Chapo Trap House - 967 - Whitehat feat. Derek Davison (9/8/25)
Episode Date: September 9, 2025Chapo Senior Foreign Policy correspondent Derek Davison is back once again to talk about the escalating possibility of war in Venezuela. We discuss the recent strike on a Venezuelan boat by Trump and ...his newly-Christened Department of War, a botched raid into North Korea, our collapsing relationship with India, China’s SCO summit with Russia, and conflict on the Thai-Cambodia border. Plus: a Matt Christman prediction comes true… Find all of Derek’s foreign policy coverage at: www.foreignexchanges.news www.americanprestigepod.com
Transcript
Discussion (0)
All I want to be it's a joke all I'm going to be is a joke
all I'm going to be is a joke
We need problems and place so all I'm going to be is
Greetings, friends, it's Monday, September 8th, and this is your Chapo.
On today's episode, we will be taking a tour around the world with a guest well known to you.
You might remember him from such podcasts as American prestige or substacks, such as foreign exchanges.
But to us, he is simply our senior foreign policy, world affairs correspondent.
Ladies and gentlemen, welcome back to the show.
Once again, Derek Davison.
Always a pleasure to be here, guys. Thanks for having me. I mean, it's never a pleasure to talk about this shit, but always a pleasure to be here with you guys.
Well, I don't know who else I'd want telling me about it. But Derek, obviously, there's a lot going on around the world. And I think today, obviously, we're going to begin with Venezuela. But before we get to that, I think I'd like to just begin by framing today's episode with a, you know, a smaller but perhaps, I don't know, telling detail from our government.
as of this last week, and that is the Trump administration's decision to,
I don't want to say officially rename the Department of Defense,
the Department of War,
but just to sort of announce that they are going to start calling it the Department of War
and encouraging others to do the same.
So, Derek, I'll just begin here with the Department of War,
because on one level, it's sort of like, hmm, this is interesting,
this is sort of anti-Orwellian.
But then on another more obvious level, it's just like,
This would be like what the party would do in 1984 if they didn't feel the need to create
euphemistic lies to blind people.
They're like, oh, the Department of Peace is actually the Department of War.
But now they're just like, no, we'll be doing wars.
They don't need to be, by the way, we're going to be doing more wars.
We're going to have so many wars.
You're going to get tired of wars.
And guess the best part, they don't have to be declared by Congress.
It's, yeah, they don't even have to get Congress to do the name change, apparently.
I mean, like, it's so, it's so funny because.
They can't change the name of the department officially.
So instead, they're just, like, doing it in every way except going to Congress and asking them to do it, which, I mean, the Republicans would probably do this anyway.
I can't, like, I can't believe that they would push the name to the Department of War.
But so they're just going to waste a shitload of money, like scraping the cheap lettering off of the walls and changing the, you know, the website branding to Department of War only for, you know, if they don't actually get it passed.
in a formal way,
the next administration is just going to undo that.
So that's fun.
It's always nice to see them
just kind of tossing money out the window, basically.
Yeah, and I guess like,
and it's also like being justified by Pete Higgseth
and his close advisor, John Barleycorn.
I mean, they're basically saying that like,
oh, when it was called the Department of War,
we had some of our greatest victories,
like World War II.
And then they changed the names of the Department of Defense
and it's been nothing but a string of L.
So obviously, the problem was in the name.
Yeah, I mean, I can't think of anything else that could have happened in 1949 or around
1949 that could have caused the United States to turn into a bloated giant empire with
the military that exists mostly to justify its own budget and defense contractors that
are just there to hoover up as much money as possible.
Like, I can't think of anything else that would have happened in that same period of time
other than changing the name of the department to the Department of Defense that would have
caused all these
bad things to happen. If we go
back to the Department of War, we'll bring us
back to a time when we were beating
like, you know, real world beaters.
Like the Spanish Empire in the 20th century.
The Barbary Pirates. That was
the Department of the Navy. Yeah. That is
really like Michael Jordan playing against
plumbers.
The Spanish, like the Spanish Empire
after the invention of the railroad is
like, you might as well not
even record that game.
It was preseason.
Yeah, that does not count.
It's like week one of the college football season.
You know, you get this D3 school to beat up on.
A school that has two directions in its name.
It is to harken back to that time.
Like the Department of War, as it existed back then, was the Army.
There was a separate department of the Navy that was also a cabinet-level position.
