Betwixt The Sheets: The History of Sex, Scandal & Society - Inside the Magdalene Laundries
Episode Date: February 14, 2025Societies all throughout history have tried to control female sexuality.Ireland's Magdalene Laundries and Mother and Baby Homes are two examples of this, where women were imprisoned against their will....As you'll hear, it's a history that dates back to the 18th century and is still unfolding today.Joining Kate to take us inside the Magdalene Laundries and the Mother and Baby Homes are two special guests:Natalie Hughes-Crean is a Specialist Case Worker at Frea Renewing Roots, a charity based in the north of England to help women and families affected by Mother and Baby Homes.Katherine O'Donnell, campaigner and co-author of Ireland and the Magdalene Laundries, A Campaign for Justice.How was this imprisonment and mistreatment of women allowed to go on for so long? How complicit were the state? And what are some of the incredible stories of the women whose lives these institutions ruined?This episode was edited and produced by Stuart Beckwith. The senior producer was Charlotte Long.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here.All music from Epidemic Sounds.Betwixt the Sheets: History of Sex, Scandal & Society is a History Hit podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Hello, my lovely betwixters.
It's me, Kate Lister, and you are listening to Betwicks the sheets.
Now, now, I know I usually mess about giving everybody the fair do's warning.
I give it when I don't even really have to.
But for this episode, I am actually going to give you a proper content warning
because we are looking at the history of the mother and baby homes
and the Magdalene Laundries in Ireland.
This is very recent history, it's living history, and it's brutal history.
So this is a very serious content warning that we are going to be covering child abuse,
sexual violence, and infanticide.
And you might just not want to listen to that today.
So this is your chance to duck out now.
Go back, listen to something else, and we will catch you next time.
What do you look for a man?
Oh, money, of course.
You're supposed to rise when an adult speaks to you.
I make perfect confidence of whatever my boss needs by just turning enough and pushing the button.
Yes, social courtesy does make a difference.
Goodness, I'm beautiful done. Goodness has nothing to do with it, Terry.
Hello and welcome back to Betwixt the Sheets, the history of sex scandal in society.
With me, Kate Lister.
Societies all throughout history have tried to control female sexuality in a bewildering and depressing number of ways.
And in today's episode, we're taking you to Ireland, to go inside two notorious institutions which did just that.
The Magdalene Laundries and the mother and baby homes.
Both were set up as charitable refuges.
In the case of the Magdalene Laundries, they were homes where, quote, fallen women,
be it sex workers or women who were just deemed to be promiscuous,
was sent for hard labour, almost always against their will.
And the mother and baby homes were where women,
who'd fallen pregnant outside of wedlock was sent, something the increasingly Catholic
Irish state wouldn't tolerate. Tens of thousands of women and girls were forced to enter
through the doors of those institutions across the centuries. Hundreds never left alive.
The power of stigma and shame in all of this cannot be overestimated. It's a truly scandalous
history that shockingly still playing out today. We're exploring this topic thanks to two lovely
listeners. And it's thanks firstly to Neve. Hello, Patrix de Sheets. My name is Neve. I'm from Ireland,
if you didn't guess, from my accent. I am my name. I'm a huge history buff. I absolutely adore
Patrix de Sheets. And it's my favourite thing to listen to and from work as a nurse. Something as an
Irish person I always feel would be fascinating for Patrick's the Sheets would be the history of
the Magdalene Laundries. It caused huge scandal at the time, obviously in such a reflection.
of Ireland's society. Even now it has had a huge impact. So I feel that would be a fascinating
episode and would love to hear about it. So yes, thank you so much. Slaan. And secondly, to Fian.
Hi, Patrix the Streets. I'm a really big fan of the podcast because I love the way you tackle
really interesting topics. My name is Fionne and I'm a secondary school teacher from Ireland.
One day I was teaching the novel Small Things Like These to a group of six years and this is a novel that
talks about the Magdalene Laundries, which is a really important part of Irish history that
not a lot of people knew about them. A lot of my students didn't know about it. And I just think
it's really important that people do know about this, so I would love if you could cover it.
Thank you so much to both of you and to others who made similar requests for episodes about both
Magdalene Laundries and the mother in baby homes. How was this culture of imprisonment ever
allowed to happen? What exactly happened behind closed doors? And what are some of the stories of those
who got out and those who didn't? Today I'm joined by two very special guests. Natalie Hughes-Kreen
of Renewing Roots, a charity in the North of England which supports women and families affected
by the mother and baby homes. And firstly, Catherine O'Donnell, campaigner and co-author of Ireland
and the Magdalene Laundries, a campaign for justice. To begin with, I wanted to know if
she could remember when she first heard of the Magdalene laundries.
