Security Council,
you will see how this went.
Which is to say, it did not
work. And
shit starts going horrifically badly almost
immediately.
Basically, like, at the outset of the occupation,
Brazilian troops in Haiti launched an attack
on a, quote, gang leader, and note
by the way here,
the terminology that is used
to describe this operation and
the people that they're fighting
is exactly the same way as the
paramilitary forces in Haiti are described,
like, right now by the US and the UN
as the US tries to stage another invasion,
this time with the backing of
Mexico's nominally leftist president, Amlo.
So,
yeah, a real sort of
legacy of
people who Americans think are leftists
doing imperialism in Haiti. Good job, everyone.
Well, everybody does
a little bit of imperialism in Haiti,
you know, as a treat.
I mean, this is the thing, right? Every
single country in Latin America is bound
and determined to prove that you actually cannot
do
a contrary
sort of popular opinion about this.
You actually can't do social democracy without imperialism,
and every single time
someone tries to do a social democracy, they have to invade Haiti.
It's just sort of like,
it's in the contract here.
Mm-hmm.
Okay, and so,
the UN, the sort of like,
and by the way, I should point out, the UN force is
commanded by a Brazilian general,
like the entire, basically once the Brazilians take over,
it's commanded by Brazilian generals the entire time.
Well, those guys seem nice.
Yeah, okay, so they
go after this guy
and they fire 22,000
rounds of ammunition into
basically just like apartment buildings.
To this day,
nobody knows how many people they killed,
but from my witness reports, we know they killed
babies, they killed children, they killed
pregnant women, it is, it is Vietnam
shit. It is
absolutely awful.
Augusto Helano
who, I guess, Helano,
I don't know how to pronounce his guy's name,
the guy who leads this operation becomes
the head of Bolsonaro's institutional security bureau.
Here's a headline from
Poder 360 from last week,
quote, it is not possible
to admit the return of the red gang,
says Helano, and by the red gang
he means Lula, he's calling Lula
a communist. Okay.
And this is fine and good from a guy who
again is the head of
the institutional security bureau.
This guy
like
sucks so much.
When he retired in 2011,
Helano defended, this is from
Breuters, when he retired in 2011,
Helano defended Brazil's
1964 to 1985 military
dictatorship as a bulwark against the
communization of the country.
Sure. And, okay, so
we can say that as much as sort of
Brazil's like
fascism is homegrown and this is absolutely true,
they're also just like
eating the ass end if you cause boomerang
because all of the
fascism that they're about to do is exported
to Haiti before it comes back.
Here's from Breuters, this is talking about
Bolsonaro's cabinet.
His proposed defense minister,
former general Fernando Alvarez
Silva, served under Helano
as an operations chief,
Bolsonaro's incoming infrastructure minister,
Tercicio Fritas
was a senior
UN military engineer in Haiti
arriving shortly after Helano
left in 2005.
Retired general Carlos Alberto
do Santa Cruz,
Brazil's next government minister
led UN troops in the Caribbean nation
2007. All of those guys, by the way,
this was written before the election,
all of those guys took office
two, fully two
of Bolsonaro's
secretaries of government were part of this
occupation.
So,
yeah, this obviously
went great for Lula.
Yeah, okay, good job.
You sent a bunch of colonial troops
to occupy Haiti and then
all of the generals came home and were like
let's fucking do fascism here too.
Yeah, so in this episode we're talking
a lot about sort of the Brazilian fascism
because this is a Brazil episode
but I don't want to minimize what this did to Haiti
where to this day
Lula is like fucking despised
for
betraying the Haitian people
and fucking occupying the country with troops.
There's this whole thing where
Lula goes to Haiti
and he has this whole thing about how
he's playing like a soccer match
and he's like okay we're going to show the world
there's no alternative to bullets and meanwhile
this soccer stadium is literally surrounded by the
Brazilian army and it's
oh boy
I love showing the world
I mean there is an alternative
to bullets and it's just threatening people
with your guns because they know you've
shot enough people that you'll use them
Oh and drones too by the way
this is where the UN learns how to do
drone warfare.
The other thing that's happening here is this occupation
is where the UN starts to fight
hybrid wars for the first time
the wars that they're doing
these sort of peacekeeping operations
they're starting to do counterinsurgency
shit where like the enemy
can be mixed in with the population
and you know they kill a shit
ton of people there is rampant rape
and sexual assault because it turns out that
when you send troops
to another country to occupy it this is what
happens
and when this force eventually pulls out
in 2017 they just like leave
a shit ton of fatherless babies behind
because the people who
did all this shit were like fuck it we're just going to leave
leave these children behind
I think most famously
okay so there's a giant earthquake
in Hades 2011 and 2010
and this leads to this like enormous sort of
redoubling of the occupation
and troops are brought in
from other parts of the world including there's a
contingent from Nepal and the results of this
is that the Nepalese troops
Hades seems like a place Nepalese
soldiers ought to be
this is by the way like
this is like the new revolutionary government
in Nepal that is like finally defeated
the monarchy
after like decades
it's like
we all looked at the British Empire
and we're like well that's clearly fucked up
but what if we did it in a decentralized way
right
what if it wasn't just the British
what if everyone was sending Nepalese
shock troops into crackdown
on popular insurgencies
the thing that particularly goes wrong with the
Nepalese troops is that the Nepalese troops bring
the Nepalese troops back to the country
and okay well again who hasn't
you know okay these things
the defeat of cholera
this is like one of the few
genuine victories we have had
over sort of like
the last 200 years
over the forces that have caused like human misery
and suffering for like just time immemorial
is that we defeated cholera
and then we brought it back
the fucking U.N. occupation
brings like this is the first
representation to get cholera
Jesus fucking Christ
it's not hard
to not spread cholera
we success like even
if you're looking by the standards of military occupations
like the Russians
didn't haven't spread cholera in Ukraine
it's not hard to not spread cholera
we didn't spread cholera in Vietnam
no we didn't create a cholera epidemic
in Afghanistan or it is not hard
to not create a cholera epidemic
to be fair the Saudis
have managed to create one in Yemen
now too but that's probably worse
than this one but yeah
that more just reinforces my point
that most imperialist occupations
are able to not cause
cholera epidemics it's hard
and okay
you know and obviously
like okay you've now created
your colonial army the colonial army
is gonna come home and
literally these same troops go back
to Brazil and launch a war
in the favelas
like under
under Dilba Rousseff's PT
like the fucking army is literally occupying
the favelas and you know this is
all part of the PT's like massive campaign
to sort of buy weapons and modernize the army
which you know and buy
like I think currently they're
involved in like well okay
okay I
I'm not entirely sure about my dates on this
I'm not entirely sure
if they're currently involved in 9 UNPCT
operations or 16 but
there are like
there are I
Brazilian troops like
all over the world
I still doing this bullshit
and you know again as we've talked about
like literally the people who are in Haiti
like are the people who are going to help put
Lula in prison and put
Bolsonaro in power so
you know this is some
I this is some fucking enormous
like creating your own grave diggers shit
okay so okay we've now
we've now gotten through one of the sort of
sets of grave diggers the PT is building
for themselves um
but also
back in back in Brazil things are also
like you know not going great for them
which and the way
this is specifically not going great is that like
even even you know sort of in the hour of triumph
triumph of the workers party
right Lula ascendant etc etc
there is a massive fissure
opening under the feet of the Brazilian left
and that fissure is the gig economy
we we have talked
like literally ad nauseum
on this show about how the gig economy
is bad for workers
for our purposes
the thing
that's kind of important here is that
doing this kind of gig work right
like becoming an independent like an independent
contractor
has a profound social and political
effect and it creates a sort of profound
social political atomization right it breaks
down the sort of social bonds
that like built the workers who've been the PT
and transport and instead of
the sort of like you know massification
right like the
conversion to people into sort of like these
these like
concrete mass social entities who can
like take collective action you get
these neoliberal subjects who
are incredibly atomized incredibly isolated
and vulnerable to sort of like
you know fascist projects that promise like
community and unity like this new organic call
and you know guess where Bolsonaro draws his support from
oh wait it's a it's a newly evangelical
section of the working class
and to be clear here
the informal sector in Brazil
has always been massive
but the way the PT runs
their welfare programs makes everything just
exponentially worse
we talked about this a bit last episode
but one of the big things that the PT's welfare programs
do is they're about giving
people access to microcredit
and
okay so in the short run this is
technically incredibly effective at
combating poverty
but it had another effect which was
to sort of like deeply infirmly
like
sort of like ingrain
vast sections of Brazilian workers into
the banking system and turned them into micro-entrepreneurs
and okay so
being a social democratic party and
on purpose
constructing an entire class of micro-entrepreneurs
is like maybe the
single best example of producing
your own grave diggers that I've seen since
like the military dictatorship cooperated
with Lula in the first place
this is a terrible idea
but you know okay so
I think I think I think it's worth
asking like why is the PT
doing this shit right like this is
this is something that is like otherwise
absolutely incomprehensible
and the answer is that the PT
was never quite the party that people think it is
here is from a group of Brazilian anarchists
writing in CrimeThink
the rulers link to the realization of
mega-events cheaply re-political rewards
for FIFA and its corporate cronies not
coincidentally the same companies that financed
the electoral campaigns of the PT
the benefits were financial profit stretched
into the billions underwritten by public
resources and guaranteed by police repression
the PT could not have done this alone
it was the party that received
the largest total of private donations in
recent years 75 million
in 2013 while other parties
like the PSDB, the Social Democratic Party
and
PMDB, Party of Democratic Movement
the biggest and oldest party in Brazil
mostly center right and conservative politicians
only managed 46 million dollars
all together in 2014
the year of Dilma Rousseff's re-election
the PT received 47 million
dollars from contractors facing lawsuits
and investigations while the PMDB
got 38 million
the PSDB got 28 million
this demonstrates the symbiosis
between the workers party and those who control the flow of
capital in the country
a connective tissue of economic and political
power
so this is not
good and
you can sort of ask what was
the PT really doing here right like why
okay why are they doing micro loans
why are they taking all this money
and there's a really really good pair of articles
from a Brazilian group called
militants in the fog that was published at illwill
called work and revolt in Brazil's
dead ends and I'm going to read from
some of it
a bank accounts a smartphone with access to the internet
and a profile in an app
the means to collect emergency aid
which is emergency aid is
part of this is talking about Bolsonaro stuff
so Bolsonaro implements this policy
called emergency aid which is like
it's kind of the equivalent of like the U.S.'s
like
stimulus checks that we got
but slightly different
but the means
required to collect emergency aid are the same
required to create an account for Uber
a sign that we are facing
fundamental parts
of this quote new way of working
years ago it was already possible to identify
the Bolsa Familia program which is that giant
PT
like workers party cash transfer
program that we talked about last episode
whose dimensions were small in the face
of the 2020 financial aid program
the objective
of forming a unified
workplace more deeply subjugated to capitalist
relations
the quote bankification
promoted by the program contributed to the expanding
contributed to expanding
the reach of micro credit systems
a process of financialization of informality
which was
deepened in recent years with the dissemination
of increasingly agile and easy payment
terminals and electronic payment systems such as
PIX
a quicker and tax free money transfer method
the phenomenon reached
unprecedented intensity due to the emergency aid
the state-owned bank caxia
economic and federal
absorbed 30 million customers in 10 days
in what was possibly the
fastest bankification process in history
thus reaching a record profit in 2020
access to credit is essential
for the emergence of a precarious
workforce to which capital
costs and risks are transferred while interest rates
introduce a new level of productivity
to the old
okay this is a
Portuguese word that oh boy
via caro which is like getting by
which is the sort of like
it's a sort of slang term for kind of like
doing stuff in the informal economy to like
survive
which is now directly connected to global financial markets
thus the focus of these
income policies would be less on expanding consumption
capacity for the beneficiaries
as in the Keynesian distributive model
and more on expanding their investment capacity
financing the acquisition of
work instruments and quote self-valuing
their human capital
enthusiasts of such programs claim that
finance the financial cushion provided by
basic income can represent enough stability
for people to be able to spend their own savings
or other capital starting a business
so
okay what's happening here
um and Milton's a fog is arguing this
after the work of a Brazilian academic
named uh
Ludmilla
Abilio
is okay
what's happening here is the real
subsumption of the formal economy which okay so like
what what what does that mean
we need to take a step back and do like
a little bit more marks so marks makes
this distinction between
what he calls formal and real subsumption
so assumption is this like whole philosophy thing
I'm not going to get into here but basically
what he's talking about is stuff getting like subsumed by
capitalism right like becoming a part of the
sort of capitalist like processing system
and this comes in stages right the
first is formal subsumption where okay so
say you have a peasant right
formal subsumption is where
the peasant like enters
the market for the first time and suddenly be
instead of being a peasant is now like a wage worker
right and you know in
in in in this phase right capitalism
has entered a new sphere right someone who was
a peasant who was like not doing capital
stuff before right who was going for self
production and had like feudal dues and obligations
is now a wage worker
but
you know and then they're selling the goods to the market but the
actual process of production which is like okay so like
how a peasant does like how
how you your former peasant new agriculture
worker like grows their crops and what crops
they grow and like
when they decide to work in
in in this first stage this is still the peasant's
choice on that ends with real subsumption
where control all control over the workplace
that like
workers had had is completely destroyed and you're just
like oh okay this is this is what like
we think of as a regular job right we're like
okay the way the job works is your boss tells you
what to do
your entire labor process has been like fully
integrated into into into this sort of like
broader capitalist production processes that you have no control over
and this is what's been happening
in the informal economy over the past few decades in Brazil
it's a real subsumption right like
and and you know what like
it stuff that had formerly
been you know like
people taking wage labor but
the sort of structure of how
people do the jobs that they're doing
right was still up to them
this has been ending and the way it's been
ending is through
basically the degree of control offered by two
employers by apps like uber of
and like yeah the control that these apps give you
over the informal economy and the results have been
absolutely catastrophic
on the one hand the sort of limited
autonomy that the formal economy
like that the informal economy used to give you
has been crushed by sort of
sorry has been crushed by
algorithmic control from gay economy apps that
you know like track where you are and tell
you where you need to go and how how fast
you have to get there and like what lights you
have to run in order to get there
and also increasingly
these gig workers are being