A part of creating the Department of Defense was bringing all of these military departments
and introducing the Air Force as another.
separate branch of the military. What I'm hoping is that they go back to that and they have like
they created separate department of the Navy. They could have a department of the Air Force. They could
have a department of the space force. Like everybody gets their own cabinet agency because that would
be total chaos, which I think would be a lot of fun to watch if they did that. So I'm, I'm pushing for
like reverting all the way back basically. Well, I mean, I guess it's just this idea that like,
oh, like the Department of Defense. Like none of the wars that have been fought, you know, in my lifetime
or certainly since the Department of Defense was given that moniker have been defensive in nature,
but it's not like changing it symbolically back to the Department of War is like some
fucking, so some great moment of like anti-imperial reality setting in. It's like, no, they're just
doing it because they want to start wars. They would like to do many, many more wars.
And they would just like to stop being euphemistic about it. And I guess that's like the direction
I'm going with this episode is like, well, I can I just interject here? Because the government of
Grenada would have killed you and everyone you cared about.
So I don't know what you're saying.
I mean, it was absolutely we had to protect ourselves from that military juggernaut.
Yeah, I mean, Manuel Noriega.
I mean, you know, come on.
Like, these guys are all.
Unless we forget the Clint Eastwood film Heartbreak Ridge in which he declared that our record
was now one tied.
Vietnam won.
That was a loss.
But we got it back in, you know, saving those college students.
But I mean, like, I guess like what I mean is like the death of you.
euphemism here is that like we're no longer coily trying to pretend that we're engaged in anything
other than just war, thuggery, theft, and violence on a massive global scale. And it brings to
mind to me something Matt said years ago on this show talking about Donald Trump. And he he compared
it to when the flesh melts off the T-800s like exoskeleton frame and you just see it's like
glowing red eyes. And it's just like, I feel like that's what we're dealing with right now is that
just like capitalism and empire,
there's no more human suit for it.
It's just the Terminator.
And, but like,
but here's what I want to go is because, like,
the way that they reacted by sharing that video
of them blowing up a speedboat in international waters,
like they just sunk the battleship Yamamoto or something.
Or they just, like, sunk a Chinese aircraft carrier is like,
it would be one thing of like, yeah,
like you said,
if it was a Department of War against ranked opponents,
but this is the most penny anti-thuggery.
and murder imaginable.
And like the thought I had to do when I saw that video of that speedboat getting blown up
and like 11 people getting killed, it's like I remember 15, 20 years ago when Chelsea Manning
went to prison for leaking the collateral murder video, it seems now like the US government
and Department of War or whoever you want to call it, whoever's in charge there, is just
blowing the whistle on themselves, but it's really more like they're like, I don't know,
tooting a trombone to announce to the world how strong and powerful America is that we're able
to prevent, protect ourselves from 11 guys in an outboard motor?
It really is.
I mean, we're still taking their word for it, right?
That there were even drugs on this boat.
There's no proof of that.
And I saw at least one argument in the New York Times, somebody claiming, like an analyst saying
it was probably more likely a boat full of migrants, like a human trafficking, smuggling type of situation.
as opposed to a drug boat.
So, I mean, it's bad enough to imagine that we're just executing people
who are bringing drugs, trying to, I don't even know if they're coming to the United
States, just sailing drugs across the Caribbean.
We've decided we can blow people up for doing that.
And I think there's a good chance it wasn't even a human smuggling operation.
I think it could have just been 11 people in a boat.
For all we know, right?
It may have just been people who are out cruising in a speedboat in the Caribbean.
and the, you know, the same people who brought you Saddam's WMDs decided that there was, you know,
Coke on board.
If there was Coke on board that ship, why do you need 11 guys on the boat?
Isn't the goal to get as much of a load on the boat as possible?
11 guys on the boat seems like a lot of cocaine that they're leaving on the table.
Yeah, I mean, there's that.
There's so many things that's about the story that just don't make sense.
But at the bottom of it, you know, when you strip all of that stuff away, even if the
story is true and these were 11
Venezuelan gang members
with drugs on a boat
you still can't just declare
that to be an invasion of the United
States and blow it up like this
is a really dangerous precipice
that you put us on
or that this administration has put us
on if it's just going to start
shooting random
vehicles that it decides
it doesn't like
but I do I do like
that one of the things I've seen
from, you know, sort of the Twitter adi
or like the professional national security types
has been, if this order were given
by any other administration, the military would have said,
Mr. President, how dare you?
We cannot just blow up.
I mean, like, come on.
It's been using the military to fight the war on drugs for years.
