Bill Meyer Show Podcast - Sponsored by Clouser Drilling www.ClouserDrilling.com - 03-05-25_WEDNESDAY_8AM

Episode Date: March 5, 2025

President Triump declares woke DEAD. I like that, but it will really take a lot of work, as explained by longtime Professor John Ellis, author of THE BREAKDOWN IN HIGHER EDUCATION, your calls follow.

The Bill Myer Show podcast is sponsored by Clouser Drilling. They've been leading the way in southern Oregon well drilling for over 50 years. Find out more about them at Clouser Drilling dot com. I didn't go to college, but boy, I sure like talking to people who have made their career of being in college and are talking about education and keeping us up on what is going on there. And I find myself recovering from a lot of my public school education over the years, which is why one of the larger minds that I bring on the program every now and then,

not nearly enough, but I'm glad to have him back, is Professor John M. Ellis, distinguished professor emeritus of German literature at the University of California Santa Cruz. And he's taught at universities in England, Wales, and Canada before joining UCSC in 1966 serving as Dean of the Graduate Division 77 to 86. He's written numerous books including Literature Lost and one of his more recent ones that I talked to him about I think about a year or two ago was the last time we talked

about this professor the breakdown of higher education, how it happened, the damage it does, and what can be done. Welcome back to the program. Good to have you on, sir. Well, thanks so much for having me again. Yes. And I've always enjoyed our conversations because you have been on the front line of the education revolution, the revolution in the academy, so to speak. And I know you haven't had a chance to watch President Trump's speech, the address to Congress last night. I did. And I was glad to hear him when he was talking about,

we're going to get rid of these destructive ideologies, we're going to get rid of the transgender policies, etc., etc. And he declared at the end of it words to the effect of, woke is gone, this is gone, and pretty much saying that this was all going to be over and was all over. And I said, I like that, I like that sentiment, I really do, and I appreciate his confidence. My concern though is, I've talked with you several times about what's really going on in public education, and I'm concerned that this is much more embedded in the DNA of the educational establishment than even President Trump may know. And what are your thoughts on this? Please. Well, like you, I really like the fact that President Trump is going after DEI and outlawing

it and at least telling universities is, if you have DEI offices, you're going to get no federal funds. And I like that enormously. And I like his decisiveness and the fact that, I mean, if he sees a way to correct these very damaging conditions in the universities, he'll take it. But like you, I have the feeling that there's something there that'll need much more than banning DEI and threatening the loss of funds if people keep on going with DEI. It's certainly a good first step.

It's a good first step. What we have is a political monopoly on the campuses. In other words, it's virtually 100 percent, not quite 100 percent, there are a few conservative scholars left, but they're being harassed into early retirement. I've just written a piece on one of those. Professor Amy Wax, you know, is from Pennsylvania, is being harassed by a liberal colleague. She's a wonderful writer, a splendid academic, but she's conservative, so they're going after, they've gone after John Eastman, Chapman, they've gone after half a dozen people I know in California. So basically, it is a monopoly now.

I mean, it's a left-wing monopoly. And the problem with left-wing monopolies is they're bound to go crazy sooner or later. I mean, I'm a great fan of John Stuart Mill, and John Stuart Mill said a lot of great things, but the one I like best is, let me read it out to you. John Stuart Mill said, a party of order or stability, a party of progress or reform, obviously in other words, a party, the left party, are both necessary elements of a healthy state of political life. It is in a great measure the opposition of the other that keep each of them within the limits of reason and sanity. In other words, I mean, John Strum is a very elegant, precise writer.

He doesn't use inflammatory language easily. But when he tells you that if you have a monopoly party and the other party is squeezed out, when he tells you that's the recipe for insanity, you better listen. And I think that that's what's going on on the campuses. I mean, you have a party monopoly on those campuses. And as John Stuart Mill says, whenever you have a monopoly that's squeezed out the other party, what you have is you've gotten rid of the only thing that keeps that party healthy and sane. And what's going on on the campuses right now is because we have a monopoly, a political monopoly, the campuses are crazy. I mean, and so they're the source of wokeness.