squeezed by a new level of middle management
who work basically the same way as like
gang like the old gang bosses that control
Chinese labor in the turn of the 20th century
where you have these guys
who act as like private recruiting
companies and form in for workers
who okay so you go to this
place right these people are like okay I will give you a job
and they negotiate they're the people who negotiate
directly with the company and take money from the company
and then use that money to sort of like
pay the employer and
this this you know this sucks
right because on the one hands
you have all of the bad parts of a regular job
which there's a guy who tells you what to do and if
you don't do what he tells you like
you get fired and then you have all the
bad parts of an informal sector job
which is that you don't have any legal protections
that like workers with formal contracts
have and you know the
the effect of this has been to create
super hell for like
vast vast
swaths of the Brazilian working
class and this has been
a just
unbelievably catastrophic sort of
disaster
for Brazilian politics
but okay you know
what else is creating super hell for the Brazilian
working class
I mean
not the products and services that support this podcast
we're just
we'll just do it for the American working class
now now yeah
okay here's fucking ads
oh we're back
wow
I for one think
everything's gonna be fine
the fact that Lula won this resounding
victory over Jair Bolsonaro
by
nearly a whole percentage point
is gonna mean none of these problems
that you're talking about are ever things again
yep no
and you know okay so
speaking of reasons why this will not be a problem
again the sort of like
financialization bullshit this
this doesn't just like stick in sort of labor process
like this stuff spreads to the
social movements as well
which are in a lot of cases like very old
and powerful Brazilian social movements are
reduced to these sort of like state
back financialized husks of the former cells
where like you know you have
like you have social movements that are literally like issuing
bonds to like fund
their members' businesses
you have social movements that are like
okay if you show up to assemblies
you can like earn points so that you
can get access to like be put on a waiting
list for like a government rent stabilized department
or something like it is a
shit show and this whole process
sort of leads to the hollowing out of the Brazilian left
and you know
and as the left
is sort of like
being sort of like torn apart
from the inside out and
as you get into sort of like 2011,
2012, 2013 as the Brazilian economy begins to slow
you get
Brazil's version of the
sort of like movement of the squares
like 2011, 2013
uprisings which is going to be
waged against a hostile well
okay a
pretty hostile PT government like
there's a sort of public show
by Dilma Rousseff they're like yeah no I support
the protests when they're not
violent and we're going to do stuff
but okay this goes
badly very quickly so these protests
start over these like raises
in public trends in the cost of public transportation
like the fair cost raises in a bunch of cities
and
very quickly there are like 3 million
people in the streets
the sort of
conventional narrative about what
happened here is that
so the protests start off leftists
right but
then the leftists get run out
as the protests sort of keep going by these
sort of like far away political
like conservative nationalists
that like take them over and turn them from this
sort of like leftist call
for like a more egalitarian society
and for like the right to the city and like
stopping evictions and stuff like that to this sort of like
anti-corruption crusade against
PT against the PT against Dilma Rousseff
against sort of like the left itself
and okay this is true
like as far as it goes
we'll be talking more about that
impeachment campaign like next episode
but there's more
going on here and the more
going on here is that in 2013
there were massive protests like
800,000 people
protested a confederation cup which is
like a soccer tournament hosted by
like that's preceded like
it's one of the things that like precedes the world cup
I don't know I'm not a soccer knower
but
there's these massive protests against them and they are
just unbelievably brutally suppressed
like 50-54,000
cops
are sent out to like stop this shit
and they beat the absolute
shit out of everyone
and to understand why
these movements were crushed and how the right
was able to take power we need to talk about the Brazilian police
so I think
you know most of our listeners
you to me
we are familiar with the American police
right like if you're listening to the show
odds are decently good you have seen them
beat your friends to a bloody pulp you have seen them
tase the parents of children locked in a building
with a mass shooter you have seen them slaughter
men women and children in the street for no other reason
than they can because they are a fascist
death squad fused with organized crime outfits
funded by putting guns to the heads
of the American working class they are descendants
of slave catchers working each and every day to keep
the American racial hierarchy firmly
intact okay when you put it
that way it sounds bad
but I don't know like I like law
and order so
like the TV show
yeah you know that they have
Garrison you've never watched law and order
SVU
though
you're missing out on all of the good law
and order
is that the one with the golf check
I honestly don't know there's like
40 different law and order shows it's impossible
to keep track of them
but there is that there is that one
goth chick that they brought in
because our grandparents would think she was
hot yeah I think
okay the power of
goth chicks to extend
police budgets yeah it's
it's fun and good
and okay you know like we know
how bad the US police are
um I'm gonna read this from the LA
Times quote Brazilian cops
kill at nine times the rate
of US law enforcement
nine times
well
that's pretty bad
yeah you know I and I it's worth pointing out
here that Brazil was the last country in this
hemisphere to evolve slavery like
they abolished it like 20 years after the fucking
US did right
and so you know when you're thinking
about what the Brazilian police is take
everything you know about the American police
and understand that
Brazilian police right okay so
with the American police right the murder dial goes up
to 11 with the Brazilian police that murder
dial goes up to 99
and that's where they've cranked it to
um here here's some crime think in
2014 Brazil's prison population
became the third largest in the world
with 570
thousand prisoners just like 600
something thousand prisoners today most
of whom are black during the PT administration
this figure increased by
620 percent
cool yeah
I like and this
this is a part of the PT that
people
really sort of tiptoe
around which is that they preside
over like
a regime
of mass executions and mass
incarceration that is
like
utterly atrocious
and as an aside here
um okay so like there are probably
some of our listeners whose thing is that they want to
go into electoral politics
and if you are doing this you have
one job like solely
you have one responsibility and your job
is to fucking annihilate the police your
job is to destroy them so utterly and completely
that their very name is sped as a curse in the street
by people who make the sign of cross for
protection every time they think about them
like by the end of your first term these people need
to be living in fucking hovels in the woods
without access to a weapon that even as deadly
as a 2x4 and every time they attempt to enter
a town people need to be like chasing
them and throwing rocks at them
and if you do not do this you will
live like Lula has to see literally
everything you have ever done crumbled beneath the
way of a fascism that is too terrible
to imagine and you will also
experience in your lifetime
and instead of doing this the PT
is like fuck it no we're going to use the police
to stamp out protests against the mega
events that they're putting on
the police repression around
the world cup is like arguably
worse than the stuff
of the confederation cup in order to
prepare for the world cup the PT
stage is this like massive social cleansing
campaign we talked about this in our sports episode
like they carry up
mass evictions against both like regular
people and also against like
there's a bunch of sort of leftist and also
sort of just like regular people who squat in Brazil
right like up a huge part of the social movements
have been about seizing property and building
stuff on and seizing abandoned buildings
and yeah this stuff all gets evicted so they can be replaced
with world cup businesses
it's you know like what
is happening here is it's like all of the violence
gentrification but in the span of like a year
right the PT
are literally rolling German
tanks through the favelas because
like you know subtlety is something that happens
to other people not like to reality
and you know as we talked about before
they're putting them under literally military occupation
with colonial troops who were like fighting
in Haiti right evict
250,000
people for this fucking tournament
um here's some other shit
they did this is from a series of
pieces by Brazilian annex group called fictional
faction
in 2012 the federal government in FIFA
signed the general law of the world cup
to ensure that the country would quote
uphold FIFA standards of organization
during the 2013 confederation cup
and the 2014 world cup
this agreement constituted
an enormous legal offense to the Brazilian people
entailing the suspension
of many constitutional rights and
norms that are already precarious for most
for example a court established
to rule within 48 hours on strikes
that occurred within the world cup
workers lost the right to strike
or fight for improvements while FIFA avoided
paying taxes on businesses within
Brazilian territory
a special secretary to public security
for great events was created
breaking the laws stipulating that
justice may not have special sponsors
or clients who demand priority
the privatization of public space
was legitimized by the creation of
exclusive streets for FIFA and its partners
in which even local businesses
were required to keep their doors closed
within the exclusion zone around the stadium
the laws allowed FIFA
to intervene directly in the market
without the oversight of the state
FIFA was able to stipulate the price
to charge for tickets, suspending the usual
price for students and any application of consumer
production code
in addition, more than
20,000 people were allowed to work as unregulated
volunteers during the world cup
these volunteers did not receive
the protections of basic labor rights and operated
outside of constitutional norms
in situations analogous to slavery
according to Brazilian law
these exceptions to safety and labor
the labor and safety law are supposed to be limited
to volunteer work for non-profit institutions
that have a quote
civic, cultural, education, recreational
social assistance purposes
which hardly describe FIFA
the state even overlooked
the use of child labor and activities
related to the game such as the role of
ballboy which had been banned in Brazil since
2004 so
this goes great
and the thing that, you know, so this happens in 2014
under Dilma Grissif but it's worth noting like this is Lula's
project from the beginning, right
like he has been fighting
to get Brazil the world cup
like since
the opening for applications to get this world cup
in Brazil to happen
and what, you know
this campaign to get the world cup
takes the form of a
literally all-out war
against leftist protesters, squatters, workers
people living in favelas, people who are
literally all of those at the same time
who are, you know, supposedly the PT's base
and this is what the PT
spends literally the rest of its time
in power doing, right
like Dilma Grissif implements
much of austerity measures
like the spending police powers
like this is the shit that the PT is doing
like literally as the grim reaper
is coming to their door like two months
before Dilma Grissif is impeached
she
passed a pair of anti-terrorism laws
targeted at protesters
and, okay
we'll go into the impeachment next episode
but I want to close on this
which is
preventing this from happening
preventing the party of workers from
fucking rolling tanks
through the streets
in fucking working class neighborhoods
like this is the actual
sort of beating of
this is the actual sort of principle politics
of anti-capitalism
this is why there is a sort of rigid anarchist
opposition to the state, right
this isn't just ideological purity
it is the concrete knowledge that any other path is death
literally cannot continue to do
as the PT has been doing for the past fucking 20 years
to produce around gravediggers
literally the ecosystems we draw our life from
will not survive if we keep doing this
it does not matter how many people you live
you live out of poverty
if you do not actually destroy the class system
capitalism and fascism
will force them back into poverty
almost all of the poverty gains that Lula gained
during his entire time in office were destroyed in four years of Bolsonaro
every day
that the state is allowed to exist
the class system is allowed to exist
it creates a thousand more Bolsonaro's
it creates a thousand Bolsonaro's in the police
it creates some of the armies
it creates them in corporations
it creates them on the streets
and they have to be destroyed
or this world will fucking burn
and in the next episode we are going to watch
a thousand Bolsonaro's burn the entire country
and that is my
incredibly angry response
to this
absolute fucking bullshit
like are a lot of the reasons
why
everything is completely fucked
cool
well everybody
have a happy
start of November
and hopefully Brazil
isn't in a state of civil war
by the time you listen to this episode
yeah I
update at the end of the episode
I don't think there's been any change
and remember folks if you somehow take control
of the political apparatus
in Brazil
dismantle the police and the military
that should be
a lesson for you
I know a lot of you are on the verge of taking power
in Brazil so hopefully
that message will get out
and I mean in general don't fund them
don't give them more money
don't spend a bunch of money
buying them German tanks
well what do you do
why are we focusing on German tanks
they make fine tanks
ok but hear me out here
can you name a single good thing
a German tank has ever been used for
yeah
the communists
probably
I don't know
they killed a lot of Englishmen
anyway
and Canadians
during the summer of 2020
some Americans suspected that the FBI
had secretly infiltrated the
racial justice demonstrations
and you know what
they were right
I'm Trevor Aronson and I'm hosting a new
podcast series
the FBI
sometimes
you got to grab the little guy
to go after the big guy
each season will take you inside
an undercover investigation
in the first season of Alphabet Boys
we're revealing how the FBI
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at the center of this story
is a raspy voiced
cigar smoking man
who drives a silver hearse
and inside his hearse was like a lot of guns
and on the good and bad ass way
and nasty sharks
he was just waiting for me to set the date
the time and then for sure
he was trying to get it to happen
listen to Alphabet Boys on the iHeart Radio App
Apple Podcast
or wherever you get your podcasts
I'm Lance Bass
and you may know me from a little band called
NSYNC
what you may not know is that when I was 23
I traveled to Moscow
to train to become the youngest person
in space
and when I was there
as you can imagine
I heard some pretty wild stories
but there was this one
that really stuck with me
about a soviet astronaut
who found himself stuck in space
with no country to bring him down
it's 1991
and that man Sergei Krekalev
is floating in orbit when he gets a message
that down on earth
his beloved country
is falling apart
and now he's left defending the union's
last outpost
this is the crazy story
of the 313 days he spent in space
313 days
that changed the world
listen to the last soviet
on the iHeart Radio App
Apple Podcasts
or wherever you get your podcasts
what if I told you that much of the
forensic science you see on shows
like CSI
isn't based on actual science
the problem
with forensic science
in the criminal legal system today
is that it's an awful lot of forensic
and not an awful lot of science
and the wrongly convicted
pay a horrific price
two death sentences and a life without parole
my youngest, I was incarcerated
two days after her first birthday
I'm Molly Herman
join me as we put
science on trial
to discover what happens when a match
isn't a match
and when there's no science in CSI
how many people have to be wrongly convicted
before they realize
that this stuff's all bogus
it's all made up
listen to CSI on trial
on the iHeart Radio App
Apple Podcasts
or wherever you get your podcasts
it could happen here
it could happen here
it's the podcast that's happening right now
yeah, it's about
things that you know about
our third and final episode about
the Brazilian elections
it's me, Chris, I'm here with James Stout
hi, Chris
so we have an update
on this situation
which is that Jair Bolsonaro
he still, I don't think
has publicly announced defeats
but he apparently told the Supreme Court
quote, it's over
so he seems
to have committed defeat
which has not stopped a bunch of his followers
from calling for a military coup
yeah, and from these
people that still seem to be blocking roads
right?
