Bill O’Reilly’s No Spin News and Analysis - No Spin News - Weekend Edition - February 7, 2026
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Welcome to the No Spin News Weekend Edition.
Now, we had put a call into the Department of the Treasury and asked for the Secretary to come on and talk to me.
We got a big middle finger.
Very disrespectful, extremely so.
Very disappointed because I like this guy.
Scott Besson has been a good Treasury Secretary.
He's articulate.
You don't do that, Mr. Secretary.
You don't do that to a worldwide news agency that reaches tens of millions of people.
you know, they, you know, just ignore the request.
So maybe got lost in the, I don't know.
But here's why we want to talk to Besson,
because one of the heroes of this whole story
is Congressman Jason Smith of Missouri.
We had him on last week.
Now, he is the chair of the House Committee on Ways and Means.
And last October, that committee asked Secretary Bezsche,
to look into revoking the tax-exempt status of these radical-left organizations that are destroying
American cities and putting ICE agents in danger.
That was in October.
Nothing has been done.
Besson hasn't mentioned it.
Now, we find out that last week he's now looking to recruit a new, quote-unquote, top cop to police these nonprofits.
Boy, you're late to the game.
And that's what we wanted to talk to them about.
Come on, let's go.
There's some urgency here.
People are dying, literally dying.
I mean, the danger to ice agents is through the roof, not just civilians.
And these are the groups that are doing it.
And they're getting tax-free, exam status and taking money from Shanghai?
This is what I mean about a giant federal.
colossus.
Okay?
Federal government, they don't act quickly
and I don't tell you much.
One more caveat
because I want to introduce President
Trump into this debate.
Trump is a very candid guy.
Very transparent.
He answers to all the questions.
I like the answers, but he does.
But nobody even asked him about this.
They're not even asking him about it.
They're trying to do an Epstein thing on him.
It's all I care about it.
Epstein, Epstein, Epstein.
Because they think they can get them.
They're not going to get them on Epstein.
This is just garbage.
This is the story.
Joining us now from Madison, Mississippi.
It's Chris Hinkle, former FBI supervisory agent.
He now runs Jay, J.N. and Associates, a investigative service.
Resumé is impeccable.
knows the FBI as well as any human being in the country. Thank you for speaking with us, Mr. Hinkle.
First of all, I- Thank you for having me on.
Twelve minutes, I just rambled. Did I make any mistakes in your opinion?
I didn't hear one mistake. Okay. I am frustrated as a journalist because I believe the federal government
has more of an obligation to paint this picture than they're doing. Am I wrong?
No, you're not wrong. And I've been a high proponent and I've made recommendations to the FBI through my contacts that we need to get back to the business of the day of having the professionals in the room. Hold a press conference, stand before a podium, have the people with subject matter knowledge around you, get briefed on it, give your briefing, and then field questions to reporters so that the reporters can get the information that we need.
this running around to different podcast and no disrespect to yours, I understand why there is some reluctance
because you ask cogent, civil and cogent pointed questions, and those things are often tough
for our elected and appointed representatives.
Well, if they can't answer, they can just say I can't answer now.
Look, we put in a call of Cash-Fitelli, turn us down.
All right, he doesn't want any part of this.
He had of the FBI.
Okay.
I mean, Comey wasn't going to come on.
when Biden was in, we got it.
And then Besson, Besson did what Bessent did.
But right now, what I'm looking at is a story
where a foreign adversary through an American citizen
is pumping in tens, maybe hundreds of millions of dollars
to foster violence in this country,
and we can't get any kind of direction
from the people who are supposed to protect us from that.
That's crazy.
I do think that they do need to take the time to say, here are the things that we are doing that we're looking into.
You don't have to name specific people because I do think that would be a violation of due process.
But you can say, here are the activities that we're looking into.
You can say here are some of the things that we're doing.
You don't have to get super technical on it.
I am confident that the FBI is looking into this.
They're very good at tying up, tying things together from financial to physical actions,
to networks and things like that.
It does take time.
But it would make them look good.
If you're very confident,
and you know way better than I do,
it would make them look good to explain it.