Yeah, I mean, like, this is not, it's at the same time.
I mean, there is speculation that Hegseth fired
a number of, like, ranking generals
because they would have said no to this.
Well, I mean, I may be.
I don't know. I haven't heard because of this specifically, but I mean, he certainly fired
anyone who smacked of woke, I guess, for example, you know, any, any POC generals.
Well, woke here being people who maybe don't believe Venezuelan drug dealers are a clear
and present danger to the national security of the United States of America.
Right. So I'm sure they do have a very friendly coterie of flag officers at this point.
But even so, like, I mean, when is the last time?
you saw any pushback to anything like that.
But, yeah, it's not something that I think
another administration would have even conceived of doing
because it's just so bottom of the barrel.
Like, it's really scraping the worst,
the kind of lowest level we could get to on something like this.
You know, Heg Seth has promised more to come on this.
But like, before we repositioned to talking about,
like Venezuela more broadly.
I did love the reaction from our vice president,
Harold of the council of grandmothers who said,
I don't give a fuck.
Call it what you want it.
Like,
you know,
I don't give a fuck what you call it.
And then like,
I feel like,
I know you saw this,
the reaction by that woman who was like,
those who are getting mad at J.D.
Vann should consider the fact that his mom got addicted to oxies working in a hospital.
So he's not going to have,
you know,
warm feelings toward drug cartels.
And it was just like,
they should have drone strike this fucking mom,
when she was stuffing in her pockets with fucking noxies.
What are you talking about?
And like what does that have to do with anything?
She also like sold, uh, I mean,
probably pretty shitty pills, honestly.
Whenever I read one of these sob stories where it's like, you know,
I was,
I was a 63 year old nurse and you wouldn't believe it,
but I got addicted to opiates.
It's always like Tylenol three,
which is like way to waste everyone's time.
But, uh,
she was selling it to,
you know,
other women who were
emasculating their fat
children in sort of a
drug ring
of a drug that's one
step above melatonin
in Tylenol 3.
But they should, yeah,
they should have probably blown her up.
They should have
used a GBU 32
with a laser guidance
kit in case she got to her car
and it led them to
more of her,
her Thailand and all three connect,
which was just the hospital she worked out.
And I mean,
is anyone else disturbed by the idea that,
like,
they're making policy based on the childhood trauma
of the vice president?
Like,
they're just like,
you have to understand this.
He has to work it out.
Okay,
he has to work out his feelings
about his mother
by killing 11 Venezuelans
in a fucking speedboat.
Yeah.
I mean,
that is like the unstated thing.
Like,
where does Venezuela come into that process?
I mean,
first of all,
less of that,
like,
like over 99% of people,
people who get prescribed opiates never, like, developed a dependency.
She didn't even get prescribed them.
She was just like, she had a headache and either someone was like,
hey, have you ever tried like the Tylenol that's good?
Or I don't know, she just pocketed one.
But, you know, this is, her whole thing seems like she was self-starting in her addiction.
I'll say that.
I think most addictions are like that in that you can't.
kind of lay the blame at the feet of the nation of Venezuela.
But this one especially.
Yeah, there's this really no.
I mean,
unless Nicholas Maduro was holding her down and like shoving pills in her mouth.
The whole JD thing annoys me because it's like it is the greatest example of this uniquely
American thing where if something bad happened to you or you,
you,
you had a shitty experience in one way or another,
it automatically is meaningful and that there is some lesson you can evince from it.
In this case, it's that, you know, we need to be tougher on, uh, uh,
narco terrorists.
Just any, any boat because it can be a narco boat.
But yeah, like, there's this like, the people, people have been trying a JD sales job since like
22 since he started going like, Alex Jones is terrific.
But he like, part of that is this idea that he has.
He has pathos and that he went through all this suffering and it has meaning because he's going to take it out on America's enemies when like, you know, the thing that drives me the most insane about him, it isn't like the political flip-flop necessarily.
It's that because who gives a shit about that?
It's that his first half of his career was saying, we should kill everyone in my hometown who got addicted to standing up too fast.
holding their breath until their face turns blue
in Thailand, all three.
So he could become like a third-rate
Davos speaker. And now
it's like, now he's like
fucking,
like he's Batman.
He saw his mom mugged by
Thailand all three and now he has to kill
every Latino.
It's so fucking annoying.
One last bit from the domestic front
about the Department of War.