yeah
it's happening, I don't know
yeah, it's
sort of unclear to me to what extent
his followers are going to back down
I don't think there's really much chance
for a military coup at this point
like they seem to have just lost
I read something earlier about Bolsonaro
making plans to like
there's like a sash thing you're supposed to hand over
to the next president
and he was making plans to not be in the country
when Lula took office
and the vice president handed over instead
which is like
this is like the most whiny baby shit
I've ever seen
which is like, oh god
what a loser, holy fuck
like first
as tragedy and then as fast
and then as fast and continually as fast
like that's how the right
operates right?
yeah, I actually almost had that
like I actually
almost started the Lula episode
with that quote and then I was like
well his return, I was like
that's too mean
to say about Lula, like his return hasn't been farce
yet, like yeah
but Bolsonaro is, oh boy
yeah, he's going to go spend more time
with the novel coronavirus
that's why he's withdrawing from politics
you know, I heard, there was a great line
in one of the things that I was talking about that
Milton's and the Fog piece from Ilwell yesterday
where they talked about like
I read their exact quote
it was something like
it's not just that Bolsonaro
failed to
respond to coronavirus
it's that he was a vector for coronavirus
and I was like, yeah
this is both literally and metaphorically
true, like several of the
outbreaks are just from Bolsonaro
oh yeah, absolutely amazing
yeah, real
piece of shit
yeah, so today
we're going to be talking about
very specific
so we spent last episode talking about
sort of like the
enormous army of grave diggers that the PT
had sort of built around them
and this episode is
going to be about like how their grave was
actually sort of built and then filled
in
so
I talked about in episode one
there was in 2005, I think I might have
accidentally said 2006 in the original episode
but in 2005 there's just a giant corruption scandal
involving
the workers party that like shakes all of Brazil
basically
the short version of it is that
a bunch of senior members of the PT were accused
of bribing members of the
Centro who was like Brazil
sort of like perennial elite corruption faction
to like buy their votes to get bills
passed
which honestly like I'm okay with this
like we're going to talk about some corruption
later that like does suck
this I think is fine
I am okay
I'm going to put this on the record
me, Christopher Wong, I am okay with
literally just buying the votes of like
weird corrupt right wingers
to get them to vote for legislation that's actually good
like whatever
I don't care about this like this is bullshit
like who cares
but that said
I
okay
so this entire episode
like
well okay the first like three quarters episode
this episode is like a lot about corruption
and
before we need to go any further
like we need to talk about like what corruption
actually is and about
the politics of it
so okay I want to say this as someone who lives in
like okay so I think most of our listeners
understand that Chicago is notoriously corrupt
I didn't grow up in Chicago I grew up in
Chicago's even more corrupt suburbs
like I literally
watched a mayor
physically sell city hall
to the highest bidder
like she actually literally
physically sold city hall
like this is the kind of
shit you get out in the suburbs like it is
fucking mind boggling
like that wasn't
my town but like I have
seen some shit right and
okay the thing I can say
about government corruption is that there are two kinds of people in the world
there are people like
Chicagoans who understand that every single politician
no matter like every single
politician whatsoever is going to rob you blind
because they're all corrupt
and you know there's a sort of like a more analytical
culerary to this which is that like
corruption is just a structural tendency
of the state right it's a product
of state officials like having access to the state's
enormous supply of resources it's a product
of the kind of structural incentives that
like being in a state produces
and it's a product of the fact that the state
you know acquires resources to violence
and
you know okay so there's people who understand this on
various levels right like
I mean this is genuinely the nice thing about Chicago
it's like everyone gets it like you don't have
to convince people and then
there's a bunch of people like like the other category
of people are people who genuinely think
that like politics is about people debating
political principles and that like if we just
make slightly better arguments and like have
slightly better land use policies the politicians
who literally spend all day
taking bribes and developers or like somehow
homelessness or something
or that like somehow like
corruption is a matter of political principles
like no no they're all doing this to you
like you guys
you gotta understand this
yeah it's very funny
and it's like we don't get enough credit for our
corruption San Diego I feel like
and Ron by the sea
as San Diego is known
but it's very
funny to see people being like oh there
can't be corruption because identity politics
exists or because
not Donald Trump
rather than like this is the nature of the
state especially the state under capitalism
especially under capitalism in the United States
is that like you don't get
fuck all unless you pay for it
yeah although I will say
this corruption as a policy of the state
is essentially trans ideological like the
red is communist the brown is fascist and the
most leading heart red white and blue capitalist all take
bribes they all give contracts to their family
and they all steal money from the government like
you can tell this by the fact that
the U.S. is literal like the U.S.
just made it legal to give
like they made it legal for a corporation to give money to
a candidate in order to have them vote a certain way this is legal
Nazi Germany
corrupt as shit the U.S.S. are famously
insanely corrupt this is not
this is not actually a product of ideology
it's just a sort of
structural like tendency of the state
and it doesn't matter like the military dictatorships are corrupt
like the fuck like the like the
parliamentary democracies are corrupted like this is just
like how the state works right
um and
like so political corruption
genuinely isn't that interesting
right like the actual politics of it like
it's not that interesting like it's just
people just corrupt right what is interesting
is anti-corruption politics and we need to
get this out of the way immediately
it is simultaneously true that like almost
no one openly supports corruption
like it's like it's almost
impossible to find anyone
who will come out on the record and say their pro-corruption
like
you can't do it right and it's also true
that like every single one of these people
across the entire political spectrum is corrupt
and no politician is actually
anti-corruption this is something that is very very important
to understand none of these people are fucking
anti-corruption this is sort of this is one of the lessons of Chicago
which is that all of the sort of anti-corruption crusaders
are like just as corrupt as
people they're replacing
well this is part of the way like
I don't want to go like extreme marcusia
but like the like this idea
this false choice right the corruption in
itself creates
a means for another person who is equally corrupt
to enter simply by claiming to be anti-corrupt
right like and then this we can just
kind of continually one up each other
and claiming to be different and doing the same shit
and people will embrace this fucking
false choice yeah and you know
we're gonna see this in this story later on I will give you
a preview of where this is going so Sergio
Moro who is this judge who's like
great anti-corruption crusader
turns out to have been funding is
quote-unquote anti-corruption investigations by
illegally selling information to the FBI
and then getting paid and find
money collected by the US some successful
corruption prosecutions he also
is going to like
very blatantly and pretty openly
take a job as
the as Brazil's
justice minister in exchange
for putting Bolsonaro's political
opponents in prison
magnificent okay yeah and
and you know
so okay what's
the thing that's important about this right is that anti-corruption
is not a real politics
right like it's not it's not an actual
real sense of political political positions
right what it is
is a set of politics you con rubes with
but it turns out is really really good at conning
groups because people really fucking hate corruption
and the
thing the thing that being like an
anti-corruption quote-unquote candidate does
is it lets anyone
like appear to be this sort of like populist
champion of the people against the corrupt elite
and this is really useful to the right and to sort of
I mean not just to the right but it's really useful to
sort of like bourgeois like capitalist politicians
in general because there are a lot of
times where in order to sort of protect their interests
you know or protect the interests of like their
specific faction of the ruling class they
need to win an election and they need to win the sort of hearts
of minds of the people who see that the world sucks
and like reflexively hate quote-unquote
the establishment because they know they're getting screwed
and the easiest way to sort of con
these people is to take up
the politics of anti-corruption it's
it's like the
the absolute picture perfect neoliberal
politics right like Rudy Giuliani
for example
God is start going after the mob in New York
and you know and
what he did right really because he goes out to the mob
he's an anti-corruption guy and then he replaces them with like
even more efficient and extractive neoliberal bureaucratic
parasites
yeah and it's perfect like
yeah in terms of neoliberalism right in terms of
completely avoiding a class analysis
because you can appeal
to people who are genuinely oppressed
and marginalized by the system right by saying
I'll go against this corrupt system which is
oppressing and marginalizing you but also to the bourgeois
east you can say oh the reason you're
fucking business is not as successful as it does
want its corruption so just vote for me
and we'll sort that out and you can continue exploiting
the workers who I'm also appealing to
yeah and and you know
like Giuliani
specifically like he is his name is just literally
a punchline now right
like it's not it's not even worth talking about
him fucking like chomping
on a cigar doing an ad for a cigar company
in the middle of the video right like
like but but but you know
he's selling flip flops now isn't that
yeah something like that but that's the thing like the
anti-corruption stuff was really really good for his
career and
you know
this is the poll does anti-corruption is the politics
that the Brazilian right finally figures out as like
the only thing that gets off the workers party
juggernaut now like in 2005
the corruption case brings down a whole bunch of sort of
like high-profile PT party members
but it doesn't touch Lula himself
who is like he gets his rep
like basically similar to Reagan is just like the Teflon
president everything just bounced off of him
but
you know the right in 2005 really
thinks that they've got him
and they're like okay we're gonna crush him this next election
everything's gonna go back to normal and then
you know and it is true that from
2000 compared to 2002
Lula does have less support in 2006
he goes from 61%
of the vote to a whopping 60%
of the vote
so
okay so this didn't work
right but the right
still sees that like this is the only thing
they've been able to come up with that like actually damages
the PT at all
and in 2014 a judge named Sergio Morro
who we've our Morro who again
we have given you the spoiler this is like
this is one of the most corrupt dudes in like the history
of Brazilian politics
but he
he finds like a different corruption
ring to go after that he's not a part of
and I think it's important to understand sort of from the
outside of this right that like
this anti-corruption stuff
is essentially like a
newer faction or like a slightly different
faction of the Brazilian ruling class
going after another faction of the Brazilian ruling class
so
he finds he starts to think
that that becomes known as Lava Jato
or Operation Car Wash
um
and what Morro's going after is this
legitimately genuinely enormous corruption ring
surrounding Petro Boss which is Brazil's state-owned
oil company
and the investigation leads to the arrest of
an enormous number of government officials
like there's like some of the like richest people
in Brazil go to jail
like
and it is true that like
there is an enormous amount of corruption
millions and billions of dollars that are being sort of stolen
from this oil company right through
sort of like contracts and like payoffs
and stuff um
but
we also get to some real like lepers
eating people's faces party shit here as well
where okay so 2013
Dilma Rousseff signs a law that massively
expands police powers that includes in particular
allowing them
with no strings attached to offer plea bargains of people
to get to the confess to stuff
and like give the cops information they want to hear
which is like genuinely really unethical
because I mean for a lot of reasons right
like the whole plea bargaining system
is like the reason like one of the reasons the whole
US justice system is completely fucked up because
everyone just fucking please out instead of going to trial
because they know they know they're like
everyone is pretty sure they're gonna lose and so people
you know people will just plead a shit they didn't do
because they have no chance of winning the case
it's completely fucked up and Dilma Rousseff's like
nah yeah fuck it like we're gonna sign this