I first heard of Magdalene's, honestly, I first heard of it when I was in Europe
walking around seeing Calais Magdalena, Avenida Magdalene, you know, in all of this kind of
Catholic Europe, you see these streets that pointed to a Magdalene asylum, and I was curious
about them. And I learned that right throughout Catholic Europe, particularly in the 19th century,
when there was more urbanization,
these asylums were set up for fallen women,
that is, women who were living on the streets
and presumed to be selling sex,
and who needed an asylum.
So the nuns would kindly open up the convent
and would work alongside these women.
So, yeah, I was fascinated with these places,
and I thought, how cool, you know, safe place to stay.
And largely the women would go in in the winter,
would work at laundry and needlecraft alongside the sisters,
and then they leave at various times.
I liked this idea.
I didn't think there were any in Ireland.
You could believe that.
And at the time when I was wandering around these lovely lanes and avenues
of these long-gone Magdalene Asylums in Catholic Europe,
I didn't know they were still existing in Ireland,
but with quite a different vibe,
quite a different kind of character to them,
because the ones in Ireland, you couldn't leave.
so you were locked in. And the idea of the Magdalene in kind of Catholic myth is that Mary Magdalene was a
prostitute and Jesus was so cool and so good that he loved even the prostitutes.
Nice of them. Yeah. And she atoned for her sins by washing his feet in beautiful oils and drying his feet
with her long and beautiful hair.
And so the figure of the Magdal
was the reformed prostitute.
And so the idea in Catholic theology
is that you can get to pay back God for your sins
and your soul can be wiped clean
if you do penance,
that is if you do really hard, humiliating labor,
if you do kind of some physical trial
that it'll kind of relieve your soul
and you can offer up the suffering to God
and he'll see that kind of sacrifice that you're making
and he'll forgive you your sins.
So the idea of these asylums from the nun's point of view
was that it was a chance for the women
to do all of this labor and do all of this prayer
and live a life of penance
and then kind of clean their sins,
literally washing the laundry
and washing away their sins.
But in Ireland it was a much more punitive system
in the 20th century.
And I had, to my shame,
I had no idea that it lasted so long
and had such horrible effects
until I was in the 21st century,
until I began to meet women
who had either escaped
or somehow survived
being put into these institutions.
In the 19th century,
it became quite fashionable amongst well-to-do people
to save women who were selling sex,
the rescue movement.
And you see these little groups popping up in cities
all over the place.
I'm in Leeds,
and I think we had the Leeds Midnight Rescue Brigade
to go out and save women.
I don't know what the hell they were doing.
But, you know, chance for kind of good women to get out at night,
hang out with other women.
I suppose it kind of was.
When else would they be allowed out, you know,
in the societal conventions at the time?
I suppose that's true.
What's interested about what was going on in Ireland
and maybe it was true elsewhere,
is this wasn't just targeted at women who were selling sex,
which would be bad enough.
But as a very broad question,
what would you have to do to be,
taken to a Magdalene Laundrian Island, or would you go there voluntarily?
Or who were they taking in?
Poor girls and women, simple as, and as horrifying as.
The first Magdalene Laundrian Island was opened on Dublin's Leeson Street in 1767.
It was founded by Lady Arabella Denny and admitted only Protestant women.
The religious landscape at the time was very different to how we know it today.
at the time in Ireland
the Catholic Church was completely suppressed
so there was no priests, there was no bishops,
there was no Catholic institutions,
there's no masses, there was no chapels, no churches.
So the kind of hordes of poor Irish
were Catholic only in name
and the Protestant establishment
was certainly not going to convert them
to being Protestant. This was their way of making a marker.
And so they were Catholic without any religion
and what you got once they were allowed
to practice their religion after 1829
when there was a repeal of those laws,
was you've got this huge surge of poor Irish Catholics
beginning to build churches and then arising,
especially after the big famine in the mid-19th century,
you get this finally a rise of a Catholic middle class,
so that's a new thing in Ireland,
and really kind of visible middle class in the cities and towns
who somehow are able to kind of work with the British Empire.
So you begin to see these merchants,
and you begin to see the rise of Catholic religious orders in Ireland.
And they start to work hand in hand with the British Empire
in mopping up and containing all of the landless Irish poor.
So these huge Victorian institutions were built
and the Irish middle class try and become respectable
by kind of showing that they can be respectable
by looking after the kind of degenerate, defective Irish poor people.
And there was an awful lot of racial science done in Ireland at the time as well.
So lots of measuring of skulls and lots of measuring of, you know, the thickness of lips
and the ratio of your length of your arm to your torso.
And so they worked out that the poor Irish, certainly along the West Coast, they were largely black.
