Breaking Points with Krystal and Saagar - 3/6/26: Jobs CRATER, Gas SKYROCKETS, Anti-War Vote FAILS
Episode Date: March 6, 2026The BP team talks to Congressman Ro Khanna about the War Powers Resolution failing, major jobs losses in February, Trump and gas prices, and the AI targeting systems that potentially were used in the ...bombing of an Iranian school. Ro Khanna: https://x.com/RoKhanna FREE BP MONTH TRIAL USE PROMO CODE: BPFREE26 at breakingpoints.com To become a Breaking Points Premium Member and watch/listen to the show AD FREE, uncut and 1 hour early visit: www.breakingpoints.comMerch Store: https://shop.breakingpoints.com/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Good morning, everybody.
Happy Friday.
How's everybody feeling this morning?
Pretty good.
Griffin's in a jacket.
What's that?
Griffin's in a jacket.
Yeah, Griffin is looking very fancy.
And just in case you were confused, it's not because of any of us.
It's because Congressman Roe Conna is going to be joining us shortly.
Griffin, you dress up for Ro?
I do.
I do.
But then, you know, when we're hanging out after, we do streetwear, you know, hoodies, sweatpants.
That's the vibe.
That's the vibe.
So Roe Conna's going to join us.
Obviously, he was a leader on this war powers resolution that just failed in the House.
And we want to talk to him about that.
Also, there is a terrible due jobs number that just dropped.
Last month, reportedly, we lost 92,000 jobs.
That is a huge miss. It's a massive deal.
We're also going to take a look at this New York Times investigation, exposing what many of us suspected that it was, in fact, the U.S. behind that deadly massacre of little girls at a school in Iran.
Just horrifying stuff there.
So we'll get into that.
The president making all kinds of wild new comments about gas prices, about the possibility of people being attacked here in the U.S.
So it seems like something we should follow up with there as well.
Yeah, a lot to talk about today.
And by the way, we should say welcome to everybody if this is your first Friday show because we have so many new subscribers.
BP free 26.
That's a good point.
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It's a little more chill and relaxed.
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BP free 26, right, Griffin?
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I mean, most everything is not behind a paywall anyway, but to get access to the whole thing without ads, which is the way that it really is meant to be watched.
We wanted to make sure everybody could have access to that this month. So BP-free 26. And yeah, you'll get that second half of the Friday show, which is kind of the biggest thing that we put behind the paywall.
And we typically try to save some of the, like, I don't know, a little bit more sugary fun stories.
Although it's hard to do lately with so much serious stuff in the news, those second halves have been pretty heavy as well.
Yeah, and the idea is you'll be hooked after a month and you won't be able to cancel.
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All right.
Well, with that being said, Congressman Kana is waiting in the lobby.
So let's go ahead and welcome him in.
All right, guys, joining us this morning to talk about the war powers resolution vote that happened in the House and the Iran war in general.
And also will get his reaction on those jobs numbers is a congressman Ro Khanna.
from California. Great to see you, Congressman.
Always a pleasure. Thanks for having me back.
Yeah, so first of all, just your reaction to, you know, you and Thomas Massey, once again, teamed up to push this War Powers Resolution vote, which is not even a vote against the war.
It's just literally a vote to say, hey, Congress should have a say in this.
To me, that doesn't seem like it should be controversial.
Nevertheless, the vote failed both in the Senate and yesterday in the House.
So your reaction to that.
It was very disappointing.
disappointing because we've already lost six American service members
because we're literally spending over a billion dollars a day.
I mean, just to put this in perspective,
50 days in Iran could fund free public college education
for every American in this country and a thousand trade schools, right?
I mean, so you're asking people to die
and you're asking all of this money to go for a cause that you have not even said
why you're there.
They themselves are saying,
well, the IRGC probably will stay in power. They themselves are saying that they could rebuild
ballistic missiles or nuclear weapons. So what is the reason they just want to punch Iran to weaken Iran
relative to other powers in the Middle East? Okay, I get that that's what Netanyahu wants,
but we want Americans dying for that and we want our money going for that. I really was
saddened for our nation that after Iraq, after Afghanistan, 20 years, after Libya,
we still could not get this war power's resolution to pass, but we're not giving up.
By the way, I've been disappointed by some of the people who, I'm not going to mention names,
but are on TV saying, well, I don't know.
Procedurally, we'll still vote for funding some supplementals if it helps our troops.
There should be a consistent now Democratic line, not a single dollar for funding the Iran supplemental,
not a single dollar.
We need to, that's Congress's power.
Well, I have a question on that note, actually.
I interviewed your colleague Thomas Massey,
other day who said he was toying around with the idea of actually introducing a declaration of war,
which he would not vote for, but to force maybe Democrats who are using the war powers resolution
as cover and certainly Republicans to be on the record about where they stand on the war to
actually take a vote. Have the two of you talked about that? Is it something that you would
seriously consider going forward? It's a good idea. Actually, I haven't talked to him about
that. We were talking more about the war powers vote yesterday, but people should
going on record on that. You know, I mean, Lindsay Graham's view is we are in war, and it doesn't matter
because the president can just go to war under Article 2. And, you know, it would be good to
put people on the record on that. But I also think it's important for the Democrats now not
to talk about funding. Just like we're talking about no new funding for ICE, there should be no
funding for the Iran supplemental. So one of the, if there was any good news for your faction of
the party coming out of this. It was that under pressure, Democratic leadership did decide to whip
this vote, which was a break from the practice that they've engaged in the past. They would like,
Lake and Riley right out of the gate. They said, you know what, vote your conscience.
You know, if you feel, and what they mean by vote your conscience is vote your whatever you think is,
you know, in your immediate political interest, even if it undermines the party or the country.
So in this case, they said, no, no, no. We want all Democrats voting to support this.
And you did flip three of the four kind of public members of Democratic members of Congress to yes votes.