See, this is the conundrum.
And would they cash Patel look good?
Now, I know he has to get permission to do it.
I understand.
The bureaucracy, the FBI is ridiculous.
But it makes the federal government look good
if they can explain, look, we're taking this seriously, right?
I agree. I think you should talk about the investigative measures that you are taking.
What I counter people with are the people out there that are saying,
I want to see somebody in handcuffs right now.
Yeah, yeah, I know. We don't.
I'd like to seize people in handcuffs, but I don't want to see people in handcuffs
only to have their case of return later.
Yeah, unless it's evidence about it.
Right, right.
Now, do you believe, as a trained,
investigator, many years of experience, that the state of Minnesota under Walls and Fry is in
rebellion against the United States, or am I overstating this?
I don't think you're overstating it. As my good friend Jim Galliano said in his New York
Post piece, it has all the hallmarks of insurrection that's going on from these individuals
in these states. These states can't come in and tell the federal government, you're not going to
enforce federal law, and they're not to put obstacles in the way. We have the supremacy clause under
Article 6 of the Constitution in the United States that says that we get to do this. The president
has plenary power under Article 2 of the, as the Article 2 branch of the United States to
execute these types of investigations. And I'll go even one step further under the Alien Enemy's
Act with dealing with foreign nationals that are coming in and affecting things in.
side through crime and stuff, that case was litigated back in 1948.
And you know what the Supreme Court said?
It's not subject to judicial review.
The president has this power.
And when we have a governor and a mayor trying to stand in the way of that, it puts lives
in danger, not just the citizens' lives in danger.
There's already been dangerous.
It puts these officers lives in danger.
These two Minnesota citizens who were killed would be alive if the many,
police had protected the ice agents.
Right?
Well, not just protected the ice agents, but protected the citizens.
It's a very dangerous situation.
But stood in the middle and prevented this kind of chaos.
But they didn't.
And that's not a violation.
That's not a violation of your First Amendment rights.
You have a right to protest.
You have a right to march.
You have a right to be in the air.
They were interfering in the investigation.
Don't have a right to interfere in a law enforcement.
And that's what they were clearly doing, both of the victims.
All right, Mr. Ingle, I hope you will, you know, if you get anything, any inkling,
because I want to be fair here.
I'm not looking to downgrade the FBI or anything like that.
I am almost beside myself in the sense that I don't think their messaging is helping this country right now.
That's where I'm coming from.
All right.
So if you can cajole them.
or whatever. Cash Patel is welcome anytime on his program. And if he can't answer,
I'll respect that. I'm not going to scorn them or anything like that. All right, Mr. Engel,
thanks very much. Really appreciate it.
You're listening to the No Spine News Weekend Edition.
India, I went over it with you. I can't tell you what a big story this is. And of course,
the media ignores it because it doesn't help them damage Trump by saying, hey, you know, the
president's doing pretty well overseas. And he is. I mean, I don't, the presentation about Greenland,
and I told him, I, if you guys, they said, look, you can't be threatening, invading Green,
but I knew it was going to work out. It's like Panama worked out. But if you go down the list
of accomplishments overseas, Donald Trump's a phenomenal. There's nobody close to him in modern
times as far as foreign affairs. The problem is that Americans don't care about foreign affairs.
And when I say problem, I'm talking about the midterm elections.
So emerging as the major problem for the Democratic Party and President Trump is the cost of health care insurance.
That is worrying people.
It's out of control.
And I don't know what the president's going to do about it.
Very complicated issue.
A couple of polls.
Used to be the Kaiser Family Foundation.
That's not a change your name to KFF.
They did a poll.
Okay, 1,400 U.S. adults.
First question, thinking about the past year, would you say your cost of living has increased a lot?
50%.
Whoa.
Increased a little.
32.
That's 82%.
Stayed about the same 12.
That is not a good number for the president.
Second question, how worried are you to be paying these bills?
Health care.
Very worried.
66.
Not worried?
34.
Food, 57 worried, 43 not.
Rent, mortgage, 52 worried, 48 not.
Monthly utilities, 57 worried, 43 not.