Donald Trump posted the other day,
one of these awful like AI images that superimposed his face onto Robert Duvall's character from
Apocalypse Now under the headline Chypocalypse Now. And then the caption is, I love the smell
of deportations in the morning. Chicago about to find out why it's called the Department of War
helicopter, helicopter, helicopter. So and then like in a perfect distillation of the Democrats as like
the world's most non-existent opposition party, Tammy Duckworth replied to this by being like,
How dare you wear the uniform of the era cab, sir, you are stealing valor?
And it's like, I don't think that that's the most objectionable thing about this image and the statement and the sort of intention it seems to imply, which is napalming the city of Chicago and going to war with it.
Well, as long as he doesn't do it in a uniform, I mean, you know, he doesn't, you know, as long as he's not disrespecting the troops.
I mean, you have to give the president some latitude to carry out his own policies.
It's all part of the wonderful system that we've set up for ourselves.
The founders wanted it this way.
Could have had another Mark Kirk term, but no.
You remember the Mark Kirk 2016 campaign?
Oh, my God.
He was special.
I don't remember all the details.
I just remember what a very special man he was.
I actually, I got banned.
The second time I got banned for Twitter.
Oh, is you saying he was a comms guy?
I said it was Mark Kirk's comms guy.
That's why I always, I thought it was like something, it was like a very dramatic person back
then.
And I was like, a wonder if Saudi Arabia did it.
But no, it was just me saying that I was Mark Kirk's press secretary.
But he was, I don't know, he got like some head injury around that time when he was running
against Tammy Dunworth before.
Yeah, yeah, he had a stroke during his first term, he had a stroke.
But the stroke made him behave awesomely.
Like it really, you know, I think it helped him.
he said that Lindsay Graham is a bro without a hoe
and when people were like
what the fuck are you doing he said
I'm from the south side
he said that Tammy Duckworth won't stand up
for America oh that was really good
that was yeah okay
yeah and so Tammy Duckworth
like her I think her mom is
tie and her dad is just like a
white American guy and she said something about
like her having ancestors
that fought in the Revolutionary War during a
debate and Mark and Mark Kirk was
like where from Bangkok
he was
he was yeah he was
he was awesome
I miss him so much
he was so good
but yeah no
this was this was uniquely
depressing. I mean, like, if you just described what Duckworth said to me, you know, I didn't know
it was real. I would think it was a bit from one of those podcasts that went from 2017 to 2019
that had 38 rotating hosts. But no, it really happened. To refocus on Venezuela here,
like, Derek, they have, am I correct? Like, they have moved a lot.
large number of naval vessels to the Caribbean. And they seem to be like, you know, pointing them
at Venezuela. So, you know, we all remember in the first Trump term, there was the, the brief,
the brief Guaido mentum when all Americans in the world invested their hopes in Juan Guaido,
the new leader of Venezuela. We all know how that turned out. But like, as with everything in the
second Trump administration, I think he's going to run for prime minister of France now, because the prime
You have a better shot at it in Venezuela.
For an ambitious guy.
But like, so like what, like, what is going on with Venezuela?
Like, will the Department of War declare war absent Congress with Venezuela?
And like, and broader than that, what the fuck is the trend day, the cartel of the sun?
And why is the U.S. claiming Maduro is in charge of it?
So I have to be honest.
Like, I mean, I'm not an expert in this space, but I had never heard of the cartel of the
until they decided that Maduro,
Nicholas Maduro himself, is directly leading it.
I'm not even sure that there's 100% certainty
that it's a real thing.
Like there's a debate over whether this actually exists
or if it's a manifestation of certain elements
trying to paint Venezuela as a narco-terrorist state
with narco-terrorism being.
the new the new hotness and the uh the terrorism the war on terror space um so i don't i don't even know
that there's like a definite uh consensus that that this actually exists trend de aragua uh has been
known for a long time i mean that's that's pretty well established that that's a a real gang but
this cartel of the sun's thing like it's very sketchy to me and again i'm not an expert on
Latin American organized crime or anything like that, but it certainly seems weird to me that
here's this alleged cartel that we're not sure really exists, but it just so happens that like
every senior figure in the Venezuelan government is also running this cartel at the same time
that they're running Venezuela. It seems just a little bit too on the nose to me. So I'm skeptical.
that's how bad socialism is everyone needs to have two jobs and like but like i mean no i think it would
certainly be newsworthy if maduro and his whole government were part of a cartel but like isn't
that the case with like the new government that they just put in charge of ecuador that like literally
is a cocaine trafficking cartel i'm sorry a banana and cocaine trafficking cartel but they're our
ally he's a banana air okay i mean you know i don't he's an air to the banana fortune the vast
banana fortune of Ecuador.