And they'd obviously come up the sea route from Africa in relatively recent centuries.
Could these people be raised up by white Anglo rule?
So it was social Darwinianism.
Francis Galton, who was the inventor of eugenics,
he did a lot of his fieldwork and thinking kind of in Ireland first.
I didn't know that.
Yeah, yeah.
They worried a lot about the degenerate Irish race.
So you get this kind of racism, classism,
Victorian panic around sex,
and loads and loads of poor people
because of the unequal landholding situation,
because of colonisation.
And you get this anxious, Catholic,
middle class who are starting to argue for home rule, starting to argue that, as the argument had
always gone in Ireland, we don't like this colonisation, we don't like Westminster rule, we want to be Irish
and in control of this island. And the Irish Catholic middle class then are really anxious. They
want to prove that they can govern, but they have a real problem with so many poor people. So they
do that Victorian thing of institutionalising them.
Victorian culture continued into the 20th century, taking a turn from what was already a grim
reality for so many towards something much darker and insidious. The wonderful historian Maria Luddie,
who's written a magisterial history of prostitution in Ireland from the 19th century into the
1940s, an amazing achievement of a book. So she notes that around 1911 that the Catholic Magdalene
institutions in Ireland really we can see a distinct change.
They go from these places where women could kind of come and go and more of an asylum and
refuge into being carceral, into being prison-like.
And one of the Irish orders that got into the Magdalene Institution business actually
did a purpose-built single-cell occupation.
So yeah, lock and key, a little potty to kind of slop out.
Wow.
And so it's deliberately built in what we would call like a 19-7.
century prison design. And you can see the other Magdalens then beginning to follow suit.
Me and other social historians think it was also around this very fraught national project
when we finally got some limited independence in 1922. The last thing we needed was the Catholic
Irish poor to scupper, to be disrespectful, to be ungovernable. So it becomes this kind of
national project around respectability politics. So poor women and
and their children become this real focus of the new Irish state.
And we start to lock, I say we, because from a middle class background,
we locked them up in huge numbers.
We managed to lock up 1% of our population.
And that population was poor women and their children by the 1950s.
The network of institutions included mother and baby homes, magdalen laundries,
psychiatric institutions that had mainly women,
industrial schools where illegitimate children that hadn't been either boarded out or fostered
or adopted were put into reformatory schools, so-called orphanages, even though, you know, a lot of
the kids may have had parents.
Another prison-like institution that developed alongside the Magdalene laundries with a mother and
baby homes. I spoke to Natalie Hughes-Krean, a specialist caseworker at Renewing Roots.
Mother and baby home, that word sounds all nice and cozy and lovely and caring and nurturing,
but it was very far from that.
It was quite the opposite, in fact, rather than being a way to support women,
it was very much a place where women who were pregnant out of wedlock would kind of be hidden
and kind of secreted away almost.
He definitely had the kind of the conservative attitudes that came with the Catholic Church
based around a very strict moral and ethical code.
And yes, perhaps in earlier ideas,
it was based around the idea that they were looking after these women
and supposedly doing them as service.
But actually, that was very, very far from the reality for a lot of these women.
And they certainly didn't feel nurtured or loved or looked after them.
So were they specifically for women who fell pregnant outside of wedlock only?
Yes, very much so.
the kind of the setting as well. Very much like a misogynistic state of mind. You know,
there are very kind of set roles for men and for women. Pregnancy and childbirth, very much
things that happened within a marital home, with two people that were married, and anybody
that dared step outside of that, there was no scope for, and you were going to be punished,
basically. How did you end up there? Was this something that you'd be like, oh, crap, I'm pregnant and I'm not
married, I'll go there. What was the process of somebody even ending up at one of these places?
People very often didn't have any of the choice. Sometimes they would be put into the institutions
by their family members. It was the kind of the best option for them, even if people wanted to
keep their child and wanted to go full term and have their baby. There wouldn't be the scope for
that. If they were unmarried, there are testimonies that I've heard of people who got pregnant
and, you know, the kind of the family discussion and conversation was, well, we want to kind of do this together, you know, it's okay, we'll figure it out.
But because of the respectability parties of the time, that just wasn't an option.
And so people were either kind of dobed on for a turn of phrase, took the priests who would then come and take these mothers away.
Oh, my God.
For them to kind of have their pregnancies.
Yeah, it was very much sort of, we're going to do all this quickly and quietly, and no one else is going to know about it.
and just very much surrounded in secrecy and shame
and kind of taken away.
A lot of people, when they had their pregnancies,
were often sent to county homes and mother and baby homes
that were in other states.