We're curious how you, you know, what you did to kind of convince them to vote yes.
But then ones who had been quieter about where they were going to be, in particular, Henry Quayar, Jared Golden and Juan Vargas all voted all ended up voting against this.
Kueyar seems like kind of just beholden to Trump because of the prosecution that they're kind of holding over his head.
Or like, you know, what is your understanding of what happened with those Democrats and how did you flip the ones you got?
Well, first of all, it is an achievement that we got all but four.
Remember, I mean, I was considered on the fringes of the party.
I'm the only guy who votes against the armed services NDAA.
Literally, it's like 67 to 1.
And they say,
Kana, Kana, boo,
every time I vote, no.
So, you know, to have Massey,
and Massey was seen as a Maverick infringer in his party.
So they have us lead and now to have the leadership saying,
you're going to get on Kana, Massey's bill.
No, we're not going to offer some diluted substitute for it.
It's not a credit to me or Massey as much as it's just a recognition of reality
of where the Democratic base is and where the,
American people are. I was trying to be gracious to Josh Godheimer and I said he cast a principled
vote and then he replied saying, yeah, I just want to make it clear. I totally disagree with
on it. Or the principal the principal principle. I said, well, you didn't vote for the bill that I
and Massey drafted. So it does. What a prick, honestly. That's for me, not from you. I was like,
you can't even praise folks anymore or something they're so afraid to have my praise.
But reality is that it was a combination of persuasion and fear.
You know, there were groups out there who were saying they were going to pryry folks.
And one of the things the Democratic Party needs to do is be willing to fight for some of these core principles,
which means persuasion but also means, look, we've got to get in line on some big issues.
We do on women's rights and abortion rights.
We do on issues of basic equality of gay rights.
I mean, war and peace should be one of those issues.
Like, people should be concerned about being out of touch with their base.
Similarly, on Gaza, that should be another issue.
And that's what's emerging.
So I think it was the combination of that.
Now, why did a few of the folks vote against it?
I mean, Poir, putting aside the whole issue with Trump,
has always been fairly conservative.
I mean, I'd have to look at his record.
So that one, and Golden doesn't surprise me.
I think Golden has also been pretty conservative on some of these issues.
Vargas, I don't know.
I mean, I didn't, he wasn't even on our list.
So that one came as a surprise.
And Lansman was fairly vocal about his opposition.
So, you know.
Lansman was getting berated on the House floor by Polaro.
Did you overhear anything that she was saying to him, or did you pick up, like, what arguments she was making?
Because Pelosi, including during Iraq, like, was among the Democratic leaders who've pretty consistently been against the war.
Now, she didn't go as far as the party wanted her to go in, like, cutting off funding for the Iraq war, et cetera.
But when it comes to leadership, she was always the one most willing to, like, entertain the anti-war arguments.
Did you hear what she was telling him?
I did not firsthand, but you're right.
I mean, you know, I don't agree with everything with Pelosi, but she did.
She was in the minority at the time of Democrats willing to stand up against the Iraq war and was absolutely right about that.
My guess is, you know, Lansman cares about Ohio, cares about politics there.
And she was probably just saying that this is going to be a historic, consequential vote.
You don't want to be on the wrong side of it.
I thought he was getable.
We had a lot of people working on him.
And that one, I thought especially after Godheimer went our way and Swazi went our way,
I thought we would get him.
But obviously he decided the other way.
Yeah.
He had a rough interview with Isaac Chautner, as many have.
So I recommend people go and read that if you want to see just how sound or how not sound his logic was on all of this.
What about Harrison?
We'll keep interviewing with Isaac Chattner.
It is one of the great mysteries of our time. It's got to be some level of ego, arrogance. You think you're going to be the one that comes down looking good. That's a warning to everyone, yes. But Congressman, one other thing I wanted to ask you about is we saw, we've seen now a couple of senators in particular who came out and were wavering. So I'm thinking of Mark Kelly, who you actually got asked about you were on right after him, where he wasn't sure he was going to vote for the War Powers resolution. He ultimately did.
Democrats in the Senate only lost John Fetterman, who was just a lost cause in like every regard.
In any case, he pretty quickly was like, oh, no, no, no, I'm going to vote for it.
We saw something similar with Ruben Gallego, who came out and was like, well, I would support the funding if the Gulf states front 50% of it.
So like I'm not opposed to funding the war that he's actually been very aggressively, rhetorically against.
And then, you know, he got a lot of public pushback, including from myself and others.
And immediately put it out in tweet, no, no, no, I oppose the fight.
funding, I'm not going to support the funding. Also, you know, on a related similar matter,
you've also seen Gavin Newsom really trying to shift on Israel saying, oh, it's an apartheid state.
You know, yes, we should look at conditioning aid, which is obviously very different from where he's
being. But specifically on the Iran war, you know, what is your sense of how many calls people
are getting, how much pressure members of Congress are feeling, especially on the Democratic side over
this? They're feeling pressure. I mean, they're feeling pressure on Gaza. They're feeling pressure
on getting into another Middle East War.
This is much bigger than Venezuela.
I mean, I was opposed to what happened with Madero,
but that one didn't have the same public residence,
partly because it was in our hemisphere,
partly because it was a short two-day mission.
I mean, I was opposed to it.
I've been opposed to these boat strikes,
but it doesn't resonate as much politically.
Iran does, because it's a reminder of what happened in Iraq,
because the casualties were unfortunate,
it and so quick because people are seeing the stories of these families and because they're
seeing the amount spent. And look, I'm always glad when people come on our side. That's why my
tweet about Godheimer was not sarcastic. I was actually trying to be appreciative. And if Ellie and
Gallego and New Suburban, I'm glad. The only thing I would say in genuineness is when you're in D.C.,
and we've seen this with people who become chair of the Armed Services Committee
or who become vice president or president,
the pressure is immense.
And it's much more likely that anti-war people become pro-war
than you move in the other direction.