like you know
and I like
I get that like she was responding
to like the protest and I get that she thought
it would mostly be used against like fucking
protesters or some shit but like
who did you think this was gonna be
used against
why like come on
like seriously
it's like
come on
it's like
it is simultaneously true that there was like
an incredibly coordinated sophisticated
like a joint
American Brazilian
intelligence and like
just a state operation to bring down the PT
it's also true that the PT
like the reason they were able to be kneecapped
so easily is that like
they'd spent the last like six years like firing
rounds over and over again into their own knees
so like okay
these things are broke through at the same time
but okay and so
Lava Jato like
eviscerates an enormous part of the sort of the
a section of the Brazilian ruling class
but it very quickly becomes
clear that it's being used as a political weapon
against Dilma Rousseff and the PT despite the fact
that like literally every Brazilian
like party is involved with this
like
I think the PSOL
might be like the only major Brazilian
political party who wasn't involved in this
and like that's because I don't think they had anyone
who was senior enough to do it
so like you know
I like
but you know everyone
like just is using this to go is like very clearly
using this to go after the PT the problem is
that
like
and this is going to be a perennial
problem with these investigations
is that they can't actually
directly nail Dilma Rousseff
or Lula with doing anything
that they have real problems with this
um you know
Dilma wins
re-election 2014 but 2015 there are these
as Lava Jato is like
going and there's this enormous
fucking press fury around it
um there are these massive sort of anti-corruption
protest demanding that like
she resigned that's ripped up by like again
like the right wing media goes just completely
batch it in this period um
and you know
okay so
again moral is running into this problem that he can't
find anything that Dilma Rousseff did
that was illegal
so he starts relying on political theater
instead he
he starts he stages this like enormous
series of raids
on like Lula's house this non-profit
like he's like like his brother's
business and you know with the entire
press court like there right
like with all the like stage for all these
raids they like they drag him off to like jail
for questioning but again like they don't
really have anything they they kind of
like invent this case
about Lula based on some convoluted
shit about a property that he didn't own
it's like I know
the thing here basically is that like
as with all corruption scandals
right this this is a fight between parts
of the ruling class right like the actual
details of who's taking money from who
are essentially irrelevant because that
that's not what actually matters right what matters here
is that like the sort of right wing
prosecutors have decided they're going to destroy the PT
and you know they're
the PT has helped them do it at every step
um
just the prosecutors right there it's like
there's like press plus prosecutors
it creates this plus a bunch of political parties too
yeah it's
so not to like draw a comparison
where it's not necessarily entirely valid but like
look at the United Kingdom right we have Boris Johnson
like man you mentally fucking up
the covid response tons of people
die and it's not that that brings
him down it's that he had a suitcase
of wine in the karaoke party like because
at some point but it's the
appearance right it's this political theater of
accountability like but you're not actually
accountable to the people who you let down
or the people who you lied to you're accountable to
like 17 media
editors yeah to Rupert Murdoch right and
Brazil has its own versions of Murdoch
who are like
I
yeah I can only imagine
like people people to who if I
if I said my actual opinions on them like
the the the FCC
would specifically start regulating podcasts
because
like oh boy all these people should
I'd redacted parody etc etc
and we'll just have like a five minute
bleep here while Chris goes off
so okay
but but I can't so okay
they have this problem again which they can't
really get Dilma Rousseff
in anything and so what happens
instead is that the Brazilian Senate
is sort of like
scrambling for something they
can use and what they eventually impeach
Dilma Rousseff for is this like
accounting procedure thing
basically that
that like everyone does and when I say
everyone does like almost every previous president
I'd like every
like every single like
what's it called like
every single like
why am I blanking on it governor is that
the right word yeah like the people who are
like the heads of states yeah I think
like all the governors do this like fucking literally
everyone in Brazilian politics does this including some
of the people who are signing like the
fucking I'd
I impeachment
thing but
they remove her from this and
okay
so like a part of the
sort of like
decrepit and despise neoliberal
right takes power
but the notable part thing here is that
she is Dilma Rousseff is impeached
by her own allies
right she is impeached
like Michael Temer the guy who
replaces Rousseff like
winds up as presidents because
Dilma Rousseff made him her VP
like
it's just like
this is dating back to like this is
like really old sort of PT political
maneuvering stuff dating back to like Lula
finally winning out over
sort of PT base in 2002 right where
he's able to convince them to like have a sort of
like conservative guy like be
his running mate and here
this is where this finally goes
to shit because the PT is making
alliances with sort of like center right
parties and all these corruption parties and it's like
okay
you allied yourself like I
understand the reason they were doing this was
that the sort of center which is like
the sort of corruption parties have enough votes
that you kind of have to work with them
but also like what did you
expect was going to happen
like did you did you really
not expect that the leverage were going to eat your
face like I okay
it's you know like it's really
like okay like you let a mosquito
into your house and you are now
like fucking Pikachu facing
because they because the mosquito bit you is like
really like
you know and this all
comes back to sort of like the things I've been talking about in
the last two episodes about like the inherent contradiction
of being a leftist and having
to keep the state and having to run a state we have to
keep the economy going right which again
it means you have to make sure the capitalists get money
and Lula could just pay these
people off like literally or figuratively because
he was benefitting from the commodity boom right
but then when the Chinese economy goes under
and suddenly the money dries up because the commodity
boom is over and the Brazilian economy starts to collapse
like you know there's nothing to pay off
the bourgeoisie with sure and
you know and Dilla
was like she's trying to pay them off
but you know in order
to fund it now now she's doing austerity
and that's
sapping her and that's sapping her base because
you know okay you have to choose one or the other but she's
not but again but she's also not able to pay off
enough of the bourgeoisie to stop some coming and so
they
offer
and you know okay so
the PT supporters will describe
what happened like that this impeachment is a coup
which is like true like as far
as it goes like it is true
that like a bunch of absolute like psychopaths
like
just like over through the democratically elected president
odd for bullshit
I actually think it's less of a coup than
the next thing we're going to get to
but
yeah so okay so the product of
this is that Michael Timber who is it like
just a unfathomable
neoliberal ghoul like
I really
like oh god
like really one of the worst people
ever um who again
Rousseff picked as her VP
because president in 2016 spends the next
two years like oh wow
also if Draco
Malfoy grew up
this is what he would look like yeah
no it's really incredible
yeah you do owe it
to yourself to go look up this kind of
this man is very
streamlined but otherwise
yeah it's remarkable
he just looks like
one of those people just looks like exactly
who he is
I cannot believe this guy succeeded
in politics when he looks like
an evil snake
yeah I think he also got arrested
for being even
but like okay so like
there is corruption going on
in the PT. Timber is the
corruption party right like he actually goes down
eventually
he is like
unfathomably corrupt
like he goes down for like
he took like
there's a bribe from a meat packer right
yeah that was one of them
he funneled like a hundred and
eighty million dollars
into like
his friends
unfathomably
and this stuff genuinely sucks
it actually does suck that
literally hundreds of millions of dollars
are being just like fucking stolen by these ghouls
right
yeah especially
in a country where
people genuinely struggle to get by
every single day
I think it's worth mentioning
the level of poverty that we're talking about
here is
like again like
people who don't have running water
people who live in deserts
and like don't have water at all
like it is
really really bad
and then you know
you are watching
just this bullshit happening right
like this fucking
like guy who
god
absolute fucking demon just stealing
a hundred like fifty million dollars right
yeah it's worth just like rich people
playing Monopoly with your fucking
future and your children's future
yeah but you know
and again like nobody fucking voted for this guy
right
and he's just
immediately starts implementing like unfathomable
just atrocious austerity
and he like
he has a seven percent appuha rating
everyone in his country is going to resign
this is the second lowest
this is the second lowest proven rating
I've ever seen for a ruling politician
after Kim Jong-Pil
who I think got down to three percent
one day I'm going to do an actual
Kim Jong-Pil episode
I feel like you're within the error margin
of any polling once you get into the single digit
no one likes you
like literally like
people from his own party
want him to resign right
and he just stays in power because
no one can do anything about it
but you always get that right
when you engage in his politics of corruption
they're like sort of palace coups
and intranizing backstabbing will necessarily happen
because like that is how you further
your own career and therefore benefit
more from the corruption right
like again see the cluster fuck
that is the United Kingdom
now do you know who else doesn't benefit
from corruption like the rest of us
I don't think we can say that
with any degree of certainty Chris
it's
it's shell
it's the products and services that
support this podcast
okay and we're back
okay this I think is a good
time as any to mention
that like
okay so
Lava Jado
is going on this entire
time right this thing is going on for years
and years and years and years and
it's reiterating that
Lava Jado is being illegally backed
by the American Justice Department
the SEC the FBI
probably all I think also the CIA
although weirdly this is
okay and this is where things get very strange because
this like
from the documents that we've seen
there is some evidence the CIA handed them shit
the thing we have the most evidence
for is actually the FBI running this coup
weird
yeah it's very weird
what's happening basically is that
the way American corruption laws work
is that like if any money passes through
like an American bank account the FBI has
the authority to go after them
and the FBI and the Justice Department
fucking hate the PT and
they're looking at Petra Boss
and they're going like this is so
much fucking money we can get if we go
after these people and also we hate them
and it's also worth noting so
Sergio Moro is like
he's a Harvard guy right he
he's a Harvard guy he was trained by
a bunch of American police people
like he is like he's like one of these
sort of like he's a Nazi cool
basically right but like he's like the
law version of a Nazi cool
and so the entire
like it's funny like the FBI
in theory is not supposed to be like the FBI is supposed
to be a domestic agency which does not make
them any better by the way but like they're not
supposed to be going after like they're not
supposed to be trying to overthrow the president of Brazil
but you know they are and again they are
taking down the Black Panthers
increasing anti-Semitism
just do normal standard domestic stuff
yeah this yeah shooting anarchists
shooting like
possibly assassinating MLK
um yeah yeah
that's what we expect from them
yeah not they're not supposed to be doing
the foreign cruise that's the CIA's job but
they're muscling into the CIA's territory here
um it's it's it's worth
mentioning as well that
like the Obama
administration is heavily involved in this
right um
and you know it turns out that by the time
you get to 2016 the Trump
administration they love this shit
because it's Trump it's like wow
damn who could have guessed
yeah that is wow yeah
and and as and this is gonna come out
it's gonna come out later um
okay this is the second time that Glenn
Greenwald is just handed like one of the
biggest news stories of the decade like
literally dropped on his lap and he gets to like
write about it is that yeah it comes out
that like this stuff is being politically
like very obviously politically motivated
like Sergio Moro's like
openly cutting deals with Bolsonaro to do political
persecutions uh there's
again again the stuff about how
he's being paid by he's
literally getting like the task
force is being funded by the FBI through these
slush funds of of fine
money collected from Petra Boss like
it's unbelievably
shady shit um
now the entire
time this is going on uh Sergio Moro has been
like
illegally wiretapping Lula's conversations