There are all these dopey ideas. And that'll continue. I mean, and now I think Trump is a very resourceful man, and I hope that what he'll do is to try to encourage states, state governments, state and legislatures to tell their state universities that this monopoly has got to stop, and it's got to end now, or there's no funding. Now that will do more than just banning DEI. What it'll tell the professoriate of these state universities and colleges that if they continue with this monopoly, you know, only left people can become professors. That's the philosophy on those

campuses. So what they need to be told by the people who provide the money, which is the legislature and the governor, is that if you continue this political monopoly, we'll cut off your money. We'll cut off your funding. And I hope… So this goes beyond, hey, we're going to cut off your federal funding over DEI and various other woke institutions or woke ideology here on this. And yet, you know, I look at the state of Oregon, Oregon State University System,

is once again that same kind of monopoly that you talked about, Professor Ellis, and it is now a, in fact, a number of years ago, it was made into a state agency. So it is actually able to be even more powerful than a typical state university system because it negotiates and uses its bully pulpit in government-to-government relationships, even with our cities and our counties without this. It's almost like in the enforcement arm of the ideology of the state legislature. Yeah. Yeah. And I mean, the strides they've made in insinuating themselves just everywhere.

I mean, the woke professors, the woke ideology, they've quietly infiltrated and gotten control of professional associations like, you know, the American Power Association and... American Planning Association is a big one too. That sort of stuff, yeah. Foundations, NGOs, advocacy groups, corporate officers, editorial boards, unions, government departments, even churches. I mean, the woke left has quietly infiltrated everywhere. Now they know that the public is heavily against them.

In fact, I would say that the common sense of the public is something that the woke ideology can't tolerate because it kills them. I mean, common sense of the public is just sort of like daylight is to a vampire. It kills it off straight away. Yeah, you turn the lights on and the roaches scatter, right? In the kitchen. That's right. So they've got to do it behind closed doors. Boy, do they do it behind closed doors. I mean, they take over all these organizations quietly and against what the public wants. I mean, heavily against what the public wants.

So what you've got to do is stop the thing at the source. The political monopoly on the campus has got to be broken up. And until we do that, I mean, I welcome everything Trump is doing. I applaud it. I'm very encouraged by it. He's the only one that's made a determined attempt to change things. But until he takes aim at the political monopoly

on the campuses, I'm afraid nothing fundamental is going to change. I was concerned about that too. And once again, I'm talking with Professor John Ellis. And his excellent book, which I last spoke to you a little while ago, was the breakdown of, or is rather, the breakdown of higher education, how it happened, the damage it does. And the thing is, you were there at, you had a front row seat to this in the UC Santa Barbara

system since 1966, a lot of years, and you saw it. And was it just...how did it creep in? Was it something which came in with the 1968 or post-Summer of Love kind of thing? Or do you think there was something deeper? Because it was really almost the beginning of critical...just critical theory. Just the the critical theory seemed to be a start of it. I don't know if I'm right about that or not. Yeah. Well, look, when I started off in 66 at UC, I actually started off academic teaching in 1959. I'm that old. But it was very healthy. I mean, you know, the academic world, the university world was a very rational place filled with very bright, very energetic people.

A lot of them had served in the Second World War. I mean, in other words, most of the people who taught me had been in the intelligence operation, because they were Germanists. So they were employed in counter-espionage and so on. Oh, that's right. Yeah, because that was your professor of German literature. Okay, now I understand. Yeah. Yeah, that's right. Yeah, because that was your professor of German literature. Okay, now I understand. Yeah. Yeah, that makes sense. Sure. So basically, I was surrounded by real adults. I mean, that was people who'd seen something alive. Now, I noticed about 1975, all of a sudden, there were some younger, younger professors talking nonsense. I mean, you know, silly ideas like defunding the police, defunding the police, well, that sort of stuff, you know.

It was that long ago, in other words. It was back that far, 50 years. And I realized straight away that the one thing that was different about those people was that they had gone from high school straight into undergraduate work at college, then graduate studies, then assistant professor, you know, in other words, they'd never seen the real world. And so the wonderful, vibrant university world with real, experienced people who'd been in the Second World War was giving way to these younger people that had never seen anything of the business world or the world of ordinary people, and it just got worse and worse. And then, of course, there was the fact that the Students for a Democratic Society, which

is a Marxist group, in 1962 said that they couldn't get power electorally, they couldn't win elections, but they could take over the academic world, they could take over the universities and use them as a way of influencing the electorate. Well, when I read that, I sort of laughed because it was 1962. It seemed so extravagant. I thought they couldn't possibly take over the whole university. But they actually did. They did it very slowly and methodically. They've slowly raised their numbers. I mean, back in about 1969, believe it or not, there were three left professors for every two right-wing professors. Relatively balanced, especially when compared to today.