And sort of stories were told to family members
that, oh, you know, they've got the mumps or they're not well
or they're going to get to go work on a cousin's farm for a summer,
you know, just very much kind of out of sight out of mind to be dealt with.
As the 20th century and the establishment of the Irish state progressed,
so too did the development of institutions like the mother and mother,
baby homes and as we've heard, the Magdalene Laundries. But how exactly did the Magdalene Laundries
differ from the mother and baby homes? Back to Catherine. They were completely different in that they
took the girls largely in from industrial schools. So girls who were already friendless, if you like,
or familyless, who'd already been separated from their families, had been in... They're not even
pregnant. They're just poor girls. Yeah, they didn't have babies. So a lot of them were funneled in.
from industrial schools.
Another cohort, certainly more, the end of the decades of the kind of 80s, 90s, I suppose
70s and 80s when they were still putting in poor girls into these institutions,
there seems to be a common theme that they were raped, sexually abused girls who made
complaints or somehow was known that they were assaulted and sexually assaulted.
and they were the ones who ended up in the Magdalens and not the perpetrators.
Yeah, and then a complaint could be made to a Catholic agency, like the Legion of Mary,
that there was some pretty young girl working in a boarding house as a servant,
and there was lots of, you know, traveling men coming in, salesmen,
and that girl should not be in that place.
Or that there was a girl whose mother had died,
and she just had brothers at home on the farm
and she should not be in that place.
And so you'd see Catholic agencies
and priests kind of stepping in
to take those girls out of that place of danger.
And of course, she is the danger.
It's her sexuality that's going to, you know,
corrupt and contaminate the men.
That's the thinking.
And so she must be taken away
and locked into these Magdalene institutions,
which were...
I knew it was bad, but this is wild.
Oh, no, it is.
This is crazy. They're just locking up young women.
That's, I mean, I knew it was horrific anyway.
I had no idea that they were just arresting young women.
And that's crazy.
Yeah, and arresting without kind of due process of law.
I mean, the courts did send in some women.
Not many, but they did.
And tell me about the conditions in these laundries.
So you got up early in the morning, six or seven, said your prayer.
in one kind of magdalen you slopped out your cell, other magdalen's you were in a dormitory,
um, you went to eat a very meager breakfast and then you went to work at a commercial laundry
under lock and key. You were in your very kind of 19th century apron, quite old-fashioned
factory gear. And depending on what part of the laundry you're in, you're either ironing or you were
up to your calves in hot water and working with kind of, kind of, kind of, quite a little bit of, you're in,
quite dangerous detergents and bleaches, quite smelly work and very hot work and very hard work.
You'd a meager lunch.
You worked through the afternoon of the evening.
You'd a meager tea.
You might have had some recreation, but at the recreation, again, you didn't want these idle hands to be available for devil's work.
So quite often they would do needlework in the evenings, which the nuns would also sell.
If you were in limerick, you could have been lucky.
you could have been in the lacework room rather than the laundry,
making the famous limerick lace
that was sold in high-end stores in Britain and the US.
And you often kind of had a mass in the morning or the evening,
I think generally the morning, and then you went to bed.
And you got up and you did it the next day.
So Sunday was not a day that you worked at the commercial laundry,
but again, you had no visitors, you had no place to go outside.
some of the nuns
humiliated you by saying nobody wants you,
that's why you're here.
This imprisonment and institutionalisation
ran across the mother and baby homes too
and it was a tone that was set
the second you entered one of them.
Back to Natalie.
So often the first thing that you would do
would go into your new setting
and you'd be given your new name often.
You'd now be called something else
and referred to as that
and only be told you could answer
to as that new name.
The feeling and the language as well was very much that of incarceration.
So when you look at the documents and the records from that time,
people are referred to as inmates.
Inmates, yeah.
Fallen women was the language that was used.
Who's running these places?
Is it the church again?
Yeah, so a lot of them were run by Catholic institutions.
It's important to say that they weren't purely Catholic-run the world.
It's a Protestant and other kind of.
faith organizations as well.
But as was the society at the time,
it was very much kind of Catholic was the predominant.
There's supposed to be this kind of separation of church and state,
but even the parts that were separate,
the church and their ideals very heavily influenced.
So it was deemed that anything to do with women and children
came under the remit or the jurisdiction of the church.
So they dealt with that.
And that's why you had the churches who were running
mother and baby institutions, primary schools,
maternity, hospitals and facilities.
So all of that was kind of seemed to operate under that,
which also means that then they get to sort of have their own rules
and they can do the things that they want to
and aren't bound by the same restrictions that you would
if you were operated solely understate.
So in the Magdalene laundries,
women were put to work in the laundries.
In these mother and baby homes,
what were women doing until they actually gave birth?
Hard labour for the most part.