So what we really need in this party and in this country
are people who are going to have the courage to actually stand up
to the generals, to the neocon establishment,
to the think tanks, to the editorial,
boards and to actually shift policy. I mean, Trump, who ran rhetorically against this has not done that.
And so that, that I think is, yes, we want to build a broad coalition, but we also want to see what are the
proof points of courage that folks have demonstrated.
And the Iran war is a moment where the kind of, correct me if you think I'm wrong here,
you know, the two issues that you've made most central to kind of who you are as a candidate and as a politician are
are intersecting and that's and that's your focus on the economy for regular people and also all your
focus on war the the war you know like you said the medoro campaign that that that doesn't really
change people's day-to-day interaction with the with the world as it exists right around them it's
not and it's you know maybe it'll have some influence on gas prices a tiny bit but not it's not it's not
It's not going to be significant in that sense.
The war on Iran is going at the kind of foundations of the global economic system right now.
It was interesting to hear Gallego say,
we're going to have the Gulf states fund half of the war effort,
as if the Gulf state funding kind of just materializes out of thin air.
Like Americans kind of think that everything we have just comes down from the heavens upon us.
It's like, no, no, no.
Where do you think the Gulf states get their money?
They get their money from pumping fossil fuels out of the ground and then shipping them around the world and turning those into dollars and they send the dollars into our economy.
You may not have noticed a lot of that is not happening right now.
So these Gulf states, even if we wanted them to fund half of this war effort, with what money?
Like their economy is collapsing as we speak.
So are people recognizing that?
Because because of the intersection that you have of these two issues, I imagine that you're seeing this clearly.
unfold. But I'm getting the sense that our lawmakers and also our public think this is just
another event that is unfolding on their phones that they are either for or against, but isn't
really going to have a huge effect here. Gas prices surging again today. Oil prices are up close to
90 now. Are they recognizing that yet or no? It's slowly hitting them, but we've only been there
a week. And, you know, I don't think they realize with the straight of Hormuz closing how much of
impact that can have on global oil prices. I mean, already the average price I was seeing is gone
up to $3.30. And gas prices matter. I mean, anyone asked President Biden how much they matter.
I mean, these are, this is the visible sign of, of inflation for many people, rents and gas prices
and grocery prices. So I do think it is hitting folks, but more delayed. I mean, I think over the next
few weeks, it'll become more apparent. And then the cost of it, I mean, we have to continue to remind
people the billions of dollars are spending. I also find this idea just somewhat offensive,
which we're, oh, let the Gulf states say this about Palestine. Let them just pay for the development
of Palestine. How about we stop the occupation first? You know, I mean, it's not just a resource issue.
It is a rights issue.
And, you know, I think we have a lot of misconceptions about the Middle East.
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Let me get your reaction.
Griffin, if you could pull this up, I'm having trouble sharing my screen, but Trump was asked by Reuters about rising gas prices.
And he said, quote, I don't have any concern about it.
They'll drop very rapidly when this is over.
And if they rise, they rise.
But this is far more important than having gasoline price go up a little bit.
And they haven't risen very much.
The person who posted this is the White House correspondent from Reuters said,
By the way, AAA has national gas average up 27 cents from last week to $3.25 per gallon.
There was also a Politico report that they were.
they were caught off guard by the impact on oil and on gas prices.
And they're trying to figure something out.
They have not refilled the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, which had been drawn down during the Biden administration, which means that they don't have, you know, a lot of tools in their toolkit to do anything about this.
And meanwhile, you know, the reports are that they're planning for this war to go into September.
I would say that that's at this point an optimistic projection that it would only last until September.
Well, this is the clearest evidence that Donald Trump may not be thinking of running in 2028 again.
I mean, he's, I think, unleashed from any politics.
He's out there saying there could be threats to Americans retaliation in our homeland.
I mean, think about that.
You're going to your target.
You're going to the grocery store and you may face, or your kids may face retaliation from Iran.
And you're thinking, what the hell are we doing getting into this war?
And then the gas prices are you putting out up to a.
almost $3.30. He said, well, that's just the price we need to pay. He's in one sense,
and as a traditional second-term president thinking about, quote, unquote, his legacy, and he's
been talked into this view that his legacy is going to be taking out the Iranian regime or changing
the Iranian regime. And it's sad and it's dangerous. And the question is, how do we stop him,
especially when he seems not to care as much about the political consequence. I mean,
both on Epstein and on Iran, he's acting like someone who cares more about his ideological pursuit of whatever he wants than the American public.
You've got either a primary challenge threat or the oligarchs in your district actually found somebody to go up.
What's the status of your competition for a primary?
because I've seen a bunch of your former friends on Twitter,
deeply unhappy with...
The all-in pod is very unhappy with you.
On all-in is.
They're all out.
They're all out.
They're having a freak out over me.
You know, it's funny because they didn't care when I was for Medicare for All
or when I'm voting against these defense budgets
or child care of $10 a day or a free public college.
But, you know, tax the billionaires.
And that's, we found the red line.
We found the...
The red line. But so they've recruited this candidate who's basically saying that he's running
because he believes that the billionaire tax is a tax on the middle class. That's his argument.
Actually, it's a tax on billionaires, and it would go to help two million Californians not lose
insurance. But I guess, you know, here's the broader point I'll make. There are a lot of people
who are adopting now, fortunately, the language of economic populism.
let's be not against left and right.
Let's be the real challenges top versus bottom.
You know, we need economic working class messaging.
We need economic populism.
And all that is better, I guess,
than just saying we need incremental centrism.
But if you're not willing then to say,
okay, yeah, let's tax the billionaires at 5%
like Bernie and I want to do every year,
or let's have a tax of billionaires
so that people don't lose health care,
or let's make sure we don't have private health insurance
and have Medicare for all,
or let's make sure we have free public college, that it's sort of empty rhetoric.
And the question is, we've won the rhetorical war, the progressive, but are we going to win the programmatic agenda?