and leaking them to the press
to like destroy Lula and Dilra Rusep
politically it's
and you know and like like Operation
Car Wash like prosecutors are just like going
on TV and telling the entire Brazilian
public like no Lula's
guilty there's no doubt about it and then
in 2017 Moro
has Lula convicted now
Lula appeals this on the grounds that like this is
incredibly obviously a show trial
like but by the okay there's a lot
you will read a lot of like the sort of
liberal press in the U.S. like fucking loves
this shit and like he doesn't 14,000, 15,000, 16,000
someone says he doesn't have 17 but like
by 2017 even
the sort of American liberal press is
like hey you're running
these trials too fast
like these don't look like real trials
anymore like he's just like
there's there's like it really is like
they stop having even the pretense at this not being
a show trial so just like convicting people
convicting people convicting people convicting people and like
you know in the Lula case there's some interesting stuff
which is that like okay Moro
doesn't have the legal jurisdiction
to prosecute Lula here
like the crimes that were supposedly
committed aren't committed in
a place where Lula where Moro has
any jurisdiction at all like it's another
state and he just doesn't anyways
because he's just like fuck it like yeah whatever
yeah well the law is more of a vibe
when you are also the government
yeah well and then again like this is the thing like
people people get really really really hung up
about legal technicalities and
that shit and as we're about to see in that
in in in this case right like
that shit does not matter right
this this is entirely about sort of
power power brokering
and sort of like where where where the Brazilian
elite is in a particular time who's backing
what Lula puts in a
petition
he puts in a writ of habeas corpus that's like hey
there's stuff in the constitution that's like
I shouldn't be put in prison until my appeals are done
and this goes to the Supreme Court
at which point
a fucking Brazilian general
who apparently be in this this apparently
was planned by 15 other generals
who
I got a guy named
Eduardo
Vias Bolas like literally starts threatening
the Supreme Court on Twitter
and like
he starts employing and this tweet
is read on Globo which is like
the fucking like
biggest news network in Brazil they like read out
this tweet like the
subtext of which is if you don't put Lula
in jail we are going to do a coup
so they drag Lula off to prison
and they put him in solitary
for 580 days
which is like
yeah
yeah they are
like they are torturing the shit out of him
Jesus yeah
yeah
they are also
living out there like
fucking like
previous generation of coups against
Latin America like
dropping Victor Harra's hands off fantasies
yeah and like I say this like
Lula was arrested
by the military dictatorship in the 80s right
but even the military dictatorship only held him
for 30 days and they let him go
yeah they got nothing on the neoliberals
yeah and they're trying to put him in prison
for I think like it's originally 7 years
10 to 12 years
and there's this whole thing but like he's also
not allowed to speak to the press during this time
and the reason this is happening is that
if you're in prison you can't run for president
and in 2018 if Lula is allowed
to run for president even with all the press shit
he is going to fucking stop literally anyone in the field
yeah
and yeah so
this is going on but before we
talk about the election a little bit
and then sort of wind down
there's one more thing I want to talk about which is that
just before Lula is arrested
Mariela Franco who is a
incredibly radical city
city councilor and Rio de Janeiro is assassinated
by a death squad
there's a lot of coverage
of like
who she was sort of like there's a lot of
coverage of her story about how
she's a black lesbian woman who came who like
was from an incredibly poor family in the favelas
and how she sort of like worked way out to the politicians
but like they don't
talk about you know people will sort of
bleakly mention her human rights work
or they'll talk a bit about how she's part of the PSOL
which is this leftist party that like
okay so
I'm still kind of looking
I'm still kind of hazy about their exact story
I think what happened was
there was a group of PT
like
politicians who refused to vote for an austerity package
the PT was trying to push through
and they got kicked out of the party for it
and they founded the PSOL
and
they thought about sort of this stuff
what they won't cover really is
what she was actually doing
and I think this is
like this is incredibly important
because the thing she was actually doing
was a bunch of very radical and unbelievably dangerous
anti-police activism
so in 2008
this is again under Lula's PT government
there was a reorientation of police strategy in the favelas tours
this new program called pacifying police units
UPPs
and the idea was that instead of doing constant raids
into the favelas and then leaving them
they were just going to put them under like
constant police occupation
and you know like
something like 400,000 people
at a time are just living under these occupations
and in the beginning
it's supposed to be tied to like
there's supposed to be like an expansion of like social services
into the favelas and there's supposed to be like
community policing
and that just doesn't happen
and by 2013 they just like give up the pretense
of doing any social work and they
found this thing called tactical groups
of proximity police
which very quickly turned into just like
fucking death squads but they're both
death squads and they're also doing like
stop and frisk shit and just like
harassing random black people there's murdering people
on the streets
on a scale that is like it's
worse than it's been before like there were individual
police unit there's an individual police unit because 117 people
in a year
like it is
it is fucking horrible right this is what I was
talking about about the Brazilian police killing
killing at a rate that's 11 times higher than the American police
like it is it is fucking
atrocious um oh yeah
and there are some incredible videos
of yeah like it's
fucked um yeah and they're at war
with parts of their own population yeah
and I mean I'd say this like
this is this is one of those things
about fascism right we're like
fascism like
always kind of has
works on this system of alliances between sort of
like the police
paramilitaries who are sort of tied to the police
and organized crime yeah and
you know like there is an extent to which there are
a bunch of gangs and the police are fighting them there's
also an extent to which like everyone involved
is just shaking down all of these fucking
like unbelievably poor
largely black
like working class people who are just getting fucking
robbed every day it's
horrible um
yeah and it's that
where it might be
a bit of a sidebar though we don't like
need to fit in here but um in which case
we can just delete it but there's a I know
that one of the big Brazilian
prison gangs is like
ostensibly leftist
they're like they're called red command
right yeah
I don't know I think I think is it really
it's commandante vermel
vermel yeah yeah so they
they used to be yeah so okay
red command
used to be like an ML group
that was like
a sort of like alliance between
like
regular people in prison and like leftist
people who've been put in prison
commander yeah and it
it does a similar thing to
like like there are parts of the FARC that go like
this there's a lot of there's a thing that happens
when you're dealing with sort of armed groups
like this which is that okay so like
a lot of the things that you do
to get money as an armed group
are things that are also just a good way to get money
so things like kidnapping things like entering the drug trade
and there's a lot of groups that start out ideological
that just
seems to be ideological and the people are just like well we're just
in the drug trade now and this is kind of what happens here
with these people but okay there's actually this actually
does tie into this because so
Maria LeFrenco like
spends her entire life like fighting these people
she she she gets a sociology
degree and like what she's doing
and like while she's doing sociology stuff is she's
like making reports and like like
telling everyone like what these people are doing like
what what the fucking police are doing
and when she dies like there's a
fucking judge who's like
actually
what happened was that
she was she was she was working
with red command and
she got behind her debt payments and they killed her
and it's like this is some fucking bullshit like right
it like she so we
actually still don't really know much about like who killed her
right we know
that one of the one of the people who's being
tried for the getaway driver was like picture with
Bolsonaro
there's a bunch of weird ties to like Bolsonaro's brother
because Bolsonaro's very very
heavily tied into a bunch of armed paramilitary
groups or
it works well for everyone to have these
groups that they campaign as like the great satan
right like the police can be like we're combating the gangs
the gangs can be like well you all hate the fucking
police right like and then they yeah they
could just blame anyone else whenever there is
and it's like the self supporting
structure yeah but
every once in a while you get someone and
like she's a very
very rare kind of person
she winds up as a city council right
she's a very very rare kind of
politician who like everyone
likes like an inch like everyone on the left
likes like you're even you're
sort of like like most hardcore like
fucking guy and like
you're most like like hardcore guy and like a tiny
ml sect and like your most
hardline anarchists like everyone likes her
because she's doing she's doing like
she's every day putting her life in danger
trying to stop the police
and you know and when you get someone
like that who is not part of the sort
of like is not part of either of these factions
right and who is a genuine threat to both of
them because she is unbelievably popular
she gets the fifth most votes of anyone
like who's who's running for city councilor
and she's doing it again running for the psol who's
like they have like five
seats I think in
in the senate or something like that
like they're not like they're not
like they are a kind of large party but they're not
like one of the parties ever gonna like win a national
election right like
and you know but she she is an incredible
threat to them and so they have her
killed we know that the bullets that were
at that that I she was killed by
were part of a batch that was sold
by the police we know that from from
another one of the batches that was in that
sequence like there's a bunch
of other people who were killed by the police
and this is also like wait sold to
the police or sold by the police sold
by the police magnificent oh good
yeah yeah um there you know and there's a
lot of stuff going on here too which is
like there are a lot of activists
in Brazil who get killed like this is this happens
all the time there are a lot of indigenous activists
you get killed or a lot of black activists you get killed
are just like if you piss off
the wrong person like you can just get
executed and this assassination is one of the symbols
of it because like she was a city
council woman right yeah like
she was part of a major political party and they just
fucking shot her yeah and
no one's been held accountable yeah
I it's it's fucking horrible
um I yeah I don't really have
I don't have any sort of
like clever thing to
say here it's just it's just fucking
awful there's one more
thing I need to mention which is that yeah okay so
the thing she was doing like like
literally she was at a conference
like she was killed like driving home from a
conference right and the thing she was doing
like literally in the days leading up it
like leading up to her assassination was
so Michael Temmer had this thing
called the quote the quote the quote the quote
federal intervention which was apparently
like extremely popular in Brazil which is like
a sign of how fucked up everything
is which is that he just like
was like fuck it we're gonna hand control of
quote-unquote security in Rio de Janeiro to the army
and let them like go to war with the gangs
yeah fucked unbelievable fucked
yeah and she she is
takes an incredibly bold stance against this is
trying is trying to fight it and then
she is mysteriously assassinated
yeah it's a bit like
you know how like you obviously
people will say the fascism is like the
return of colonialism to domestic
policy right colonial
methods in in the metro
instead of in the colonies and like
this is similar here right like what
you're seeing is just they're doing a colonialism
but just to poor people yeah although I
I should mention
a lot of us in that analysis is developed
in like
like is developed for Europe and
the Brazilian context is not the same thing as that because
like Brazil
was also doing all of this stuff to its own
population because again Brazil has
a mass like
like Brazil's a settler colony that was also a slave
state right yeah so
all of this violence is just it's the same
thing that they've been doing
since they got there
like yeah I mean and this something actually Lula talks
about a lot which is like the people who've been in power for
500 years are still in power
but I think it's important
to understand like
part of how Bolsonaro is able to do what he does
is that everyone is already
like everyone is already so primed
to just like back the fucking army coming
in and like right like
there's so much racism there's so much just like
like there's this whole law
and order shit thing that's going on
and the sort of product of all of this
is in 2018
election
the PT put in basically some