Very, very, very poor.
poor conditions, heavily pregnant women.
Think about your, you know, a person's last trimester.
You're exhausted.
You're huge.
Your body's kind of at its peak endurance levels.
And you're having to do hard graft.
Often in very kind of unsanitary, inhuman kind of conditions for people.
And just sort of waiting effectively for their child to arrive,
all the while not getting any sort of prenatal care either, no education,
no understanding around what was going to happen.
to them when they went into labour.
You hear some of the stories of people's labour,
and it's just absolutely traumatic.
No pain relief, often just ignored
and left a sort of labour on their own.
Labor's supposed to be about all this production of oxytocin
and love hormone and all those things
to help you go through this process.
It was so far from that.
Labor would have been such an awful, stressful experience
and just, yeah,
something that was effectively really traumatic for the mothers.
and there are stories as well
of people being told
like the labour pain and stuff that they experienced
was basically their punishment
and this was what they deserved.
You know, they'd earned this
dramatic experience as penance
for getting pregnant.
Oh my God.
And then when the babies were born,
you've then got this immediate
forced separation of the mother and child
for separation of families.
So because the mother had given birth,
they were often not allowed to breastfeed
or chest feed.
Their babies were taken away.
away from them and they were effectively, once they'd kind of physically were able to get back
on the feet again if the birth hadn't been too traumatic that they couldn't walk anymore,
then they would only be allowed to see their child kind of for agreed feeding times and they
would be fed by bottle. They weren't allowed to bond with the child. They weren't allowed to
kind of build a connection because the only outcome would be that those children would then be
adopted and taken away from them. There was no option for them to be able to leave that institution
with their baby.
That was always the intention was to have these babies adopted, always.
Always, always, yeah.
I'll be back with Catherine and Natalie after this short break.
Whilst it was exclusively pregnant women in the mother and baby homes,
pregnant women were occasionally kept in specialist magdalen laundries too.
Here's Catherine.
In some of them, they had multi-campuses.
So the Good Shepherds and Sunday as well was one of those places where they are
and the Good Shepherd's in Limerick, Waterford, they had multi-purpose campuses,
so they would have had industrial schools and orphanages on the campus as well.
And the architecture of those institutions is really painful because while the children
and the women would all be in the same chapel, hearing mass, the women had to come in by a tunnel
so that they wouldn't be seen by the children and they were screened off from the children.
certainly we know in recent decades
a lot of these girls and women didn't have any children
but if they did perchance lose a child that was taken from them
and they thought that child might be in the child's choir
kind of singing in the other part of the chapel
there's no way they could see them
I interviewed a man who was in boarding school
and whose clothes were sent off to the magdalen laundry
and he noticed when his clothes were coming back
and his name was on his clothes.
clothes, you know, sewed in and a tape onto his clothes.
And he would get these kind of semi-illiterate notes from a woman in what he now realizes
was a Magdalene who was just writing, you know, Dear Michael, Dear Michael, are you my Michael?
So.
Oh, my God.
Yeah, we do know that a lot of these.
Oh, my heart.
The women who would have lost children were not merely just locked up and put to hard labor,
but also kept away from family and any children they might have had.
Within both the mother and baby homes and the Magdalene laundries,
once you were in, the hopes of getting out again were extremely low.
You could escape or try and escape, but if you escaped...
And that was it.
You could be unlucky in that the nuns would film the police.
And you're very visible in your Magdalene outfit and your badly cropped hair
because that was done as a punishment
but it was also done
to kind of the nuns
would cut your hair as a punishment
but they'd crop it as a punishment
but also it was just generally kept
kind of cropped short
and if you escaped
you would try and evade the police
because if they found you
they would bring you back
which is another way
the state was involved of course
if you did manage to escape
then mostly they left the country
that was the safest thing to do
to get away entirely
some just kept begging and begging and begging and begging and begging to be let out and others said nothing
but after 10, 12, 15 years the nuns decided this woman was no longer perhaps in need of being
a penitent which is what they called the women and if the nuns consider the women docile enough
and kind of reformed enough they could potentially be put into another religious institution
and not held under lock and key,
but generally finding themselves
as a cleaner in a Catholic hospital, for example.
And that could be in Ireland or Britain.
So that was another way that the women were transferred out.
Or if they just kept begging and begging and begging,
I know only of two instances where women were strong enough to refuse to work
became such a pain on the ass for the nuns
that they were similarly dismissed and just thrown out eventually.
But those instances are quite rare.
It's interesting because,
Galway, as I mentioned, was the only Magdalene that had, you know, Magdalene Asylum painted up at the
side. And it was very, very visible in not only being right in Galway City Centre, but they had these
vans that went across the whole west of Ireland, all of the province of Connacht. And they also
employed, you know, paid workmen, because it was such a big enterprise who lived in cottages
just outside the walls of the magdalen.