I mean, yeah, there's allegations about all these guys.
If not, like, being directly involved in cartels,
at least having arrangements with cartels.
I mean, Nayy Bokela and El Salvador is, you know,
there's loads of allegations about his government
negotiating with, you know, MS-13 and other groups
to kind of tamp down the crime rate
and offering the gangs certain concessions.
if they just stop engaging in so much violent activity.
And, you know, there was a big controversy
when the administration shipped all those migrants,
the Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador,
along with a number of Salvadoran migrants
who wound up in prison,
that Buckella was trying to get,
like, people who could testify to his government's relationship
with the gangs.
He was trying to get them back under his custody
and shut them up so that they couldn't be interviewed.
by law enforcement in the United States.
So, I mean, a lot of these guys, curiously enough, on the right, rather than on the left,
have had this accusation incredibly leveled about them.
Now, when it comes to Venezuela, right?
And like, when I think about all the, like, the marine expeditionary forest wing moved into
Caribbean and, like, all these naval vessels.
They have pretty much everything they would need at this point to invade, not to occupy,
but certainly to invade Venezuela.
And, like, I know this is like, this is almost a hack bit at this point.
It's an easy layup.
But, like, am I wrong in suspecting that the U.S. government's interest in replacing and doing
regime change or invasion of Venezuela?
Am I wrong in thinking or suspecting that this has to do with Venezuela's copious oil reserves?
So, like, they just want a government that they will sell Venezuelan oil like, I don't know,
like get them a better deal or sell direct only to America or what, like, what's going on with that?
Yeah, I mean, that's certainly part of it.
Like the administration, I mean, and not just this one, you know, successive presidential
administrations have been trying to figure out how to get Venezuelan oil to market without
rewarding Maduro because they want the price of gasoline to come down. And this is, this was
particularly true after Russia invaded Ukraine again in 2022. And the Biden administration
was looking for alternatives to Russian oil initially not sure how to handle sanctions and
whether they were going to go after Russian oil exports, which could really have spiked the global
price of oil quite a bit and raise prices at the gas pump. They didn't want to do that.
So they started casting around, and Venezuela, you know, obviously is the country with the largest
oil reserves in the world, or largest known oil reserves, at least, was a huge get if they could
get it. And so they hatched this thing with this agreement with Maduro that they would relax
oil sanctions provided they saw progress from Maduro in terms of holding, you know,
quote unquote free and fair elections and releasing political, quote unquote political prisoners
and all of these things that didn't pan out, but they still relaxed a lot of the oil sanctions.
Trump came in this time and turned the spigot off to some extent, but he's been getting,
I think, a lot of pushback from Chevron, which is the company, or is it, yeah, I think it's
Chevron, which is the company business there to, you know, kind of, you know, go back,
revert back to the Biden policy of allowing Venezuela, at least to export oil, at least for
Chevron to export and to exploit Venezuelan oil. What's also at play here, though, it's not just
Venezuela's oil. It's also Guyana's oil, Guyana, the neighboring country in South America,
has supposedly pretty vast, and I don't know all the details of this, but it's probably pretty
vast, oil deposits offshore, the western part of the country, which is a region known as
Esikibo, that has been disputed with Venezuela going all the way back to colonial times,
like the colonial powers disputed where this border should be. Eventually, it was worked out
in a sort of international forum that the area belonged to Guyana.
But the Venezuelan government has always disputed that.
And then when they discovered, you know, hey, there might be a lot of oil here.
Venezuela got very interested in this area and sort of advanced its claims.
And Exxon has the development rights for that region.
And there's a lot of concern.
Like Maduro has taken some steps.
He held a referendum that was, you know, with, you know, with.
very dubious turnout figures and so forth, but the idea was, should we annex basically,
or should we set up an administration for this Eseqibo region and supposedly one, you know,
and one going away, this referendum. He's, I believe they've now held elections, farcical,
somewhat farcical elections for local offices for Eseqibo or are planning to run them. I'm not
entirely sure how far that process is gone. But he definitely had.
designs on this region and you know obviously Exxon doesn't want that to happen because that would
upset the apple cart and so I think it's taken on more more salience even than just the
Venezuelan oil because they're worried that he could make a play for these oil reserves that
right now are being exploited by Guyana and Exxon that you know if he went after those it would
be a big disruption well I guess like with all of the military assets shall we say
in the region, like, what are the chances that, like, this gets to be, like, this actually will be
kind of like a test case for their, their sort of, their attempt to sort of bring back a more
19th century style of American imperialism and just invade Venezuela.