I mean he's not some random guy like he was like
like he was like a kind of prominent
politician but they basically
run like some guy and
he gets clobbered with Bolsonaro
and part of this is there's a lot of stuff
that happens here that's like very similar
to sort of US disinformation campaigns
like there's all these like telegram groups going around
where like yeah his name is Fernando Haddad
there's this whole thing about how he's going to like
turn your kids gay and like
he's a satanist
um yeah
so
yeah the satanist thing
is interesting right because I think people
um
there's this analysis like we have to see everything
through the lens of American politics like the
Bolsonaro is the
Brazilian Trump
but like it's I'm not
this is not deep but like it strikes me that he
embraces Catholicism
to a degree that is like much
greater than like Trump
did religion
I mean it's interesting so like the Latin American context has
you know it has this like thing I think you know about
there's this sort of right-wing Catholic
evangelical alliance
that is happening here and you know because
like a whole bunch of
Bolsonaro's base is a shit ton of evangelicals
but he's like there's this
sort of shared language around
specifically like around anti-abortion stuff around
opposing gender
ideology and like feminism
and stuff like that where it's like
you can do this sort of dog like not even dog wasn't
you can just sort of like whistle at them
and
you know like it works and
this is sort of like
you know I am like okay like
if
if I had any energy left in me
I would probably do another episode that was like
like 2, 3
I could do like a fucking year of episodes
but everything that happened to their Bolsonaro
um
yeah I'm just gonna sort of
hit some of the like
low lights
I don't know what you call it like
Bolsonaro
okay but Bolsonaro managed to kill
less people than Trump did
and also than Biden did
but comma he also killed
a fucking unfathomable number of people with
covid like he refused
to buy vaccines he
like
was like really into the
class of core clean stuff
like he personally
spread covid to a bunch of people
like
there's like one
I think one of the most famous things that
people know about
like
the sort of Bolsonaro regime is that the Amazon
was fucking burned um because there are all these
huge part of his base are these like
basically legal loggers
and Bolsonaro was just like yeah fuck it go
like destroy all destroy all this indigenous land
fucking kill the people on it
and they have been just like
annihilating the Amazon
didn't he also and I may again be completely
off base on this didn't he break down
a lot of the like from FUNAI
is the Brazilian national organization
that among other things
does some sometimes problematic
but protection of indigenous
peoples didn't he like dismantle
a lot of the structure of that and try and
defund it yeah
and it's like Trump
right like it'll take years to one dude
it's bullshit wait I might never be
I'm not looking at that we're running out of fucking
time right like we don't have yeah well
this is one of the things where like we have to hope Lula
actually fucking holds up his word here because
like okay so the PT
the PT's record of deforestation is
way way enormously better than Bolsonaro
but it's also true that a lot of the sort of
legal framework that Bolsonaro's been using to push this stuff
like is stuff from the PT
and you know I
Lula has pledged to stop deforestation
like I hope he does or fucking everyone
is going to die yeah
uh yeah
I mean there's
you know like everything that was like that I've
talked about that was bad before got
enormously worse under Bolsonaro the police
violence got worse the military violence got worse
um there's just like
he's able to sort of like do this like
enormous anti-communist fervor
um but the problem is that he kills
like
he kills too many
people it's not so much he's killing his own voter base
I mean he is but like the thing is like
he really just destroys
the entire Brazilian economy
like he just nukes it
and this costs him
the support of a bunch of the ruling class
and this is
actually the thing that this is like
ultimately what defeated Bolsonaro is um
like in in so far as we
can even talk about a big debate what what defeated Bolsonaro personally
is the fact
that like he like
he loses it off for the ruling class that when Lula
appeals like
when Lula's actual case appeal goes to the Supreme Court
they throw it out
and Sergio Moro like turns on him for a bit
although Moro
comes back and endorses Bolsonaro in the election
because he's a piece of shit
but like yeah there's he loses a bunch of
sort of the support of the ruling class and
there's this kind of
this is the thing I think is kind of disturbing about
this election
even to Lula one is that
Lula did this like
giant united French strategy right like
he pulled together like
he was recognized by sort of everyone who opposed Bolsonaro
was like he's the only person who could
stop him but this means that he's drawing
a bunch of support from the right uh his
his running mate in this election
is a guy named
Geraldo I mean yeah he
this is a guy that
Lula beats by
20 points in an election
or 30
points something like that
like this is literally like a right-wing guy
who Lula fucking destroyed in the election
and he had
and Lula brings him on as a running mate because he's trying to sort of appeal
to
like disaffected like he
he's running the sort of like Biden suburban
strategy right
like he's doing the like appeal to sort of moderate voters
thing yeah and
like I mean like this is going on to the point where like
he's telling people like not to like bring
PT flags or like wear PT colors
to rallies because
they're trying to downplay the
sort of like communism thing and this doesn't really work
because like
Bolsonaro's just calling him everyone's
just calling him a communist anyways
right and and he like
squeaks by this fucking election
right like he I mean he probably
won by he probably would have won by a couple
more percent than the actual vote total shoulder hadn't been voter suppression but like
it was
close and the other thing that's
really really bad about this is that
I
like the right like Bolsonaro's party
like controls the senate
right so and and this is everything
right if Bolsonaro's party can cut enough
deals and you know like Jettison Bolsonaro like Bolsonaro
ism as like as a force is still there
right like this this this this this sort
of like fascist right has consolidated as
his own political force and you know there's
a non-zero chance that they just impeached Lula
right and this you we literally watch this entire
fucking cycle that has happened again yeah fuck
like right like this kind of shit
like this could happen
um yeah so
things are still
not great and
yeah Lula's
actual hand to do stuff here is very
I should also mention though like
I don't know like there was literally like
partying in the streets and like
like there were like
they were parties in the streets of cities that
like he didn't even win like
like this is like he
I don't know
like the fact that he won
is genuinely very good
um I
haven't I don't know what can be
done to actually sort of defeat Bolsonaro
as a structural force because again like
he won like 49% of the vote
right like
that's still there
killing like
yeah tens of thousands of his
population and
being a general shithead
yeah so
yeah yeah yeah
yeah I don't know
like
I don't know like
actual structural things have to change
but both the Brazilian political system
like the Brazilian political system, the police, the military
and the economy have to structurally change
or like we're gonna get
another Bolsonaro like this is what's happening in the US right
like there hasn't actually been a sort of structural
shift in like
in the American political system so we're just gonna get another Trump
maybe it'll be actual Trump who knows
like this is the thing
like until
until fascism is sort of like
class based and based in the state
is destroyed
and it's sort of ideological based
in sort of like right when constructions are
the family it's religious based like in particular
like
we're just we're gonna be back here and we're
gonna be sort of like continuously
teetering between fascism and
something that's not fascism but
has no way to oppose it and
yeah that fucking sucks
yeah but we keep doing
it like we keep trying to defeat fascism
by running like closer and closer
to fascism to pull away like the marginal fascists
yeah okay so here's the thing
I one thing I will give to Lula
is that like okay his
way of doing this was that
a bunch of people found pictures
of Bolsonaro in aluminum
like with a bunch of aluminum like
in freemason robes
with a bunch of freemasons
and this I think genuinely may have
cost Bolsonaro like
there's an argument this cost Bolsonaro
like a bunch of election points with his own base
because people found this there was another
thing like the day like a couple days
before the election like an old TV
clip turned up of Bolsonaro just out of nowhere
saying quote I would eat an Indian
yes yes this turned into a cannibalism
I mean this is like this is really about
his racism right but he's turned into a whole cannibalism thing this
Supreme Court ruled like I think
incredibly cowardly because he did say this
this Supreme Court ruled that yeah he
couldn't run ad that Lula couldn't run
ads calling him a cannibal
but you know like like there were some
like this like we're like like suddenly this that like
there were like I don't know like this is and
I will applaud Lula for this like he hasn't
really like he could have
run an election where
he just fucking threw his entire base
under the bus and was like insanely racist
and was like no I
hate queer people and I hate women
and like he could have he could have run a camp
you could have run a Bolsonaro campaign and he didn't
right and in
so far as he was tapping into right-wing shit he was
tapping into hey this guy's a fucking this guy's
in freemason robes like it was sort of
it was sort of funny shit that like
it's probably not great that this is where the political sphere
is but like like you know
okay Bolsonaro literally saying he would
eat a human being
is like I would rather
that be the kind of insane right-wing
thing that's going around than like
I don't know queer people are gonna murder your children
or something which is like the normal shit that
you hear
yeah and it's in 2016 it's not like he said it when he was
18
it was like
like
I think he said it's like a journalist as well
right yeah no problem
no problem
what a fucking terrible guy
you can imagine Donald Trump saying he'd
eat someone like he probably has
I think
I think Donald Trump you'd have to prompt
Bolsonaro just unprompted
there is no connection here
he was just like fuck it no I am
so racist I'm just gonna say this
I don't know
I wish
good luck and good fortune
and
yeah like victory to everyone in Brazil
who is fighting this
yeah fuck Bolsonaro
I hope he fucking dies of covid finally
yeah and I
really do hope that Bolsonaro can be defeated
yeah I don't know
like make better choices
PT please God
we can't do this again
yeah I hope all the people in Brazil
who continue to be impacted by this
bullshit can have
better meaningful improvements
in their lives in this election
and I will say like this is proof
that like
Bolsonaro isn't undefeatable right
like the fact
that he wasn't able to pull off a military coup
right like it is
inevitable it's just
it's very very hard
and yeah I mean this is true of fascism everywhere
right it's hard to beat but it can be stopped
and we are going to
because the alternative is the fucking
annihilation of the earth
so yeah fuck them we're gonna win
during the summer of 2020
some Americans suspected that
the FBI had secretly infiltrated
the racial justice demonstrations
and you know what
they were right
I'm Trevor Aronson and I'm hosting
a new podcast series
alphabet boys
as the FBI sometimes
you gotta grab the little guy
to go after the big guy
each season will take you inside
an undercover investigation
in the first season of alphabet boys
we're revealing how the FBI
spied on protesters in Denver
at the center of this story
is a raspy voiced
cigar smoking man
who drives a silver hearse
listen to alphabet boys
on the iHeart radio app
or wherever you get your podcasts
it's 1991
and that man
Sergei Krekalev
is floating in orbit when he gets a message
that down on earth his beloved
country the Soviet Union
is falling apart
and now he's left defending
the Union's last outpost
this is the crazy
story of the 313 days
he spent in space
313 days that changed
the world
listen to the last soviet on the iHeart
radio app, apple podcast
or wherever you get your podcasts
what if I told you
that much of the forensic science
you see on shows like CSI
isn't based on actual
science
the problem with forensic science
in the criminal legal system today
is that it's an awful lot of forensic
and not an awful lot of science
and the wrongly convicted
is a horrific price
two death sentences and a life without parole
my youngest
I was incarcerated two days after her first birthday
I'm Molly Herman
join me as we put
forensic science on trial
to discover what happens
when a match isn't a match
and when there's no science
in CSI
how many people have to be wrongly
convicted before they realize
that this stuff's all bogus
it's all made up
listen to CSI
on trial on the iHeart radio app
apple podcast
or wherever you get your podcasts
it could happen here
is a podcast that you're listening to
right now
if this is a surprise to you
if you thought this was
an experience
let me assure you
everyone here does eat a diet
of nothing but elk meat
and to talk to me about
the health value of elk meat
is
no
so about a
I don't know a week or so ago
we're talking with Sarah Young
Sarah, how are you doing?
good, how are you?