Pew poll, this is different than the poll I just gave you.
It's very simple, do you approve or disprove with Donald Trump's handling his job.
Prove 37, disapprove 61.
Obviously, that is not a great number for Donald Trump.
Next question, do you think Trump administration's actions since taking office last year have been better than expected, about as expected, worse?
Better 21, about 28.
That's 49%.
That's not a bad number.
Worse 50.
It's about a tie.
Another poll.
This is the McLaughlin poll.
Now, John works for President Trump.
So it's a Republican-generated poll.
That being said, John McLaughlin's been very accurate.
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We wouldn't use them if he wasn't.
So, 1,000 likely voters.
The Pew poll is 8,500 U.S. adults.
Nothing to do with likely voters or registered voters.
These are people who are avid under McLaughlin.
Question, do you approve or disprove of the job Donald Trump is doing?
Prove 50 disapprove 47.
That is the biggest discrepancy I've seen,
quite some time.
Okay.
Do you support or oppose
deporting known criminal and terrorist migrants?
Support 87, oppose 10.
You support or oppose deporting all migrants.
Support 62, oppose 32.
That startling number right there.
Joining us now is John McLaughlin from upstate New York.
So when you saw the Pupol goes way the opposite way.
of your poll, you said to yourself what?
Let me check the internals.
Let me check the demographics, how they did it.
And it's only, it's literally,
28% Republican.
We model ours after actual voter turnout.
My survey matches up with the CNN exit polls
from the last presidential race.
Their poll, we have Republicans 35%,
Democrats 34, very close to the,
CNN poll, their poll has only 28% Republican.
So are you saying they cook the books here?
Sure, they've been cooking the books, these media polls have been cooking the books against
Trump since 2016. Remember the Hillary Locke?
There's no way Trump could win.
All right.
So that's a pretty strong accusation you're making against Pew, that they're cooking
the books.
They're trying to get the negative number to hurt Trump going forward.
And you believe that?
I believe it.
Because it's adults, and they know it's not.
know it's not apples to apples, but they get a big headline. And you look at polls, I mean,
there has been a series of them in the last couple of weeks. Our friend Larry Kudlow did a series on
this where you have like, when you look at the New York Times poll that was registered voters,
they only have 38% Trump voters. We got 50 in the last election. We got 50% of the vote. We won the
popular vote. You have polls like the economist UGov. They come out with a poll where they had in
in their poll, you're referring to notes, I've got to refer to my notes,
but they had more Harris voters, 46% to only 34% Trump voters,
out of 1722 adults.
This is adults.
They could be interviewing illegal immigrants for all I know.
And you have the same thing with Pew, where Pew, it's adults.
And they do it for an online panel.
I believe you.
You don't have to convince me any further.
I believe you that they're not honest polls.
No surprise in this country at this point.
Now, when will the polling matter for the midterms?
Still 10 months away.
And when do you think that people will begin to lock in on?
Because this is vitally important for President Trump.
Well, I don't think the voters pay much attention
to the polls as we do.
They're going to vote based on their own situation.
And we have the Republicans down to in the generic ballot
most of last year, and certainly in 2024,
the Republicans were ahead in the generic ballot for Congress, which it doesn't, you know,
when you come down to it, it matches up by the, you know, people vote on the names that are in the
district. And, but generically, the Republicans shouldn't be two points behind the,
the Democrats. The Republicans need to get much more aggressive. They need to run a contrast
election. For example, in that same poll where we had 87 to 10, they favored deporting
criminal illegal immigrants. In the same poll, when we asked, would you defund and, uh,
abolish ICE, 46% of all voters said they would 48 didn't.
And when you're looking at disconnect, well, who is going to deport criminal illegal immigrants?
It's the immigration cost.
So the Democrats, and you mentioned it up front about this fellow Neville, Singham from overseas,
funding campaign against immigration, if you get rid of the immigration police, you have open borders.
You then the country's destabilized and these illegal.
People don't link it together.
It's all an emotional response.
We know that.
But this health care insurance situation, a couple with car and house insurance,
insurance companies are battering the American people.
I talk to President Trump about this.