So what's interesting about the Galway Magdalene is that that's the only one that I can see so far,
where there was kind of organized, at times organized groups of people who helped the girls escape.
So I think when Irish people did know or have a clear idea as to the extent of what was happening,
there was very, very hidden, but there was.
as networks that were concerned and did help the girls escape.
So we can see that in Galway.
But we don't see that anywhere else.
I think both people didn't know the extent of the suffering,
but you've got to remember this was a country that hated young women
and certainly young working class or poor women's sexuality.
I mean, it really saw women's sexuality as a major issue to be contained, confined,
that this was going to be like the measure of whether or not we were a good patriarchal national culture
that could control these young women.
The good thing about Irish history in the 20th century is that we're very, very unusual in terms of emigration statistics
in that young Irish working class and poor women left the country in massive numbers
in what's called single female in migration.
So we're the only country where there was a network of women who would leave,
go to England, go to America, and send money back to bring out their friends, their nieces, their neighbours.
And they left without their families.
And they went to other single Irish women in these cities in the US or UK.
And they left.
And they left when there was a servant shortage in Ireland.
So middle class Ireland couldn't get these girls to stay and be their servants.
So I really like that.
That aspect of our history, that actually there was this form of resistance.
And that a lot of girls who may otherwise have ended up in these institutions found ways to leave the country and help others to leave.
But there's no formal mechanism of appeal or a process that you can go by to get released.
No.
There was no over.
right. So the Irish state sent in factory inspectors who said, yep, all of these machines are in good
working order. And the Irish state at various times, you know, refused to work with the Magdalene
laundries, but very rarely. So there was one particular minister for defence, Oscar Traynor, who said,
we can no longer send in army clothes to be cleaned because the women are not paid a fair wage
we've got a fair wage clause, you know, because the Magdalene laundries were a real
irritant to people who ran commercial laundries in the cities because, of course, they could
undercut them in terms of their price. And also they could appeal to the Catholic religiosity
of their clientele by saying, you know, we're doing good work with these fallen women.
So please support, send us your business. So this particular minister,
defense was aware that the unionized commercial laundries really objected to the fact that these
women weren't being paid a fair wage, only in terms really of the competition, you know,
rather than human rights abuse. So there was a time in the 1940s when the Irish state said,
okay, no more army gear going in to be laundered in the Magdalens. So we do see it there
was some kinds of open political debate saying, there's questions to be.
answered here. How well used were these laundries? I mean, was there like the wider community
knew and would just send in their clothes in? Was it a case that people just didn't want to know?
Yeah, I mean, you know, back to the start of our interview where I'm wandering around France and Spain
and Italy, seeing these kind of old Magdalene convents thinking how lovely. A lot of middle-class
Irish people thought, again, they wouldn't have necessarily used the word Magdalene unless you're in Galway.
you could kind of see the Magdalene Asylum
painted up in that lovely gold
Gothic letters of the gable end of the
magdalen laundry in Galway,
but mostly they were just called
the convent laundries
and aren't the nuns great?
They're kind of giving good work to
poor homeless women.
So you would send in
your good tablecloths
to be cleaned once a year
or if you had a very kind of particular laundering
job that you wanted done immaculately
because they were expensive.
you know, you would send in your laundry then.
Mostly it was commercial or else very, very affluent families could afford to send in,
upper middle class people could afford to send in their laundry on a regular basis.
But mostly it was the hotels, the boarding schools, the Catholic Church itself,
government departments, hospitals, Air Lingus, the National Airline,
the CIE, the transport company that ran the trains and buses.
Defence Forces contracts. So it was the big commercial contracts.
It was all of Public Ireland that would be using these Magdalene Laundries.
It's hard to imagine these institutions being a central part of public life in this way, but they were.
It sounds so Victorian like something Dickens would have written about.
But the last Magdalene Laundry and the last mother and baby home in Ireland closed in the 1990s.
And there were a number of really shocking cases that made the atrocities of those places
impossible to ignore. Here's Natalie.
Cheam was the first one that really caught the public attention.
And it was Catherine Corliss, who was a local historian.
She had this personal interest in Chum because she was from that county.
Didn't live too far away.
And a history professor had said to her,
do something that you're interested in.
Find, you know, whatever you're kind of spark of interest is
and write about that.
And she knew somebody who'd been onto the grounds
of where this home had been.
So the building itself, it had been designed
as a workhouse during the famine.
They'd been repurposed by Galway County Council
and then run as a mother and baby home
from like 1925 to early 1960s
and then had been demolished for housing.