Because what you saw with Bernie or you see with AOC or you see with Mamdani or real progressives are not is not rhetorical.
They're actually committed to substantive policy change.
And that, I think, is the real divide.
Congressman, I've got a question for you on big tech.
I got a question for you with big tech in this war.
There's been some reporting from the New York Times and Washington Post about the strike on the Iranian school that killed somewhat of like 170 plus school children.
And the Washington Post has reported that Anthropics Clause was used in some of those targeting systems.
what do you think do these AI companies,
should they be working with this Pentagon
and should these AI companies face any consequences
if their technology is used to commit war crimes?
Yes, on the latter and know if their technology is being used
to make decisions about who to kill and who to strike.
And I'm surprised Claude was used there given that Dario said that he,
that was a red line for him.
So I'd have to look at the reporting because I do not think we should
be using artificial intelligence to make decisions about killing human beings.
Look, I believe that every human being has dignity and that while as a political matter,
we have to care about our nation and America, that doesn't mean that the life of an Iranian
schoolgirl has less dignity intrinsically as a human being than the life of an American.
That's what we mean by God has created inalienable rights for every human being.
And that Pete Exot saying it's PC to care.
about civilians is just such a betrayal of every principle of the founding of this country.
And it's sort of the Netanyahu approach in Gaza.
And the question I think is broader.
Yes, there's the question of AI, obviously, which we shouldn't have.
But the question is, do we believe in the dignity of every human life?
or has America first become so warped that we actually believe that lives overseas, particularly
lives in the Middle East that maybe Brown don't have the same human dignity?
And that to me is what's so tragic about what happened.
The only point I was going to make, it wasn't even a question, was just your point about the
rhetoric on the left changing and hoping that drags people in the substance along with it.
It's so paralleled by what's happening with quote unquote America first, as you just pointed out
right now that there was a lot of excitement among genuine skeptics of interventionism on the right
that Donald Trump was talking this way and that Pete Higseth was describing himself as a reformed neocon,
but it's all rhetoric until the substance is on the table. So not necessarily a question. I don't know if
you have a response to it, but it is, it's how politics work. It's depressing.
Well, I think it's why our politics for the last few decades hasn't been as serious and why
there's so much cynicism about the country because we've been such a market.
branding, let's have the change candidate, generational change, new change, outsider.
But the presidents and leaders who made a real mark were substantive.
Like we study FDR, not because he had great speeches, but because he had programs that
fundamentally changed people's lives. And of course, you know, I was a co-chair of Bernie's
campaign. But what drew me to Bernie was not, I mean, he can, he can,
rally people and he had more people at Stanford when we were together than even President
Obama did. But what drew me to him is the substantive ideas, the programmatic agenda that he
was offering. And that, I think, is the challenge for the progressive movement now. We're winning.
I actually think we're ascendant on the rhetoric, on the diagnosis of the problem. But we can't be
co-opted into just the branding without the fight, right? I mean, I could say, look, I'm against
I think the problem in Silicon Valley is the top versus the bottom,
and we need to hold billionaires accountable,
and billionaires need to pay their fair share,
and avoid a primary challenge,
and still, it's like, okay, he's right.
Or no, like, no, I actually am going to support an initiative to raise their tax, right?
And if you don't have that substance, then there's going to be no change.
Now, you hear from the billionaires,
some of the billionaires just hate it, you know,
and we'll openly admit that they hate it on the principle that don't take any of my stuff.
It's all my stuff.
I worked for it.
You can't have any of it.
A lot of the billionaires, though, will say, we're only talking about 1,000 people.
So I don't want to pretend there's a whole lot of people.
It's roughly 1,000 people.
But a lot of them will say, we should pay our fair share.
We should give back.
But this isn't workable because you're going to hurt, you know, founders and you're going to hurt, you know,
and you're going to, you know, harm the economy.
So they've set up this system where.
they just accumulate assets and then they borrow against those assets and they use that borrowing
to fund their extremely lavish lifestyle and then when they die they pass it all down to the next
generation without paying any any taxes and they never had any income then because it's just all
asset growth and borrowing against the asset growth so if you had any of these billionaires who
claim that they agree with the principle that they should pay their fair share come to you and say
talk to my accountant and let's figure out a way that it actually is
is workable, you know, so that we're not, you know, punishing, you know, startup,
startups and we're not, you know, undermining innovation as if they care about innovation.
They've spent the last 15 years, you know, gobbling up companies, you know,
startups and destroying them.
But let's pretend they do care about innovation.
Has anybody come to you and said, okay, you're wrong about this.
I don't like the way you're doing it.
But I agree with the principle.
So here's a way you could actually do the thing that you're trying to do without, you know,
squelching innovation.
Yes.
And you're right.
Look, I think they're more than a thousand billionaires.
There are certainly more billionaires on paper,
and some of the folks are doing incredibly innovative things.
Now, they're benefiting from public investment
and things that happened at Dartmouth and MIT and Stanford at Berkeley,
which they don't often acknowledge.
But, yeah, a lot of people are hardworking and entrepreneurial and innovative.
And they're right on an issue of paper billionaires and ill-liquid stock.
You don't want to tax that.
But there are provisions that can be worked out,
by the IRS or the California Franchise Board.
Let me give you a simple one.
You could get a non-recourse loan on your pledge stock.
What does that mean?
Let's say your company is worth a billion dollars and you have to pay a 5% tax.
So you put, say, okay, I will give you this 5% in stock as collateral.
You give me a loan to pay the tax.
You can't come after me personally.
So it's non-recourse.
And if the stock goes down, then, you know, I'm not.
liable for it, but the stock could also go up, right? So any of these problems have simple
workarounds, and they're using them because they're opposed to the tax, not because they're looking
for a credit solution. If they are, you know, I've offered one on the issue of illiquid stocks
that would solve a lot of those concerns. Congressman, finally, I did want to get your reaction
to the jobs report that we just got out this morning. Griffin, I don't know if you have those
numbers to pull, but according to the official government numbers, we lost 92,000 jobs last
month. That was a huge miss from what had been expected. The unemployment rate also ticked up.