And, you know, if that continues unabated for the next 10 months,
the Democrats could win on that alone.
Right.
And we did a survey for the Great American Health Alliance.
Last week, it was released in Washington.
Almost four to five voters support healthier savings accounts.
This was an idea of Steve Forbes came up in 95, 96 of the presidential race,
where you get money that's tax deductible.
Could be your own money.
Could be your employer's money.
It's an end account, and you buy insurance above that.
Trump did that.
Trump denounced that last week.
Right.
What a coincidence.
But now you have to get Congress to change the laws to allow this to happen.
Okay.
But maybe they will and maybe they won't.
The messaging, though, on all of this, look, it's very clear, John, and I don't know how he, as opposed to you processes.
There are two issues, the press, the media is driving.
Epstein and ICE.
They don't want to know about India or favorable trends.
agreement or they don't want to know about savings accounts that would, you know, provide money
for kids.
They don't want to know about any of that, okay?
Because the two issues that they've latched onto, they believe the corrupt American media
will damage the Republicans in Trump in November.
So they're going to just jam this all day long every day.
And that's what's happening.
So how do you overcome that?
You have to overcome it the way President Trump did in his last campaign.
The tough part is he's not on the ballot this time.
But he really is.
He really is.
He is.
But it's the disadvantage because people are voting on you as a national referendum,
even though you're not on the ballot.
Right.
It has to get outside the Beltway.
In the campaign, we broke through the mainstream media by going out directly to the voters,
using social media.
President Trump did like over 100 policy videos.
those people that would go to his rallies, we might get 100,000 people there, you would have
hundreds of thousands of people send us emails and texts trying to go. The campaign could then
use that information to promote ideas in our position on the issues and do a contrast, a straight
contrast with the Democrats. President Trump ran, one, because he ran directly against Biden and
Harris's failed policies. The Republicans need to hold Chuck Schumer and Hakeem Jeffries accountable
for open borders, for wanting to raise taxes.
How can they talk about affordability when every Democrat in the House voted to raise taxes
by $4.5 trillion this year?
That's what they did last year.
They voted to do that.
They voted against the bill.
But no one's holding them accountable.
We have to get out there.
We have to go outside of the government.
I don't know about the we, but it's going to be tight.
But I think things will happen.
Dramatic things are going to happen in the next nine months that will.
And we really appreciate you talking to us John from time to time.
If you see any trends emerging, let us know.
I think about September, the polls will really start to matter.
And thanks for coming on tonight.
This is the No Spin News Weekend Edition.
All right, there's a new book out.
It was released yesterday, and you might want to consider.
It's called Rage in the Republic,
the Unfinished Story of the American Revolution.
Now, it's a little pinhead of you, but I read it, and you'll learn a lot.
The first part of the book is the difficulty of getting American society and the American government running
in a way that benefited all Americans. Thomas Payne, very crusty guy, everybody hated him, except me,
I liked him.
And Jonathan Turley, the author, goes all through that.
So if you like history and you read my books, you'll like this.
Then the book takes a turn into, well, are we going to be able to keep what we have here?
Our Republic is going to keep it because we've got now a surge in AI, we've got new texts,
we got a corrupt media, we got Academian that's falling apart.
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Can we keep it?
So joining us now is the aforementioned Jonathan Turley is a law professor of George Washington University.
We see him on TV all the time, read his columns.
All right, so I want to stay in the present day because you are,
right in the fire zone. So you teach at a very liberal university, George Washington. Some of your
columns and commentary are, I wouldn't say conservative right wing, but they're not liberal.
And you do go after some people on the left. What has happened to you because of that?
Well, I'm one of the few libertarians, conservatives, contrarians left in academia, recent
surveys have shown that many departments don't have a single conservative, a Republican or
libertarian. Yale reached sort of Nirvana stage not long ago, where they found that not a single
faculty member at Yale contributed to the Republican Party. So there's been this purging that has
gone on since I first went into teaching over 30 years ago. And I talk about this in Rage and
the Republic, because the second half of the book, as you note, Bill, is,
is looking at whether we can, this Republican survive in what we're facing.