So it was only really, through Catherine Callas,
her research that she had found
death certificates, I believe,
for these children that had died at the home.
And so that kind of...
of me to ask the question, okay, so where are these children buried then if all these
death certificates exist? Where are their graves? Or where are they, where they're kind of resting
places? It got press interest and then there was an article published by papers. He published
796 names of children that had died. My God. Set that number sinking. 796.
And we don't, we have any information about them, which.
Is there anything that survived about them?
So some of the reasons for the causes of death are congenital defects, heart defects,
whooping cough.
There's quite a worrying number where cause of death is something like Marasmus,
which is hunger, malnutrition, basically, a severe form of malnutrition.
I can't even get my head around it.
Do we know what happened to these?
Like, why were they left like that?
Who is responsible?
Has anybody ever been held to account for this?
Yes and no. So the work of Catherine Corlis and the press coverage, particularly the interest by foreign press, is what really kind of sparked things happening in Ireland. I think stuff probably would have gone under the radar or kind of been ignored for a lot longer had there not been that interest around it. Because of those things that were published in the research of Catherine Corlis, then you had the commission of investigation, which really then dug deep into not just too, but.
a number of homes across the country.
I'll be back with Catherine and Natalie after this short break.
With international press, the public were forced to face the truth of these institutions.
And with them, incredible campaigns began to seek justice for the women and families
who'd been affected by them and whose lives had been ruined.
And yet, the public still took some convincing.
Catherine O'Donnell played and still plays a key part in this.
Here she is to tell us more about her incredible work.
for this cause.
I joined the Justice for Magdalene campaign in 2009,
and it had been founded much earlier, 2003,
by Claire McGettrick and Mary Steed.
And we were faced with, yeah, a lot of ignorance,
a lot of kind of saying, well, this was the 19th century thing.
You know, so it was really hard to do that kind of public campaign
because very few women were able to speak out.
So we did have some incredible women, such as Gabriello Gorman and Martina Kyo.
There was a handful of them and not many of them.
And it was difficult to get the word out initially.
So one of the ways we got the word out was through international media and then it was
picked up in Irish media.
The women themselves were wonderful advocates and gave great testimony.
But one of the clearest ways as academic advocates we could show was to
to use Claire's work in the Names Project to show that most of these women who died there
were given a completely undignified burial.
And initially, like the public had come to awareness of this with a scandal around graves in 1993.
So the wonderful journalist Mary Raftree, who unfortunately died far too young,
she ran with the stories in the Irish Times that showed that the nuns in High Park
needed to sell land to developers
because I think they may have lost money in shares
and cash strapped wanted to sell some land
they needed to clear the land of a grave
and it was a mass unmarked grave of Magdalens
and then they got their exhumation orders
for 122 women
but there was actually 155 bodies there
and largely unknown
and then what the nuns did
which was
contravening kind of Catholic policy around
burial, they cremated the remains,
so we could never, ever find out who these people were
through DNA searches, through
matching the kind of bodies to any evidence we could have
found if they wouldn't release their own archive.
So, you know, families would never know for certain
if their mothers are grandmother.
This is in 1993.
1999, yeah.
So that was the first kind of.
a scandal that broke it. And Claire and Mary and a few others set up a Magdalene Memorial Committee
then in 1993 and they were campaigning to have a bench put into St. Stephen's Green,
which was eventually kind of unveiled, memorializing the Magdalens and the children who lost
their mothers to the Magdalene Institution. So it's a beautiful bench in St. Stevens Green
and Mary Robinson, the president, kind of unveiled it. But we've got to remember that the last
Magdalene closed in 1996, and this is the Magdalene Memorialization Committee. So that just shows
even activists very much involved in the issue are still not fully aware of the extent of these
institutions. So as the Justice for Magdalene campaign, we kicked off again in 2009, we were
facing a lot of amnesia and a lot of silence that was really difficult to puncture, really difficult
to kind of get that message across.
But one of the things Irish culture does well, I think, is to honour the passing of people.
We're still good at wakes, we're still good at funerals, and we're really good at grave plots and
cemetery markers.
So showing Irish people how these women were so disrespected in their death really brought home
how they were treated during their life.
So that was one way in which we really could begin that public education.
And how are the survivors today? Where are they? What I mean, obviously there's too many to have a profile, but I'm just trying to think of how'd you go about your life after the trauma or something like that? And they must have internalised all these horrendous messages of shame and the loss of it. I can't even begin to think.
Yeah, well, we eventually won our state apology and very quickly we had a good redress scheme that fulfilled a lot.
lot of what we were asking for. Unfortunately, that redress scheme was our ombudsman, I mean, put his
head in his hand and was close to tears in front of a committee of parliamentarians a couple of years
later saying it was the worst maladministered scheme he'd ever seen in his career as a civil servant.