I'm pretty good
at the verge
you are a lawyer and a journalist
so you have embraced the two
most cursed vocations in 2022
and
you've never won most recently
written an incredible piece
about the Portland van
abductions
which is like
brutal and
very important for the verge
people ought to check it out
I've had trouble getting through all of it
because it is very good
and because I was there
but everyone needs to read it
it's an important piece
we're not talking about that today
we're talking about a post that you made
on the twitter.com
about a week or so ago
that I messaged you about
you want to kind of talk about what that post was
and what you were trying to get across
to the audience
so if you live in Portland right now
it's absolutely
like
the discourse not the city
well
sometimes the city
but the discourse is rancid
it's like this in a lot of other cities as well
but you know how Portland is
the discourse around
homeless people
every conversation you have
with any random person
it eventually goes to
oh it's gotten so bad here lately
and it's always about homeless people
and
it always goes to this place
where they're like oh
we should start rounding people up into camps
and getting rid of them
and it's like people are a little too excited
to literally murder homeless people
like you get
just saying the most insane things
like oh I'm not going to break my car
if I see one of those homeless people
it's awful
and like
it's really really awful
and like
and then you get people
going like oh well you know how things are
and like pulling out
murders that have happened in like New York
of Asian women
at me to like justify
why it is that I need to start supporting the cops
and so on and so forth
and
it's just
there's this thing where
I think that
well-meaning leftists really want to sort of
pull out like
let's humanize
homeless people which like yes
but the people you're talking to they don't deal
with empathy actually
they already don't see most of the
population as people
so what you're doing is you're not even speaking
the language that they speak
the issue for me is that
what people are doing
when they dehumanize the homeless
or like turn them into like
a problem that you can just sweep away
or like kill
or put in danger
or drop into a camp where they're more
likely to die or get sick
or be harmed
it's that
you're making
a vast class of people
based on like superficial characteristics
right
they might be dirty, they're intense
whatever
you felt threatened by one of them once
how everyone who's ever been homeless
deserves to have a worse off life
because
you didn't feel great about it
this one time
and or two times
and it's
it's really absurd to me because
like yeah
I've had many instances in my life
where I haven't felt very safe
because of someone who is homeless
because of someone who is an addict
I mean I'm a small Asian woman
I take public transit
the vibes are off
in every fucking city right now
for people who look like me
but that doesn't mean
that everyone who looks like the person
who's making me
uncomfortable
deserves to be swept up into a fucking camp
and
in fact like if I like roll the tape
back and look at sort of
oh let's look at people who've made me feel
threatened, afraid, whatever
I've like gone through
big old sprints in my life
where I'm getting a lot of death threats
from white supremacists
I mean I'm sure you've lived this life too
I mean I can see it
but like you I don't know
because you're a woman writing on the internet
like you'll get more in a couple of months
than I do in an average like year
I mean it depends
right like it depends
I was just looking at your midgets
yeah I don't know
I don't really look too carefully
so I don't even know what the numbers are like these days
I did have an incredible
like six
month period where it was really intense
because
Tucker Carlson was like
putting me on his show
looking at my picture and stuff for a while
so it was really bad like people like
some guy called into my office
and threatened to fire bomb it
and people who got the phone call
like were stressed out enough
that they called the cops and there's like a police report
and like
there was a bunch of stuff that happened
during this period that was pretty scary
and
and it was always like
guys who all sort of looked the same
right it's like all the you know the Oakley
sunglasses like taking a selfie
of themselves in the car like that sort of
stereotype
and
gotta say
for a while I'd see that
like that little profile picture
I'd see someone in person and like
my like heart would start beating faster
right took a while for me to like
be able to dial that back
during that six month period
I'd hear someone yell a racial slur
and I would almost have a panic attack
because I'd be like oh no like
like someone's gonna come
and make good on these threats
and um
I don't like
I don't want to round people
up into camps
or looking like
a shitty racist suburban
white guy
like it's like that's because
I'm not a fucking Nazi
like it's like it doesn't
matter what you've experienced or like
what legitimate harm you faced
from people who look a certain way
like
you don't round them up into camps or like
talk about like how you're not gonna
break on the street
in your car
I was happy for kind of your
perspective on the matter because I do
try like whenever people talk about how scary
Portland is or how scary the homeless camps are
like the thing I want to say is like
like I have like five or six different
running routes in the city and most
of them have homeless encampments on them
and I run through them at night
I run through them at the day never had a problem
um you know sometimes there's
like trash and I would like it if it were
cleaner but also primarily the people
cleaning up are usually like autonomously
organized groups of formerly
houseless folks which is the thing that happens in a couple
of the neighborhoods that I go to
um and like but at the same
time I don't want to bring that
in when there's an argument about it because
like I'm a six foot three
200 pound white guy right like
as a general rule in a lot of situations
I don't feel worried when other
people do because I'm a big white dude and that's
um but what I
will say I had an experience
a couple of months back a person
that I live near like a neighbor
of mine is a young woman with
like a six month old infant
and she was out jogging
on one of the trails
near our house and two guys
uh in
new Kawasaki
like motorcycles dirt bikes whatever you
want to call them I assume rich kids
because these were very new bikes
drove up and shot at her
and her baby with BB guns hit her
in the face nearly hit her baby
um and
it was like
homeless folks and people at an illegal
skate park who came to her aid
and like made sure she was okay
and when I got out there because I rolled
out there with a fucking beat stick and a handgun
just to be like if I see these mother
fuckers we're gonna have words
and I started talking to
homeless folks that I knew on the route who were
all like yeah those people like they come by
to shoot at us and it's and I have heard this in
multiple encampments I've heard this at
Laurelhurst a number of places
that like kids from the suburbs will come in
to shoot homeless people with BB guns and mace them
and um I have
I'm not gonna say again
I've also been in a situation where like an
agitated houseless woman was like
swinging a machete at some folks
and you know everything was de-escalated
but like I get it the fact that there
are people out there who are having
like mental health difficulty means that people
are going to have encounters that can be frightening
um but by and large
the people that I
find myself most threatened by
are like kids people like those assholes
rolling by and shooting people with BB guns
and of course folks driving
gigantic trucks in tiny streets
like assholes often while wasted
um like those are the things
that scare me in Portland not the encampments
yeah and honestly
like
there are some increasing
safety issues in Portland but like
a lot of it is also just like from cars
right like it is a
it's more there's more of a car culture
than there used to be um
and people get hit
and uh they go to the hospital or they die
like it's
there's like there are big changes
in the city for sure but like
yeah it's there's so
much focus on homelessness as being
like the root of all of that and like
I don't know they'll say oh Portland has gotten
so bad in the same breath as like
talking about how high rents are
or like how expensive houses have gotten
just not even connecting those
two things right like
why is it
that housing is so expensive
now like clearly people are
placing bets on real estate
either that or
just we haven't built out enough
could that be something
um or maybe things aren't as bad
as you think and it's a desirable
place to live um
it's really like
it is it's extremely frustrating
um I
I also think that there's this weird thing where
you just don't really think about
the fact that
you might have one or two encounters where
you it's upsetting
you feel scared
and then like the vast majority
of people who are unhoused
are just trying to stay the fuck out of your way
right and like
they're you're not going to
see them you're not going to talk to them
unless you go out of your way to talk to them
and reach out and like
they're probably scared of you
because they don't know who you are like you're a stranger
you might be one of those
assholes on Kawasaki's like
out to out to shoot you
uh out to shoot them and like
it's it's
really frustrating like it's halfway
I don't know
some some of the people who buy into this
kind of discourse are just outright
terrible human beings right yeah they're
they're just fascists they're just they're just fascists
and this is useful but then there's like
it's really frustrating
how many people in the city right now
are just useful idiots for the fascists
have just like gone down
that gone down that rabbit hole
and aren't
thinking past like what it means
to quote unquote take care of the
homeless problem
like what do you what do you want to do
here what do you actually
want to do
where are these people going to go like
what's going to happen to them
and it's it's super
frustrating
we're focusing on Portland because
it's where we live but all of these things are
evidence of like broader trends you can see
a lot of the same tactics being used in Los
Angeles and Austin
in Minneapolis
and one of the things is kind of this
conflation of like disorder
drug use homelessness
with like deadly violence
and a number of things
like we've talked about kind of
jailing and putting into camps
the homeless is is one thing people suggest
there's also a lot of like
suggestions around massively increasing
the number of police and
this all also goes into
you know you've got this kind of
series of of right-wing
coups
against elected leaders
who have any kind of other suggestions
we saw this in San Francisco
with the D.A. Chesa Bowdoin the police like
just refusing to enforce
like the the law when they were
when Chesa was attempting
to carry things out in a different way and
like what we're seeing in Portland right now
we've got a city commissioner
Joanne Hardesty
who number one is
the only black woman in the city
council
the only person on the city council who
and the only person in the city council
who is in debt and who is
and I'm not going to say she's a
perfect counselor a perfect politician
there's plenty of things to criticize Hardesty over
but there has been
like number one this kind of unhinged
campaign of attacking her because of the fact
that like her financial situation isn't great
which I see actually as a plus
because
a lot of people in Portland are in rough
financial condition maybe it's nice if they're represented
on the fucking city council
but also she's instituted
people keep fetching about
you know violence and gun violence which are
problems that have gotten worse in Portland
although it is important to note Portland is one of the
safest cities in the entire United States
even after the quote unquote surge in violent crime
I don't think that mitigates that I just think
it's important to keep like
things in perspective but
Hardesty has instituted the only
effective program that has reduced
gun violence in the city of Portland
in the recent past
which was essentially a series of traffic calming
measures right like I think that's probably
a fair way to say it it was sort of altering
the way in which
traffic worked in a neighborhood
to kind of try and reduce some of the
situations that were
like leading to violence
and
she's undergoing this massive
attack right now by
a candidate a right-wing
candidate I mean he like everyone who runs
in Portland he claims to be a Democrat
he's donated to Republicans
is called named Renee Gonzalez
who's being backed by a lot of the same
business interests that are pushing this anti
homeless agenda pushing the mayor's
proposal to put homeless people
in encampments and
I don't know it's just
I feel like I can see it all
coming together
and I hate how many people
are as you said kind of useful idiots about it
where they're like
clearly these people who are talking
about rehabilitation or who are trying to
like actually who are not
suggesting a carceral solution to the fact
that it's unpleasant
to see people suffering on the street
are wrong
because look at what the news tells me
about how much worse violence has gotten
and stuff like I
it's very frustrating
don't vote for Renee Gonzalez
yeah please don't vote
for a man who donated to a Republican
pack six months after
January 6th well please
let's not do that
but uh
it's
it's I think like
really sad that
I mean like people I think really
just don't want to think about how
damaged all of society
is right now
like we lived through
our country had one of the worst
responses to
COVID
millions of people
are dead
our mental health is
fucking shot through
even people who didn't experience
federal jackboots
on the ground
were not well
right like it's
any number of
housed perfectly
financially stable people turned to substance abuse
during this period
and
are still you know recovering
people who are unhoused
also turned to substance abuse
if they weren't
already there and
their mental health is also shot through
and uh sort of
the upshot of this is everyone
is fucking sick
and taking it out on each other and
it really sucks to see
people be their worst selves
increasingly and increasingly yeah
and I
first off I want to try to provide people
some objective numbers and this is just on the city of
Portland so Portland
number one never defunded its police their police
our police currently get the most money
they've ever gotten
but we do have one thing that is
accurate to say is we have fewer
police per capita than any major city
in the United States
and we have the fewest number of police on the
force in living memory
I'm fairly certain right now there's like
700 Portland police officers
which is significantly down from 2020
because um it's not
a pleasant job because people hate the cops
here in Portland so they keep quitting and moving
to other cities
and it is true that when
the pandemic hit violent crime in Portland
raised by about 207%
from January 2019 through
June of 2021 which is the largest
increase compared to five comparable cities
this is from
an article in the Oregon Capital Chronicle
Minneapolis Atlanta San Francisco Denver
and Nashville
however it's also
worth noting that over the course of the
last year we're at
seven fewer homicides than we were
the year before
overall the number of homicides in
2022 has fallen 2%
from 2021 even as
we continue to have fewer and fewer police
almost as if the surge in violent crime was
not a result in policing
but as you said the result of a
lot of other factors around the pandemic and
around the economic situation
and like the rate
of violence has been continuing to
decrease it's also worth noting that
while we're talking about homicides
here in Portland did see a surge
in homicides during the pandemic
that's not the only kind of crime
or the only kind of violent crime
and I want to quote here from
Travel Oregon in February 2021
the major cities chiefs association
issued a report noting that 63 of
66 major cities saw at least one violent crime
category grow in 2020
among cities of comparable size Portland generally
experiences violent crime at somewhat lower rates
like
a lot of this is media driven
and it's specifically the thing that you highlighted
in the post that made me
reach out to you was talking
about how particularly white
suburbanite homeowners are driving
this panic and are driving these
kind of surge and very like fascist
solutions
to the fears
that they have about homelessness and about crime
and one of the reasons why this shit works is
these people don't go into the city
they live in the suburbs they see the scary news
and I that's the thing I don't know
how to actually combat because it is a
nationwide problem shootings
and deaths due to shootings
they have increased since the pandemic
but if you look at them on like a 20 year
graph fairly flat
nationwide
Portland doesn't even keep very good stats
they only started keeping statistics
of gun crimes like what in the last couple years
and then now they're saying that