Now, part of that is what I call the rise of the new Jacobins.
And the Jacobins were, of course, those people who brought about the French Revolution,
because the book looks at both the American and French revolutions and the personalities involved
and asks, why did one, the American Revolution, become the most successful, oldest democracy in history?
And why did the other become the reign of terror?
and what we could learn from that.
And the Jacobins began as professors,
journalists, lawyers,
who talked about due process
and the rights of man.
And then they became architects of the terror.
And what the book suggests
is we're hearing those voices again,
these new Jacobins.
You have the dean of Berkeley Law School
saying that the U.S. Constitution is a failure.
This is on our 250th anniversary.
You have the New York Times,
directly publishing law professors saying, we have to break the system down, you know, pack or get rid of the Supreme Court, make these radical changes.
And what the book raises is that these are people who are trying to remove the very elements that got us here today,
the very elements that saved us historically from the demise that we saw in things like the French Revolution.
And in modern times, in the fascist states all around the,
the world. But why? Why would intelligent people, number one, veer so far left, do they fear robust
debate? Do they fear allowing the American people to make their own decisions?
Well, there is this echo chamber environment that benefits many of these, particularly law
professors, also journalists. They write for each other. You know, the, if you
eliminate anyone who's a dissenting voice, it helps you. You get more invitations to conferences,
more publications, more control. The last thing you want is someone who's going to say you're wrong.
And I never thought we would be in this position, quite frankly. You know, as I said, I wanted teaching
30 years ago, but more importantly, as I talk about it in the book, when I went to University of
Chicago, it was an awakening for me. There were people, I grew up in a liberal,
Democratic, politically active family.
I knew there were young Republicans.
I just never met one.
And I went to Yvesh Congo, and in the basement, the Trotskyites would meet.
And upstairs, we had militant vegans.
And next door, we had these bizarre libertarians.
It was like walking into the Star Wars bar scene.
And for me, it was absolutely just thrilling.
I loved every minute of it.
I was fascinated to see people that saw what I saw and saw something completely different.
my students simply don't have that anymore.
Most law schools, for example, don't even have a Republican or conservative.
If they do, they just have a couple.
Now, keep in mind, this country is a majority conservative or libertarian.
And I had a debate at Harvard with one of their professors, and I raised with him, and I like him a great deal,
but I raised with him this issue that the faculty at Harvard has only a handful of conservatives or Republicans,
and the student bodies less than 9% in a country that's divided equally
and where the majority of judges are conservative.
And he immediately said, well, we're Harvard.
We're an elite university.
We don't have to look like America.
And I said, but Randall, you don't even look like Massachusetts.
I mean, Massachusetts is over 30%.
But see, that's the key to changing traditional American society, the classroom.
So if you get the urchins at age 13, and by the time they get out of college, they're 22,
and all they hear is America's bad, stolen land, that amused me greatly at the stupid music awards.
If all they hear is that, then you're indoctrinating a whole new generation of Americans to move to the radical left.
So I think this is a very well-thought-out plan.
No, it is.
And in fact, Rachel Republic goes into that because I talk about Mondami.
I talk about all these socialists.
The polls show that socialism and even communism are being embraced by really record numbers of young people.
And as I talk about in the book, these are people with no memory or experience with the socialist governments that collapsed in the 20th century.
So all they know are these soundbites like Mondi's.
saying, I'm going to introduce you to the warmth of collectivism.
It's very much like, as I talk in the book, when Mitheron was elected president of France,
he actually appointed a minister of leisure because he was promising the French,
they'd have so much time paid by the government that he was going to have someone managed
to make sure they can get all the leisure they want.
And of course, the economy collapsed.
But these kids never saw that.
Well, I mean, the warmth of collectivism and tough because Mandami
can't even plow the snow off the streets of New York City. So that's collapsing pretty fast.
But I think that you're correct in saying that when you have a monolithic left-wing educational
system and you do in this country, that's going to change the voting patterns, it has to.