So unfortunately, that redress scheme wasn't done properly. But over 800 women who've survived
their time in the Magdal and Laundries kind of stepped forward and received some form.
of redress from the government.
I would say to varying extents that they're flourishing or not flourishing.
A lot of the women who spend time in Magdalene's as girls or young women have been completely
silent about it.
So one of the things that the redress game was supposed to do was to enable these women
find each other.
That's something that came out strongly in the oral histories because they had false, they were
given religious names when they went in.
and there was a real culture of silence and not making friendships.
But of course they did make some friendships.
And they just worried about the women and girls they'd left behind
and what had happened to them.
They really wanted to know what had happened.
So the Department of Justice refused to do that piece of redress.
So we had a weekend called Dublin Honors Magdalens,
which the department sent out all the invitations.
And on very short notice, we had 240 women come with compassion.
to Dublin. Some of the women I met at that weekend had still told Fibbs to their family about
where they were going for the weekend. So even though they'd got the redress, even though there'd
been a public apology, they still felt they couldn't possibly admit to what had happened
them. In my interviews with Magdalene survivors, one of the things I noticed was there was a huge
amount of animal welfare rescuers among the population. And in Ireland, we're not famous for the way
we treat animals or pets, but these women had found other creatures to kind of love and care for.
And again, a huge amount of them had stories of how they'd stepped in in their communities or
families to help other women in distress, particularly mothers in distress who needed help
with children. So they stepped into care for children. They had taken older people into their homes
and looked after them. In other words, they'd found ways to be loving, which I think was incredible
considering the levels of hatred and cruelty that were thrown at them. And that seemed to me
to be a real clue as to how some of them had managed to survive, that they didn't leave their
hearts to be closed. Honestly, I'm reeling from this. As a final question,
because your work is ongoing with this.
I mean, it's still, as you said earlier,
you still don't have access to a lot of the archives.
You still can't access records.
There is still a culture of silence around this.
But what is the future of this campaign?
Where would you like to see it go?
It's going in all kinds of different directions.
So Claire is still working in the Names project.
We still need to know the identities of women there.
I've been working with a lot of young architects.
So we examined the site of the last,
commercial Magdalene, right in the heart of our inner city in Dublin,
Sean McDermott Street campus. And we persuaded the government to take that over from Dublin Corporation.
So the National Museum of Ireland are going to run a museum on all of Ireland's institutional
carceral culture, what my colleague Jim Smith would call Ireland's architecture of containment.
The National Archives will have a new purpose-built building where we will begin to release
all of the archive that's been held under lock and key since the government began to do various
forms of inquiry, starting with the commission to inquire into child abuse around the residential
schools. So there's millions of pieces of paper that are currently suppressed in the state that
will find its way into that archive. I'm also continuing to work with architects to map all of the
various carceral institutions on the island of Ireland, and there were a lot of them, about 540, we think.
Our project is called a ruin, which is the Irish for secret.
And of course, it puns in the English for a ruin.
Ruined lives and ruined buildings.
But we need to learn how to live together in a more just an egalitarian way in this 21st century.
So we're seeing these large buildings as a site where we can kind of gather, reflect and dream a new vision of how we're going to repurpose these sites.
So, yeah, we are.
still being inspired by the survivors of the Magdalens and indeed working to, if you like,
give retrospective kind of justice to the girls and women who die behind those walls. We need to
keep ourselves honest about what we can do to each other if we're not careful. If we believe
this is the best way to treat people, we need to continually explore what it is to have justice
and how to live together and take as our inspiration the people.
who are largely women and poor children who live such terrible lives in these institutions.
Thank you for listening and a huge thank you to both Catherine O'Donnell and Natalie Hughes-Krein for joining me.
If you'd like to follow the work Natalie does with renewing roots,
you can check out their website freya.org.org.
That's freerferea.org.com.
And you can follow Catherine's work for Justice for Magdalene Research at J-F-F-E-A-R-E-E-K.
And you can follow Catherine's work for Justice for Magdalene Research at J-E-F-E-E-A-R-E-E-A-R-R-E-E-A.
Mresearch.com.
Coming up, we've got episodes on the dark history of the BMI
and Michelangelo's sex life all come in your way.
If you'd like us to explore a subject,
or maybe you just wanted to say hello,
then you can email us at betwixtat history hit.com.
This podcast was edited and produced by Stuart Beckwith,
the senior producer was Charlotte Long.
Join me again, Betwixt the Sheets,
The History of Sex Scandal in Society,
a podcast by History Hit.
This podcast contains music from Epidemic Sense.
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