Yeah. So basically, that meant a pretty good conversation, a pretty good debate between the two. In other words, going back to John Stuart Mill, you know, each one of the, each side kept the other from stupidity. I mean, they acted as a corrective. So it was a healthy debate. Now, by the time you got to about the year 2000, 30 years later, the left outnumbered the right five to one.

Now when you get to five to one, you've got control. And then the numbers go up sharply after that. So within five years, you went from five to one to eight to one. It's currently about 15 to one, but it's still rising. So you do have this monopoly. And you cannot have a university with a faculty that has a left-wing monopoly. It just won't work. I mean, the people concerned are going to get dumb very rapidly because they never hear an opinion other than their own. And if you don't use your brain to argue with the other side, to oppose the other side's arguments. If you don't use your brain that way, it gets lazy and stupid.

Yeah, flaccid. You go flaccid intellectually, in other words. Yeah, that's where we are right now. The universities, instead of being places of intellectual excellence, are places of intellectual stupidity. I mean, I'm sorry to have to say that, but I'd rather have the ordinary, the common sense of the ordinary person on the street who's not going to university, I'd rather have that than a university professor right now. Professor, if you could hang on, do you have a few more minutes here? Sure. I know we talked about 15.

I think you're one of those guys that takes a little more than 15 sometimes, because I just enjoy picking your brain on this here. Well, I probably talk too much, too. Well, this is a talk show. Talking too much is okay. It's all right. We'll be right back with you. And if you had a question for Professor John M. Ellis

once again, and just an amazing brain, The Breakdown of Higher Education is his book. And we talked with him about that a couple of years ago. But we're focusing on President Trump's effort to get rid of the woke ideology in education, both lower and higher education. 7705633. We'll be right back with the professor next.

Freddie's Diner has lost. On News Talk 106.3 KMED. You're hearing the Bill Meyers show on 106.3 KMED. Professor John M. Ellis with me and we're talking about the efforts to root, I guess, just root the woke ideology. Just grab it by the roots and get it out of the system. President Trump said in the speech last night that it's just, hey, it's done, it's over. I wish that were true. I think there's going to be a little more work involved in this. And professor, before we go to the phones, people did want to weigh in on some of this. You had talked about how when the university, when the academy becomes so politically one-sided that it gets stupid

and gets crazy. And I would certainly agree with you when I look at the academy today. Now we're looking at a left-wing monopoly. Have we ever had a right-wing monopoly within the university system? And what did that do? What were the types of intellectual sclerosis, I guess, for looking for a term that came from that. Any examples? No, not in the English-speaking world. Well, I mean, you have to go back a long way to the point where universities were basically training grounds for priests. I mean, go back to Oxford and Cambridge, you know, back in 500 years ago.

I mean, then they were conservative institutions because they were training grounds for people going into the church. But in the modern world, I mean, talking about, you know, the last couple of hundred years, that certainly wasn't the case. Now, you know, I've talked about the fact that the Second World War produced an academic world from about 1945 to about 1970 that was intellectually first rate. Now, you know… Well, part of that may have been because the people that were in that system had seen war and deprivation.

They knew, right? They knew reality. That's right. Now, let me tell you a story. I mean, I remember telling my father that I was going to make a career out of university teaching, and he was very disappointed. And he said to me, but he was thinking of pre-war,, pre-Second World War. That was when his opinions were formed of the university world.

He said to me, professors are all cranks and crackpots. Now, I didn't realize it. I thought he was dead wrong at the time because what I knew, the academic world I knew about 1950 or 60 was first rate. People were very smart people. But I'm thinking it over since then, I realized that what he put his finger on was the same thing that I saw in 1975 and on, the lack of common sense of ordinary people. And so what he was seeing in 1930 was something

that was a little bit in the direction of what we live with now. I mean, people, professors were cranks and crackworts, in other words, they lacked the common sense of ordinary people. And I think that, so the Second World War era, you know, the era of the universities from 1945 to 1975, that was the anomaly, probably. I mean, pre-Sec, pre-second World War you had in the London School of Economics, you had Howard Elasky was the, you know, the most powerful figure, and he was a Marxist. And he was the head of the economics department

at a university in England, and he was a flat-out Marxist. So you know, I worry about the fact that as long as we have people going from high school to undergraduate to graduate work and straight into the classroom to teach at college without any intervening experience in the real world, I worry that we're always going to be subject to this problem of professors lacking common sense. And the woke ideology then. So would you suggest that we change the culture and maybe we work for a few years and get real world experience and then go to the university? Would that be better or healthier?