The previous months have also been revised downward. So there was very little job creation
overall in the entire year of 2025. And I believe it was in the month.
of December, there was actually a net loss here. So here you can see the numbers, 92,000 jobs
lost below expectations of a 58,000 job gain. Unemployment rate is 4.4% above expectations of 4.3%
and this is just the second monthly job loss we have seen since the 2020 pandemic.
You know, what is your reaction to these numbers in your sense of where the country is
economically right now? Do you think that AI also is playing a role in this
job loss. I do. I mean, I'm obviously sadden and concerned by it, but I'm not surprised.
Someone who taught economics as a visiting lecture at Stanford before getting into politics,
I was probably going to be an academic. You know, I've always been surprised that we haven't
seen these numbers yet for a number of reasons. Look, when you blanket restrict immigration,
as this president has, and you have blanket tariffs as this president has, and you skew an
economy where you're just going to apply tax breaks to the very wealthy and not invest in
consumer spending for working in middle class, as this president has, you're going to have an
impact on slowing down the economy and causing unemployment. And, you know, he's been skirting by,
but anecdotally, I mean, talk to people who are graduating school, as all if you have,
or even not just high school, even college, even prestigious colleges. And they're saying they're
having a hard time in the job market. And then I think AI is adding to that, not just
anecdotally, but there's a paper at Stanford that shows that there's a 16% job loss for young people
under 25 in AI-exposed professions in coding and customer support. And, you know, you have to
still disaggregate the data, but that's adding to it as well. So all of this says is that we need
an actual economic policy, a jobs policy that's going to hire people with the federal government
getting involved, in my view, in hiring and preventing mass displacement. We need a policy that's going to
actually focus on the working in middle class again to have consumer spending. We need a policy
that's actually going to have industrial investments across this country. And you have, unfortunately,
a president who has the exact opposite view. And I really believe it's like the 1920s,
where you had Mellon, who was the Treasury Secretary, basically saying we've only a few elites really
drive the economy to Hoover and the rest are just a waste. And we need to skew all of our policy to them.
And they did, and they caused a great depression.
I'm not saying that we're going to have a great depression,
but we've got mismanagement.
And the opportunity for the Democrats in 26 and 28
is to have a real New Deal moment that helps rebuild the economy of this nation.
Have you been tooling around with any new policies to address this?
Shrejokot Chakar Bhardi, who I think you know, Cochondry.
He's running a great campaign up in San Francisco and as a real shot.
Yeah, and so he was on Hassan Pikes show this week and was saying that, you know, for instance, one of the ideas that he threw out was there needs to be more thought about the public's involvement in the economy and that if AI is able to drive the cost of providing something to the public down to basically zero, that that should no longer be controlled privately by oligarchs.
That the government then, if it is really zero, that the government should be able to then just provide it for people.
Um, like that, that's just one like kind of new idea about how you have to reorient your thinking about an economy that, you know, is going to be, you know, cost free for a lot of the services.
Just aside for, you know, if you can solve the, you know, the compute, the energy problem, of course.
But although it wouldn't cost as much as the oligarchs are kind of extracting from the economy, in other words.
Is there, so is there anything you're kicking around like, because we're entering,
a new kind of series of social relations to the economy.
No, no, I mean, I've called for a new tech social contract and I laid out seven principals at a speech recently with Bernie Sanders at Stanford.
But one of the ideas that I believe is that we should have like a civilian conservation corps, a federal future workforce administration that hires people right out of high school, right out of college, both to go into their community, to rebuild those communities, do child care jobs, elder care jobs, counseling.
jobs and or to work in the federal government, to do renewable energy or moonshought projects or
improve customer service. And it should be paid for it by both a wealth tax, attacks on billionaires
and a tax on a token on AI use, on enterprise AI use that would generate a public return
for employment from the automation that may be caused by AI. We can go to other policies,
but the other thing I believe is that we need to be protecting human beings
and make sure truck drivers aren't losing their jobs,
make sure that there's not mass displacement in industries,
that you need a human being in the loop.
So I certainly think that there's this opportunity now
for a strong economic jobs agenda
that because the impact is not just on blue-collar workers,
it's also on white-collar workers.
All right. Well, Congressman, thank you for your time this morning.
I think I speak for our audience when I say thank you
for your leadership on the war powers resolution and any number of other issues.
We're always grateful for your, for a chance to get to speak with you.
So thank you.
Always enjoyed.
Thanks for having me.
All right.
Thank you, Roe.
Thanks.
Thanks.
That was great.
Thank you.
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All right. Well, I think we should pick up with some more updates on the Iran War.
Why don't we start with a little bit of new comments from our president here?
They say, what's left?
But they're tough.
And they want to fight.
And they're calling.
They're saying, how do we make a deal?
I said, you're being a little bit late.
And we want to fight now more than they do.
We've had 47 years, depending on the way you counted.
All right.
We want to fight now more than they do.
Who's the we?
Yeah, great question. Great question. Certainly not the vast majority of the country. Certainly, he's not sending Baron over to fight. So apparently the we doesn't include him.
It's him and Lindsay. Yeah, yeah, exactly. Send Lindsey Graham in, you know, he's not too old judging by the Ukrainian military standards. Get him on the front lines.
I mean, Brian, I'm curious, based on, you know, the reporting you guys have been doing over at DropSight, I don't think this is accurate.
It seems to me that the Iranians have decided they don't want a ceasefire yet. They feel that they need to exact some more pain and punish the U.S. and Israel and the Gulf allies to try to deter them from going down this path again. So, you know, I think this is just a flat on lie as far as I can tell from the president of like, oh, they totally want to talk, but we're not interested. You know, we really want to keep fighting when in actuality he was thinking he'd be able to go in.
and have some sort of glorious mission accomplished moment.