gun violence
has increased
anyway
what has increased vastly
more than gun crime is reporting
on gun crime which has surged
and that's because
if it bleeds it leads in whatever but it is this
thing of like that's the stuff that gets
people to pay attention and it's the stuff
that spreads on social media just like
pictures of like poop on the streets of San Francisco
can spread on social media
and it all exists
to keep these kind of suburban
voters at a constant state of agitation
which makes them easy to manipulate
and like that's the thing that scares me the most
yeah
I mean things are almost shittier
with Portland because
well like okay the San Francisco poop situation
so I used to live in the Bay Area
that was a real situation
yeah there's poop in San Francisco streets
there's just human shit everywhere
it's you know
you live with it
it just is what it is and you know someone's from New York
when they start complaining about it
and it
I think like
New York which smells like pee everywhere by the way
I mean it smells like hot garbage
because they don't take their garbage
they just put their garbage out on the curb
and when it's summertime it just smells
like fucking terrible
but uh
so everyone's got their problems
but uh it's
it's this like weird thing where just because
of the way that we're drawn up geographically
we've got all of these people like
like you said like out in the burbs
who vote, who have control over
the way the wind blows
who just never come out here
ever
they never come out here
and uh in San Francisco
like yeah they've got
outlying areas as well
but it's
it's not drawn up exactly the way that we are
quite right like
like the people who are going to be the most
alarmist about San Francisco are like
not going to be
in the area where
they're voting about the things that happen
to San Francisco
the way the Chesa stuff went down like
I mean that's complicated
right like I mean it was a witch hunt
and it
made me really
Chesa Boone the DA, former DA
in San Francisco. It made me really want to never move back
uh but uh
it
it was like we've we've just got a
different sort of setup here where
the people who are
the most upset about all of
the crime in Portland like they
don't come out to where
they think the crime is happening at all
no like they like they just
don't really interact with the city
they're off somewhere else
and it's it is
truly strange
really annoying
yeah yeah and it is
this is like I don't know this is part of
why this is part of
why politically I tend to align myself
with like libertarian municipalism
um I think
one of the problems we have is that
places
that have very little to do with each
other get to pass laws that
impact how people live in
those those places like
which is a problem
as we all just got overseeing with fucking
Donald Trump right like that's that's a version
of the problem and a version another version
of the problem is that like people in Los Angeles
can pass a gas tax
that makes total sense for cities in California
but fucks over people who live in the
middle of nowhere um
and all of these things are like
I don't know it's
the
you get the you it's two
simultaneous issues like one of them
is you've got these
liberals in Portland who the rest of the
state resents for
dominating
politics in the entire state
even in areas that have very little to do
with like Western Oregon and then
you have these these outlying
like you have these folks who don't
live in Portland who you know are pushing
for like you know who are responsible
for the fact that we might get a Republican
governor in the state right
who are reacting to like what they
hear about Portland even though it's not
accurate and I don't know
I this is we're getting past like
what people can do in terms of like voting
on local elections but
I wish we had a system in which
like folks weren't constantly pitted
against each other in this way because I don't
think it's very productive
well we're chopped up in a really
by the way
for Charter reform etc if you're living in Portland
like
we've got some some other
other things going on with
our our city government that makes things
additionally weird
and
suboptimal
there's a bunch of things that I'm
kind of dreading in the near future or from
the the midterm elections including
you know Renee Gonzalez
you know I have
strong feelings on the proposed gun
control measure but I'm broadly
optimistic about Charter reform
that actually seems like something good
that we're likely to do
yeah let's talk about that a little bit
because Portland would be the first city
in the United States to
reform its city council along
these lines if I'm not mistaken
along which lines
like the way the Charter reform
is like set up
so basically Portland currently has
a commission form of government in which
we have a very powerful mayor
and four city council
people
who are handed portfolios by the mayor
and they basically
run the city government
which is
it's a pretty dysfunctional system
it leads to
a small number of people running
very large bureaucracies that they usually
don't know how to handle
one of the reasons why the city
is so dysfunctional in addition to the fact that
our mayor Ted Wheeler is
politely speaking
dog shit under the
new form of government that's
being voted on right now the Charter
the commission structure will be
jettisoned city council members
will not directly manage bureaus
instead they'll pass laws
and meet with constituents the mayor
will no longer be part of the city council
instead he'll lead the executive branch
I'm not wild about
the amount of power that the mayor will still have
but I think
broadly speaking
it's a much better system
and there will be like a larger
group of people involved
and actually like managing
the city's affairs
I don't know what we have
currently certainly is not
particularly effective
and
I would like to see
a more democratic system
put into place
what we had was like obscenely
outdated
I don't know who else
does things like
Portland currently does but the Charter
reform is greatly
needed
and it's going to bring in ranked choice voting
as well when people vote on
on their like city
which is
one of the issues that we've
had here is that
we're having right now with the gubernatorial race
is that
you've got three candidates running
one of whom is kind of positioning themselves
as an independent Betsy Johnson
who does not really have a chance to win
and seems to be
being funded by people like the Nike guy
in order to take votes away from Tina Kotec
who's the democratic candidate
so that
Christine Drazen
who's the republican candidate will be more likely to win
I don't know
I still don't know how much I believe
Drazen actually has a shot but the polls
show them neck and neck
the polls are pretty terrifying
we're kind of
covering on the cusp
of the governor seat
going red
yeah
yeah
I don't know
that's the election that scares me
I really
don't want to see Renee Gonzalez win
but if Charter reform
passes
the harm
that he can inflict on the city
becomes limited
right now
city council seats just have
outsized power in a very
dysfunctional way
and
it's
that changes with Charter reform
a little bit more of a normal city
but the state
the state election though
that's pretty scary stuff
yeah the state
especially since
if the democrats stay in power
at the state level
then there's a good chance that
as far as what people are talking about
then we're going to actually see
like Portland or Oregon
become a sanctuary
for reproductive health
that's one of the things that's on the ballot
so if you
care about that
that's kind of the whole game
regardless of the fact that
Kotec has a history with our current governor
that's not entirely positive
our current democratic governor has been a shit governor
and handled the pandemic terribly
at the end of the day
all about
all about reproductive health
right because like
the republicans
would not have handled the pandemic
any better
but they will also support a crackdown
against people having access
to abortion
we also have the craziest republicans out here
and part of that is
areas they're representing or whatever
but part of it is also just we've been under
a control for so long that the minority
party gets weirder and weirder
and weirder
we've got the guys who ran away
from the legislative session rather than vote on
a climate change bill
it's not good
it's really bad
handing them the keys to the kingdom
is a terrible move
yeah
I don't know what else to say
anything else to say as we
head into the midterm elections here
in Oregon I felt like
I don't know this was broadly speaking
we're talking about
I kind of want to hear about your feelings
on that gun control measure
yeah
so we've got measure 114 coming up
which is
for people who don't know
and this may surprise folks
given how blue it is, Oregon basically
does not have any kind of
gun control laws
this is a state in which
it's legal to own in the United States
in any kind of magazine you can't own
in the state of Oregon
we are a shallow issue state which means
if you are a law-abiding citizen
and you apply for concealed carry
permit they have to give it to you
gun owners have quite a few
protections at present
the first major
there was a gun control law passed in 2015
most reasonable gun owners
had no issue with it because all it did was say
you have to get a background check
so there's this thing called face-to-face sales
whereby in a lot of states like
Texas you can just hand somebody a gun
for cash as long as you're not a professional
gun dealer that's legal
and that's bad
generally it's how a lot of guns get across the border
that was removed as a legal
possibility in Oregon back in 2015
but other than that we haven't had a whole lot of gun control
in the wake of the Evaldy shooting
an organization
I think Lyft Every Voice
is what they're called led by some church leaders
who wished for
a ballot measure
so this is not something where
I do think this is interesting
this is not a situation where democratic politicians
in the state of Oregon
are trying to pass gun control
this is a situation in which
a ballot measure was proposed
and enough people voted that the entire state
is voting on whether or not
to have gun control
which regardless of my opinions on
the measure itself I think is a better way
to like this to work than a bunch of legislators
just like making a law
but anyway the measure itself is in my opinion
deeply flawed in the way that it's written
it does a couple of things for one thing
it requires that every
person who buy a gun pass a background check
which is already the law that's in the bill
and it shouldn't be because it's already the law
I think one of the reasons I think
that's dishonest is because it always gets
summarized and like this is what the bill will do
it will require that everybody pass a background check
well they're already required
to not actually do anything
there
it adds in a magazine capacity restriction
as in you won't be able to buy
or take out in public magazines
that have a higher capacity than 10 rounds
we can talk about that in a second
and then the primary thing it does
is it requires people
pass a series of tests
in order to purchase firearms
and the people who will be administering those tests
and running the whole program
are the police
so the police essentially get control
over who gets to own
firearms
I do consider that
that is particularly the thing that I find problematic
for one thing
regardless of your opinions on gun control
the right to bear arms
is similar to the right
to freedom of speech and guaranteed in the same way
and so the fact that the police are being made
the arbiters of who gets to exercise that right
is deeply problematic to me
I think
given what we know about how often
police in Oregon work with far right groups
work with organizations like
the Proud Boys
it is very likely that
we will see uneven enforcement
and uneven
like
the police granting the ability
to bear arms very unevenly
which concerns me greatly
we had a mass shooting earlier this year
at a protest in which a right
winger killed a woman
a 61 year old woman and injured
five other people
that person was stopped by a left wing demonstrator
with an AR-15 style rifle
well it was actually technically a handgun
but that's anyway whatever
it was an AR-15 style weapon
I'm concerned that under this
new law the right winger would have still
had the ability to acquire firearms
but the person who stopped him would not
so that's why I have an
issue with it I also think
if you're going to
personally advocate magazine capacity
restrictions but also
I don't speak out against them
Washington recently passed a law
restricting magazine capacity
I didn't say anything about that
I think maybe I think
if it works I will be happy
I think the way
the Washington law was written
was a lot more sensible than the Oregon law
because it was written in such a way
that it stops the additional sale
of standard capacity
magazines of 30 round magazines
and higher
without giving the police an opportunity
to harass and arrest people
over what they own
which I think is important
the way the law is written
if you had, like whatever you had
prior to the ban taking effect
you can keep and continue to use
as normal
just no more can be sold
and so the thing you're trying to stop
with a magazine capacity ban at this point
it goes out and buys a weapon
and a bunch of 30 round magazines
and then goes on a mass shooting
you want them to not be able to go
and immediately acquire those magazines
it is I think by
making it illegal to take them out
in the world if you already own them
what you're doing is giving police pretext
to stop and search people
to search people going out
and shooting in the woods
like folks do in Oregon
without having an impact on
because they're not going to care about
violating that particular law
if you want to stop more of those things from being sold
I think a law written the way the Washington law
is written does the
maximum in order to restrict people
from purchasing the thing you don't want them to purchase
without
giving police the ability to like
harass and arrest people
anyway that's my thinking
on 114
yeah
yeah I think that's like an important
as an important
series of distinctions to like get out there
yeah
anyway I voted against it
I try really
I actually do try despite my opinions
not to talk about gun control
too much on this show but like that's
my thinking on the matter folks can do
whatever they want we'll know in
on January or November 8
how they voted
yeah I mean like it's hardly the most
uh
disturbing thing on the ballot right now
yeah no no no and I
am like
there's so much
going on right now
and it's one of those things
I guess we'll all learn in the near future
like we're going to learn a lot
from this election
in Oregon like if Hardesty
stays on if we get charter reform
and if Cotech wins
then kind of regardless of what happens with 114
I will be broadly optimistic
heading into 2024
because it'll show that
the campaign of fear didn't work entirely
yeah
and if Gonzalez
and
Drazenwin and charter reform gets defeated
I will be really pessimistic
heading in
yeah if Drazenwin
like that's
yeah it's uh
yeah it's bad it's really bad
it's bad news
for a lot of
fucking reasons
yeah I mean
row that's huge
but yeah like it's
the sky's the limit for
a state that has been under
democratic control for this long
right like it's
they've just gotten so complacent
is all I can think
um oh I mean the spoiler
candidate obviously that
that did change a lot
um but uh it
it's the complacency was
is alarming
yeah
um well
is there anything else you wanted to say about
what we're heading into uh
well
I mean uh
don't let your fear control you
um don't be a useful idiot
for Nazis and uh
don't put
people into camps I guess
yeah that that's my thinking
don't like
if somebody's trying to make you scared
uh about a group of people
who are the most powerless people in your community
you might want to
assume that the person doing that
is trying to take advantage of you
um that's that's that's kind of
where I land on this sort of
stuff um yeah
don't put people into camps
we really shouldn't have to say that anymore
but yeah we shouldn't
have to tell people to not be Patrick Bateman
from fucking america
like it's like we should be like but
no it's
yeah we've we should not be
regressing this hard in terms of uh
our moral compasses but that's where
we are that's where we are
well do you want to plug your
pluggable Sarah yeah so
uh Robert mentioned
that I just put out
a big feature about the Portland Van
Abductions published uh on The Verge
um it's part
a longer series
uh that we did this year about
the Department of Homeland Security which is
20 years old this year
um so we did a bunch of features
some about Puerto Rico and FEMA
um
uh some about the TSA of course
uh I did a short little thing about
how Chad Wolf was illegally
head of the DHS for a hot minute
um and so
there's some fun stuff in there
um we've still got another feature that'll go up
by the end of this year uh I think
your your listeners would
enjoy going through some of those
excellent all right uh well
that has been the episode this
has been it could happen here um
bye
hey we'll be back Monday
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