It would be much, much better. I'm not sure how you can do it. That's the problem. I mean, you can't just say to people, well, look, go and work in business for five years, then come back because you'll be a better professor. Now, that would be true, but I'm not sure you could ever have a system where you could get people to do that. You know, people want to get on with their career and if they choose a career in higher education, they want to get to it and you know, begin on it as quickly as they can. So I think this may be a permanent weakness of the university world. We'll always have to struggle with it. Professor John Allow is with me and we have Wild Salmon Steve. Steve, it's great

to have you here. You have a question or comment for the professor? Go ahead. Yes, I graduated from high school in 1965 and college in 1969 and in my last year of college I had to take a philosophy class and I come to the class right after working a shift, a cleanup shift in a plywood mill, and I didn't have time to change clothes. So I came pretty, you know, dirty and I'd blown off myself, but I'm sure I didn't look very good. The professor was having us, you know, talk about who we were. And when he came to me, he said, you look like a bum. And I said, well, I just got off work. And he goes, work? Why would you be working? And I said, to pay your salary. And things went kind of

downhill from there. But the underlying thing was this was the transition when the student loan program first came out. And so they were making it so easy to get money to go to college and that ended up raising the salaries of college professors. So I wonder what the professor would think about the student loan program being the underlying problem and underlying problem. That's a great point. What would you say about that, Professor? Go ahead.

Well, you know, here's the problem. Everyone would like to have the benefit of a great university education. But the problem is that there aren't enough really bright people to teach college to make that happen. I mean, if you have 100% of the population getting into college, you need a huge number of professors. There are not many people who are good enough to do the job. So you get to a point where

if you make it too easy to get to college, you're bound to degrade the quality. And I think that's what's happened, basically. Well, of course, that's also a part of the EI. Everything becomes about equity rather than merit, right? That kind of... That's right. That's right. That's right.

I think it might be better for a lot of people to just simply start work, you know, a career at age 18 and not bother with college, which I think there's a segment of the population that can benefit from that kind of education, and that's great for them. And I think we're better off as a society for that. But I think that if you raise the numbers too much, then you've got to raise the numbers of college professors to teach them, and there aren't that many people who are good enough to do that. And I think what my own feeling is that what you do if you raise the numbers too much,

you increase the proportion of second rate to first rate professors. At the moment, the ratio of second rate, people are not really good enough for the job, are not smart enough for the job. The proportion of those people to the first rate people is about maybe nine to one. And once it goes above one to one, you have the not very smart people in the majority. And that's very, very bad for the situation. Professor John Ellis with me. I believe we have Ed here. Hello, Ed. How are you? Good morning, Bill. And I think it's great you're having this conversation. I'm trying

to formulate it into a question, but basically it's a question of if he's understanding of it or knows of it. But in 2003, the state of Oregon made the university a state agency. Yes, I mentioned that early in our talk with him, you know, about that. Right. But the lineage of that has to be put forth is that they did that by giving the state agency status to it for the Dispute Resolution Commission and at that point they entered the legal system and that's a methodology that they use with the National Policy Consensus Center

all of these things and then they branched out to the university network of collaborative governance because that state agency designation allowed that university system to collaborate and cooperate with every other international, federal and state agency in the country. So the university system ends up being used as the virus vector.

Is that kind of what you're getting at here? Well, it's the virus vector is so much more magnified by this because to this day the only other state that I researched that I know that this has happened in this Massachusetts, which is extremely a socialist state, you know with these types of things, but it's not as active as this part of it is in controlling. And I look at what they've done to our election system, what they've done to every aspect of it, allowing out of state students to vote in their elections, all of these things combined.

We have a real problem, you know, along with everything that he just talked about. And this is one of the key factors in dismantling this intrusion into our lives. How would you, and thank you for the call there, Ed. Yeah, so the California university system is not a state agency, technically, so it doesn't have the power that the Oregon one does here, Professor, if I recall.

Yeah, well, I take it this is really a question of how much supervision the universities have in Oregon. It sounds to me as though that particular framework almost takes away any supervision of the state. Kind of a force unto itself, you know, is what it is turned into. That's very, very dangerous to give the universities that much power and to take away any kind of corrective framework. Because at the moment, I mean, look, for example, I mean, people complain about how kids in

elementary schools and high schools are doing very badly. And by the way, Oregon students are considered last in the nation or close to it. Number 50 overall. Yeah, that's right. Now people complain about that. But where do teachers get trained? Well, teachers get trained on university campuses in the Department of Education. People complain about the fact that journalists are all biased in favor of the left. Well, where do journalists get trained?