And then the Iranians would come back to the, hey, please, sir, please, can we go back and, you know, have more diplomas?
Yeah, et cetera.
And obviously that didn't work out because that was idiotic from the jump.
And now they're having to scramble and figure out what comes next.
Yes, I think that is a lie.
Now, there could always be back channel, you know, communications that we don't know about.
And that Trump is just alluding to.
Right. I think it's made up.
Jeremy, my colleague over at job site, spoke with the deputy foreign minister of Iran on Wednesday afternoon local time and asked him that directly.
And he said, absolutely not. And he said, like, how stupid is close to a direct quote, but he's like, how stupid would we have to be to immediately enter into negotiations with this country that has shown that it is not willing to abide.
by any of the norms of negotiations.
You know, they were scheduled to meet in Geneva on Monday when the U.S. and Israel launched the war
on Saturday, and, you know, right out of the gate bombing the school down in Manab in
southern Iran.
And back in June, they were also scheduled to meet in Muscat.
Like a day later or something to go over technical details.
Like a lot of the hard things had allegedly been worked out.
And so he said no.
And he also asked him, do you see this as a kind of a war for positioning and negotiations or more of an existential war?
And he said, we see this as an existential war.
So from their perspective, they believe that the U.S. is trying to wipe them off the map.
And so if you believe that, then you have to then hit back.
And you have to take a huge chunk out of the U.S.
and Israel to make it costly to them. And they very clearly seem aimed at the global economy.
And in particular, the Western economy as it orientes itself around like Dubai and Qatar and the
kind of flows of natural gas and oil. There was some reporting where they said,
they commented that, you know, they want to turn Dubai into Kuwait, basically. They said,
you know, Kuwait in 1991 was like the Dubai of the region and never quite recovered from the
Iraq war. Kuwait is a very wealthy country. They're doing extremely well, but they're not Dubai.
And their argument is that it's because of that, you know, that experience of violence.
It's very difficult to create this like Western expat culture if people think that their
apartment building is going to be knocked down at any moment. And so they're trying to
trying to, it sounds like, inflict that kind of pain on these Gulf states. They have,
they've knocked out, you know, significant elements of the American radar system, radar and
early warning systems. They, they themselves have had a lot of their launch capacity,
obliterated by the United States, but they've continued to be able to launch, launch drones.
And they're now moving into their more expensive and more sophisticated and,
newer ballistic missiles, which is terrible news for Israel, because at the same time that Israel
has less early warning capacity and has drained their defense capacity, Iran is now shifting to
its more sophisticated, more, and these missiles that have much more kind of maneuverability
and are much more difficult for the Patriot and Thad systems to intercept.
You know, the lateral gas production is shut down in Qatar.
The, you know, the straits are closed.
The oil prices are surging.
Asia is like choking from, you know, Asia is choking more than we are because, like, you know,
goes from the straight of Formuz through the Indian Ocean and over to Asia first.
But our supply chains are directly linked, like, you know, whether it's copper or chlorine or anything else.
Like it all relies on these, these global supplies continuing to move.
They, you know, Iran in what you'd have to, you know, you have to call a war crime.
They had, they hit another tanker with, you know, which was an unarmed civilian piece of infrastructure.
They, but they've promised that they're going to do that.
Like that's, they've said their trade is closed.
And if ships try to go through it, we're going to attack them.
And that's against international law.
But both, you know, neither side has shown any respect for it.
You have a lot of it last point.
You have, I've seen a lot of Israelis,
Israeli officials complaining about what they're calling cluster munitions
that Iran is using to try to get around.
I've got video of it here.
Defense missiles.
Israel, neither Israel nor Iran ever signed the convention on cluster munitions.
Israel has spent the last, you know, many decades,
actively mocking the idea of international law,
pushing sanctions on the people who are on judges
who are on international criminal court and the IJC.
So to now kind of reach for international law
as, you know, when you're getting attacked,
I think it's probably going to strike a lot of people
as hypocritical and inconsistent.
So, yes, are cluster munitions against international law?
only for the countries that signed on to it.
Israel never signed on to it.
Yeah.
Well, and I mean, this is something, of course, you know, we've been warning about obviously with Gaza, but, you know, going back longer to the war on terror, et cetera and the, you know, war crimes prior to the Gaza genocide era.
But, you know, once you take international law off the table, it's off the table for everyone.
You know, and that means right now we have not only our service members in the region.
We have, you know, a million Americans who are basically stuck because the airports are all closed and the government didn't give them any warning.
And now, lo and behold, oopsies, you're all at risk.
And so, you know, that law of the jungle, that barbarism, that Pandora's box that you've opened up, that is already putting, you know, not just the bad guys that you don't like if you're Donald Trump or Benjamin Netanyahu, but that's putting your own people at risk as well.
That is the world that you have yourself created.
So, yeah, I mean, I don't even, like, yes, it's a war crime to attack those, you know, those tankers, the attacks on the like luxury hotels where they seem to think that U.S. service personnel are staying.
Now, you know, you know, they're using those, yeah, those people's human shields because they shouldn't be there in that civilian infrastructure.
So that gives us the right to be able to bomb the hell out of it.
Well, that's true too. Yeah. So, you know, I just.
I think it will fall on death ears if they try to complain about, you know, a tanker being struck when meanwhile, you know, you've just bombed a girl's school and murdered some 170 little girls.
Yeah.
And after they, they hit Ray Fad Alarre in a second floor apartment, a poet with a precision strike.
Yeah.
Like they, no.
And that's just, that's just one.
That's just one strike.
Right.
Well, and I mean, we assassinated their head of state.
Like, we murdered their head of state.
that is not consistent with international law.
So, yeah, I mean, this is the world they have created.
Don't be surprised when your adversaries also then ignore, you know, the rules that protect civilians and protect civilian infrastructure.