Now, the second thing is, the corporate media has bought into that they like to.
that. You often appear on a Fox News channel. George Washington University can't be happy about that,
are they? No, I have been shunned for years, but I've been shunned since I testified in the
Clinton impeachment. So you can't be fired, because I have a chair, tenured professor, so instead
you're largely shunned. What does that mean shun? How does that? The thing is, this is a
that will try to take away everything that has meaning to an intellectual.
Publication of papers, joining conferences, those types of things go.
If you really sort of violate this orthodoxy in...
Have you ever had words with these people who are trying to sabotage your career?
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No, because I don't have words with many academics because I am persona non grata.
They don't even talk to you and it can.
There are very few of us left in academia.
And it's amazing because, you know, half of the students are coming in the,
country are coming from conservative or libertarian families and they get to law schools and there's
virtually no that can share that view.
Right.
But, you know, one of the things that worries me most, and I go into this in Raging in the Republic,
is that we're going to be facing challenges that we have never encountered before.
I talk about robotics and AI, but also global governance systems like the EU.
But even as the book goes into, even taking the most conservative
estimates. This book is a roaring endorsement of capitalism. I believe in capitalism. Milton Friedman
ruined me at the Inver Chicago. I do believe that capitalism will adjust. But we are looking at a massive
job loss that we've never encountered before. And that means we're going to have a lot of people that
may be on a subsidy of the government. And the book looks at how that would change us politically,
not just economically.
Sure.
What if we have a kept citizenry
that is being subsidized by the government?
Well, that should happen in the early 1930s.
Right.
So you had the Hoover people come in very conservative people,
capitalists to the top of their forehead,
and they booted the recovery of the Great Depression,
and then FDR came in,
and the whole electorate changed over.
But I'm very interested in your personal story
because you do write in a personal way in this book.
So you get it on the Fox News channel.
Now, there's pressure there to tow that conservative line.
Do you feel that?
I haven't.
You know, I've worked twice as legal analyst for NBC, twice legal analyst for CBS, also with BBC.
So I've worked for four networks.
And I have good members of all four networks.
I've never felt pressure at Fox.
Good.
I'm glad to hear them.
Because I never did when I was there.
They never, ever interfere with what I did.
But when you're on there, do you understand the vilification?
Because that was crazy on my book.
From my experience, I got attacked every hour on the hour.
I never understood it.
So why do you care what I say when you got five other things?
news outlets that are saying what you want to hear. Why is one outlier, me or you, if you say
something the left doesn't like, why does it bother these people? I never got that. I think that,
and I go into this in the book as well, that part of the problem with this orthodoxy, both in the
media and in academia, is that it makes you increasingly intolerant to hear opposing views,
because all you hear in your echo chamber,
if you just go from MS now to CNN,
or if you don't leave that silo,
you become more and more intolerant,
which is what we're seeing.
And also, social media has changed us a lot.
You know, I've had a lot of death threats.
My family's been threatened.
The uptick was when I testified in the second impeachment
involving Donald Trump,
and I received hundreds of threatening,
email. What did you tell the people just so if people don't remember, what did you say? Your
crux of your remarks were what about Trump impeachment? Well, I testify the hearing and I was the
only Republican witness and I opposed the impeachment, which I think was an abuse. And I do,
I also think the second impeachment was an abuse. But, you know, it, having been in, with one foot
and on the, on the media side for 30 years, it has changed in that, um,
social media has unleashed a lot of that rage.
And, you know, this book talks about rage.
You know, the all countries, well, not all countries, but many countries are the product of revolution.
And revolutions are caused by rage.
And our revolution was caused by rage.
That's what the Boston Tea Party was, was rage.
The problem is it's easier to start a revolution than to end it.
And the reason we succeeded is we had two,
absolute genius figures, and among many.
But Thomas Payne was sort of the righteous rage of the revolution.
But it was James Madison, who was the pious logic.
So Payne knew what it would take to move a people to rebellion.
And it was Madison that knew what it would take
to move a revolution to a republic.
And it was the combination of those two characters.
And they were totally opposite, those guys.
There could not be more different.
could not. All right, Professor, it's a fascinating book. Rage and the Republic out now. Good to see you.
Thanks for coming on, and we'll talk you again soon, I hope.
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