They get trained on university campuses and so on. I mean, university campuses train lawyers, they train architects, they train doctors. So I mean, when the Students for a Democratic Society in 1962 said that their path forward was not by elections, but by taking over the university campuses, I, you know, at the time I thought, well, that's okay. So... Yeah, you laughed at them then, right? You laughed at them, probably.

I laughed at it, yeah. But what I didn't realize, they weren't just talking about influencing students in their classrooms. I mean, you know, in other words, bachelor's degrees, kids going out infected with socialist ideas. They knew that if they had the universities, they had the training of teachers, they had the training of lawyers, they had the training of journalists, they had the training of doctors. I mean, the massive power was put in the hands of the left by doing this. And I must confess that at the time, 1962, I did not see the extent of that danger.

So anyway, to go back to the Oregon situation, if in addition to that you make them self-sufficient, you make them...you give them a situation where they're not subject to any control by anybody else, then you really have trouble. As far as reform, and I'll give you the final word here in the final few minutes of this here, and can the academy that we have in the United States right now, can all of this that we've been talking about, can it be reformed within the system? Or must it be killed?

I think it could. But I'll tell you, there's one huge barrier, which is so many people say you'll never be able to reform universities. And the problem is, I think that's the thing that's most in our way. In fact, there's plenty of scope for reform. I mean, state universities are funded by legislatures and governors in each state. Now, you know, it's perfectly simple to recognize that a political monopoly in universities destroys them. It's

simple to prove it. It's simple to explain why it must happen. As John Stuart Mill explained already years ago. Now, how difficult would it be for a legislature to say to their state universities, look, political monopoly is suicide for a university. It cannot, it cannot work. Come up with a plan to stop it, to break it up, or we'll stop your funding. It's a simple thing to do. I mean, any state university could do it. But even in red states, legislatures are scared of doing it because the universities have had such prestige throughout

history. I mean, a prestige of a place like Harvard or, oh yeah, you know, the tremendously sort of powerful idea in people's minds that these are wonderful institutions. But the state universities don't have quite that much prestige, but they still are able to intimidate legislatures who are not, they're just not psychologically up to the task of saying to their state universities, reform yourself, cut out this political monopoly, which is so destructive, or we cut your funding. That's the kind of funding that will get their attention more so than President Trump's, well, we're going to cut the federal funding at this point in time.

I think so. I think so because state funding strikes at the base. I mean, honestly, it's not that hard to do, except that there are people who think that it can't be done. And there's no reason why to think that it can't be done. It can be done. Red states everywhere have... Well, it would be hard to do, but the hard thing to do is what needs to be done, and

the hard thing is worth it. We do it. Yeah. I think I'm paraphrasing almost a Kennedy-esque kind of state. I think he did a quote like, we go to the moon because it's hard or something like that. I don't know. Yeah. Well, let me put it this way, it's only hard because they think it's hard. It's not really hard.

But it does take spine and I think that is part of it. Yes. Professor, thank you so much for your thoughts and I hope to have you back and I'll link to your latest article. By the way, did that one get in the Washington Post right now? Why are you trying to get into the Post? I sent it to the Washington Post. I'm sure, you know, I think it's unlikely that it'll take it.

I just wanted to test out whether the new regime of the Washington Post, which is supposed to be now, you know, bipartisan, in other words, Jeff Bezos has announced that he's going to make the opinion page of the Washington Post open to both points of view, left and right. Now, so I just want to test out, is that going to be the case, you know? Well, I'll tell you what, I'll have you back. We'll find out if Bezos is truly serious. We'll see.

Yes. Thank you very much, Professor. Good talk, as always. Be well. Well, thanks for having me again. Thanks so much. All right. Professor John Ellis. Professor John Ellis, in, like I said, a book, I consider his book a must-read, and we talked about it when he first brought it out, and it's still worthwhile. The breakdown of higher education, how it happened, the damage it does, and what can be done. And he talked about what can be done.

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your vehicle but take care of you. This is News Talk 1063 KMED and you're waking up with the Bill Myers show. 10 before 9, 770-5633. Angie's here. Angie, you're feeding the ducks. Hopefully they can get through with me and feed the ducks okay. But tell me about your experience when you were coming back home from Australia, please. Yeah, I was on a flight, an 11-hour flight from DG and I had this student guy that had got a scholarship from California to Australia and he's been there for a year. And anyway, he's a very nice guy, very handsome and everything, but he was hugging a teddy bear the whole way home You're joking right no, no, no, and he was smart and I said Like I mean he was hugging a teddy bear the whole way home on the flight huh, and now is this someone that was just emotional?