Also, they like to wax poetic about fanaticism in the Iranian government.
And we got in a little bit with Sagar yesterday, Chryssel, to some of that element of this.
you just mentioned, we killed their leader who was saying it was his greatest wish to be
martyred and not die basically a normal death. And that discussion was specifically, it wasn't
about Shia Islam or Islam in general, specifically about the IRGC's theology. And the neocons love
to bang that drum over and over again as an excuse not to go to war. And then you realize,
yes, the IRGC had a lot of its command taken out. It's still,
it's still functioning. Right now what's potentially on the table is how many son taking over. And now you have people who watch what happened at the girls school and see their leader being, as he would have said, martyred. Why is this a better situation by your own logic, borrowing their own argument here? Why are you now in a better situation in the long term when, to Ryan's point, these drones are so cheap to produce.
you can't bomb the knowledge away of how to make the drones.
You can't bomb the knowledge away of how to make the missiles.
And you certainly aren't going to bomb away the ideology by your own argument.
So I don't know why anybody would feel safer right now.
They reduced gaza to rubble and, you know, did not get rid of them us.
No.
So you think in a large country, 90 million people, that this is going to work out this time
when literally in all of aviation history, it has not succeeded to create regime change using air power alone.
Now, can they, you know, can they collapse the country?
Can they create chaos, civil war?
That's obviously the goal at this point.
And, you know, maybe.
Maybe they'll be able to accomplish that.
Well, speaking of chaos and Emily, I wanted to get your reaction to this comment from Trump, from time,
asked whether Americans should be worried about retaliatory attacks at home,
Trump acknowledges the possibility.
I guess, he says.
Like I said, some people will die.
When you go to war, some people will die.
Now, what is a cartoon villain?
That is a cartoon villain behavior.
And what would this cartilatory?
What's the cartoon that some of you may die and that's a sacrifice I'm willing to make?
Yeah, Lord Farquod.
That's the Farquod.
Oh, that is a Shrek quote.
That's right.
Mm-hmm.
Yeah.
So we're doing the Shrek philosophy on the world stage.
But what would that mean retaliatory attacks at home?
Well, I mean, there's a serious problem of, I mean, what we saw in Austin doesn't appear to have been connected to some broader network or anything like that yet.
But yeah, there could be like intelligence.
I don't know to what extent we can believe it.
But obviously U.S. intelligence does believe their, like, quote-unquote, sleeper cell of Iranian, like, agents in the country who would absolutely do what we have seen terrorists do for decades, which is infiltrate the country and, you know, attack civilians at bars, wherever.
it's we've seen it in Europe, we've seen it here. And so that the cavalier attitude that the
president expressed right there, if you see another Austin situation, especially one that is
connected to some obvious broader operation, that comes back to haunt him. It's remarkable. It's not
surprising. But his messaging, the administration's messaging, it's completely all over the place.
He's saying wild stuff. Republicans, in the government,
support and polling have very high levels of support right now. And, you know, I take calls on the
Sirius XM show that I do every day. And it reminds me a lot of Iraq in that people are saying,
you don't criticize troops while we are at war. So that's kind of the sentiment that's building.
And Trump probably knows that. But independent voters, Democrat voters certainly, but independent voters
who Republicans need, they will be furious.
I'm curious. I mean, that doesn't fly. That saying that type of stuff doesn't fly with independent voters. That's a, that's a truly crazy thing to say. And what's definitely not going to fly is if you attack Iran and then you see the you see bursts of potentially, I hope not, but if there is terrorism and Trump said, well, yes, is what happens in war. Great. That's, Republicans will be answering for that for 10 years.
Ryan, is he almost hoping for that to happen to sort of improve the war morale?
I mean, this war is insanely unpopular.
Is this the, like, false flag attack they're hoping Jin's up support back home?
I don't think so.
I don't think he, no, I think he's very sensitive to,
to, like, American service member casualties as well.
I also would caution on the insanely unpopular.
I don't know.
Like, what are the polling?
They're now showing more of a 50-50 split.
Right, yeah.
So we need to, like, understand that this is the United States of America.
And it's, you can get people to rally around military assaults around the world.
So have the polls shifted because the initial polls that came out had it like 25% support, 30% support.
Yeah, I saw two polls.
One was a Fox News poll and one was a outright Republican poll.
if I remember it correctly, that had it more like 50-50, but it was like 49, 48, somewhere around there.
It feels like a, yeah, I wish it hadn't happened. I was against it the idea of it, but now that it's happening, I'm going to support, I'm going to support my country.
The Alyssa slot can approach. We're in it. We're in it. We actually have a survey out in the field right now, so we'll see what it, see what ours comes back with.
But so, I know, I don't think, I don't think he wants to see that.
type of things. I think that
hurts him.
Because I don't think this isn't
2001 where
I think
if we start getting hit at home
or American
servicemen or casualties continue to climb,
then I don't think that creates a rally around the flag.
I think that creates a,
I didn't like this in the first place.
Yeah. I was willing to give this
the benefit of the doubt and maybe it would turn out
wonderfully and beautifully like with Maduro.
But it's not.
It's awful.
The world's falling apart and people are dying and we need to end this.
So I think it goes the opposite direction.
It's crazy.
The media propaganda doing its work there to get it to 50-50.
I just saw the Fox News, Paul.
That's wild.
I also wanted to flag, and we talked a little bit about the oil, but I mean, I think this is really, honestly, if anything, undersold in terms of the impact.
And again, insane that the administration apparently didn't think this through in terms of how it would impact.
people's daily lives. But the Financial Times had an exclusive with the Qatari energy minister.
And he warned that war in the Middle East could, quote, bring down the economies of the world,
predicting all Gulf energy exporters will shut down production within weeks and drive oil to $150 a barrel.
And basically what they said is if they haven't declared force majeure, which is like, you know, act of God, yet they're going to.