No, no. He was like, I mean, I had a conversation with him. He was very smart and a student. And I said, what's with the teddy bear? And he says, no, this is my companion or whatever. Now he wasn't dopey, no, he wasn't, you know, I thought he was a bit funny, but he wasn't. He was very smart to talk to, but he was hugging this teddy bear the whole way home. A bit emotionally fragile from the sounds of it then. Well, yeah, he was going home to the fires, you know, and he felt he needed comfort or

something. All right. Anyway, the other experience I have of the student is when I was sitting at a Thanksgiving dinner, I had this very smart guy across the way from me, and I asked him what he was going to do and it was he did he think of going into business and he said he had never discussed that with his professor and I said do you need to discuss everything with your professor well but the professor never brought it up in a conversation so but isn't that interesting though what power, what

influence? That's what I'm trying to point out here. These are so influenced by the people that they have around them. They're frightened. They're all frightened about life. And frightened people are very easy to control too, I would dare say. Absolutely. Thank you so much. By the way, how are your ducks? How many ducks do you have? I have about 30 at the moment, but 25 of them are from my freezer for meat. Oh good, you do that because I love duck. I absolutely love it. It's one of my favorite. Do you sell them or what do you do?

I haven't got any registration, but I will definitely give you one. Oh, don't want that. I'm not plumbing for it. I want to take care of it. No, no, no. It's a gift. I give you a gift, okay? Oh, Angie, you didn't have to do that. That's very kind of you. I just fact that I didn't know if they were pets. I didn't know if they were pets or they were practical animals. That's what I wasn't sure.

Can you butcher a duck yourself? Can I do it? I've never done that. No, but I... Okay. All right then. Well, I'll do it for you. You see, you're a practical woman.

It's what I like about you, okay? I am, I'm, I, well you know, there was five of us in my family and four of them were sent to university and I was the only one that had a business and ran a business and I ended up being a lot more wealthier than all of the rest of my family and I'm dyslexic so I'm a dope as well. Oh no, no, you're not a dope. As a matter of fact, my wife is dyslexic. She has that too. She is. And the thing is though, I appreciate that because dyslexics have an interesting way they'll catch patterns and see things that someone like me who doesn't have dyslexia doesn't see and I really appreciate them. I really do. Appreciate

the call. Good hearing from you. It's great. Irishhengy. It's 855. Let me grab another call here. Good morning. Hi. Joel calling in from the Iron Gate. Hi Joel. The river is ripping. It went down a little bit, but it was like four feet higher for two days. What does it look like if you were going to say, I'm just wondering how clean has the river been? Because there's been some questions people have asked me about what does it look like ever since the blowing of the dam. And I remember when I had the water tested by Klauser and it was just miserable, miserable water quality.

Has that improved, Annie? Well, it's running right now. Like, I don't know what they dumped in the river, but I remember talking about a month ago to one of the down at this station, to Chevron, our only store. I'm sorry, hey guys, what would you do with all the dirt? Well, we push half of it into the river. I got witnesses to that, but I thought that will ever be a

problem. Well, you can pollute the river and push the dirt piles in as long as you are associated with the far left-wing environmentalist state governments, which makes perfect sense doesn't it? Yeah, hey well be well. Thanks for the report from the iron gate in the Klamath. Okay 856 Good people there 858 brother Brad's here. Hey Brad. You were asking about the the hissy fit protest downtown yesterday. Go ahead Yeah, I drove by and you know, we all have a right to protest as part of our freedom of speech, but it just seems like the only people that do that stuff are college students from Ashland or retirees from Ashland. And they just,

they got nothing better to do with their time apparently. Yeah, well, and I can say God bless them, I guess, but my concern is that what was interesting is that I commented on this and someone said, oh gosh, you're like a little Alex Jones in training or something like that because I said, well, that's actually what they're protesting when it comes to the Ukraine war. They're protesting the elimination of the neoliberal order which has corruptly been controlling things for a long time here, Brad, in which you write hot checks to the NGOs and the NGOs set out there and do put progressive policies in place in governments all around the world. I

think that's coming to an end and yeah, they're not real happy, okay? I think we'll have to talk a little bit more about that tomorrow. Kind of out of time, but I'll see you then. Thanks buddy. Alright, see you buddy. The email bill at BillMeyersShow.com. Tomorrow we'll have good time. It'll be Conspiracy Theory Thursday. See you then.