Like between the, you know, risk to the energy infrastructure, which, you know, Iran has been hitting, they sort of deny this, but in any case, there has been impacts on some of the energy infrastructure and the oil fields directly.
And then the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, between all of these risks, yeah, you're going to have continually spiking oil prices.
And it is going already having an impact at the pump.
You can go and watch them changing the price of gas per gallon.
And of course, you know, we've done next to no work to, in fact, this administration is adamantly opposed to any sort of renewable energy or electric vehicles.
So you're completely screwed if that's, you know, if those are the costs that are going into like literally everything and certainly into transportation.
And they don't actually have to hit the infrastructure itself because if you can, and people probably know this, but if you can block the ship,
then the production, the oil and the gas that you produce has nowhere to go.
You can't put it anywhere.
There's only so much kind of storage.
Storage is full.
Ships aren't getting in, ships aren't getting out.
And so even if you have a functional production facility, you have to shut it down.
Otherwise, where's it go?
Venezuela had the same problem because they couldn't unload all of the stuff that they had offshore.
So Trump really actually genuinely helped out their industry by moving a lot of that offshore.
And then they could start producing again.
So they had to shut down.
And it causes huge problems.
Like it's not as simple as being like, all right, you know what?
We don't have anywhere to put the oil or the gas, like shut this down.
It's like it's a very expensive and complex process to safely shut it down.
And then it's a very complex and expensive process to start it up again.
And all the money that the Gulf countries were going to give to Barry Weiss to take over Paramount and CNN and all these other things.
Uh-oh.
That could be a force majeure.
It could be like that's that's under threat right now.
Yeah.
They were funding what, 50% of it, 25 to 50%?
A massive amount.
And they also, some of the Gulf states, I think also to the financial times were like, yeah, they made all these promises to Trump.
Oh, we're going to invest 50 billion dollars in your economy.
Now they're like, yeah, I don't think so. We're going to need this money now. We're clawing that back. We're going to need this to be able to, you know, to try to beg you for more interceptors that we can buy or, you know, whatever we can do to protect our people and you don't continue to fund our economies, fund our societies.
Yeah. I don't even know that it's, it had to have occurred to Jared Kushner and Steve Whitkoff that a lot of.
of these downstream effects would indeed happen. And when you look at Trump, the way he's described
his own thinking and his own strategy over the last week, I mean, if you're Marco Rubio or you're
Pete Hegesa, then you have to go out and describe, or Caroline Levitt, you have to go out and
describe the objectives as Caroline put out a list of the objectives after the first few days
of the war, because nobody knew what it actually was. You're getting so many different, it was
the nukes. It was the missiles. Well, it was the Iranian, it was for the freedom of the Iranian people.
It just honestly, it sounds crazy to say, but it honestly looks like Trump has been freelancing the strategy.
And that there wasn't, he just, he said, we're going to do it. We're going to do it now.
Time is right. We'll figure the rest of it out because I can make deals. That's my best description.
And it's so strikingly against his own personal self-interest. Like, he is aware.
that he has become a billionaire by extracting Gulf wealth and taking it personally.
He also is aware.
Yeah, the Trump, the Trump organization is it building a golf resort in the UAE, isn't it right?
Of course.
Of course.
And he's also aware that the American economy is propped up by an AI bubble that is funded by Gulf investment.
So, like, just from a cynical, personal perspective when it comes to either his.
stewardship over the economy or his own personal wealth, like taking a hatchet to the leg
that is on which this like rickety economy and his own rickety wealth is rested is insane.
Like what are you doing?
Well, Roe mentioned immigration.
But yeah, again, like think it from Trump's perspective, he's doing mass deportations.
He's doing blanket tariffs.
And there's lots of uncertainty over the tariffs.
now you're adding artificial intelligence, massive effects potentially to the job market very soon, and then war on top of all of that.
Maybe the explanations he thought the war could be the catch-all blame scapegoat for problems in the economy.
It's possible to me that he says, well, you know, this is a wartime economy.
So these are the problems, you know, that we have to sacrifice in war.
I have no idea if that's the thinking.
But to add war onto the, like you said, Ryan, rickety, shaky economy is a move.
Crystal, I know you have to jump in a second if you want any final words here.
Well, I was just going to say, it's, I hate to fall back on the analysis of like, well, he's just dumb.
Because that seems lazy, right?
It seems lazy.
It seems like underestimating, you know, your adversaries.
And yet I can't really come up.
up with an explanation that makes sense for why he decided to do this right now, other than,
you know, not necessarily he's dumb, but that he has this particular psychology where he doesn't
believe the generals when they're like, this is a bad idea, doesn't believe the economist
when they're like, this is a bad idea, doesn't believe the political people when they're like,
this is a bad idea, is on this sugar high from Venezuela, thinks it's going to look cool and
awesome. You know, maybe you guys will play later the like utterly embarrassing like movie trailer
style video that they just put out on Twitter. So he feels like more of a man when he's sending
our sons and daughters over to like risk their lives and some of them get killed in action,
you know, in some new war military conflict. And so whatever, you know, he heard what he wanted
to hear from Netanyahu or who else was interested in this outcome.
Like, I think it, I can't, I mean, and I mean, you have to factor the Epstein files into it too.
Maybe that's part of it. And whatever Israel knows about him, like, I can never put that off the table because we know that's how they operate.
And we also know how weird he's been around the Epstein files.
But the thing does not add up and make sense without attributing some aspect of it to either blackmail or his own particular bizarre psychology or some combination of the two.
That seems to be the big question that Normie's asked me all the time is like, why is this happening? Why? Why? And I think that there's like a complex, yeah, web of mysteries there still to unpack. Crystal, thank you for joining us. On this Friday show, enjoy the rest of your day.
Thanks, y'all. Any final words? See, Crystal.
Nope, no final words. I'll see everybody Monday, but probably before then if there's breaking news.
So see you soon.
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