So, I mean, like I said, I think they have everything they would need to do that, right?
They have, I think, three destroyers at this point, a guided missile, a cruiser, they've got
one of their literal combat ships, which can sail into sort of shallow.
coastal waters.
They've got an amphibious combat group.
They've got a marine expeditionary unit.
They've got F-35s, not that, you know, they would matter that much, but they've got F-35s in
Puerto Rico now, all ostensibly, like the cover story here is this is some sort of
anti-drug operation where we blow up small speedboats in the Caribbean.
But, yeah, I mean, it looks very much like, like, yeah, I mean, you're not using F-35, so you're
not using a marine expeditionary force to blow up, to interdict, and not even
interdict, to kill with drones, drug shipments or people shipping trying to ship drugs
across the Caribbean. These guys are useful in a ground operation of some kind. And what
that would look like absent an invasion of Venezuela, I don't know. Now, could they just be
there as a show of force? Possibly. Could this just be
limited to, I think we've, once you deploy that much force, it's hard to come back from that.
And I think at the very least, you're going to see some, you may see some air strikes that will
be justified as like, this is where, you know, there's a, there's a Hamas tunnel underneath Caracas.
No, they'll say like, you know, this is where Treadaragua processes its drugs or this is where
this cartel of the sun, you know, its headquarters is in this area. And we bombed that. We didn't
bomb, you know, anything that was connected to the Venezuelan government, they might try to
kind of get around the fact that that would be an act of war by doing some kind of
narco-terrorism again, justification. But I have a hard time believing that they're just
going to stop here. And they've deployed all of this force close to Venezuela within
striking distance of Venezuela. And they're just going to leave it at that. So I do think
something is coming.
You know,
if the strikes on the Iran's nuclear facilities or any indication,
it seems like they want to be bellicose and aggressive and they want to have
this like war fighting posture towards the rest of the world,
but they don't want to get,
they want it to be quick.
They want it to be like a one and done.
But like kind of hard to imagine how like air strikes maybe for Venezuela,
but like if they land troops in Venezuela,
hard for me to imagine that's going to be a quick war.
Like, what is the state of the Venezuelan state in terms of, like, how strong a state are they?
And, like, how large is their military?
And what would, like, landing the Marines in Venezuela be like?
Yeah, I mean, it's not, I mean, they don't have a lot of money.
So this is, this is an impoverished state that doesn't have a lot of money to field a first-rate military.
But they have a lot of people.
And Maduro, Nicholas Maduro, in anticipation of some kind of U.S. move against Venezuela.
Venezuela has called up the country's militia force mobilized at least some portion of it.
And that's potentially, on paper, at least millions of people.
You know, he's not going to get everybody to show up.
So there's a question about how many people he could actually mobilize.
But even if it's a fraction of that, that's a pretty difficult order for what is at this point, you know,
it's enough to maybe invade or get into Caracas and occupy the presidential palace.
If it goes beyond that, I mean, and you're fighting hundreds of thousands of people in
guerrilla campaigns across the country, not that I'm saying it would necessarily come to that,
but that's sort of a worst case scenario.
That would be extraordinarily difficult for the U.S. military to pull off.
And then you have to consider whatever government they would quickly try to put in to replace
Maduro and be, you know, sort of the liberation of the Venezuelan people is going to be
tarred by the fact that they were put in place by the Americans, and they're going to have to
deal with that, which could be, you know, once the U.S. pulls out, you could have an extended insurgency
of some type or, you know, extended period of violence and difficulty. So it's a recipe for
collapse, which, you know, at this point I think is, I almost think is the goal. I think it was
the goal in Iran. I think it's the goal in a lot of places. It's not necessarily to stand
up. We're not in the George W. Bush era of standing up governments that we think are going to
survive. We just want to collapse the ones that we don't like and then, you know, shit happens.
We don't really care about that. Yeah. I feel like that is the most useful framework to look at it
through. Not, I mean, there's a lot of overlap between the first Bush administration and this one,
especially on some foreign policy things
and I would say
it trends probably more towards
neo-conservatism than it does
this weird national conservative
quasi-isolationism that doesn't actually
have a constituency in American politics
but it's just another way
that we, us and Israel are becoming the same entity
and that's not to say that we haven't had
you know, pointless and capricious
foreign policy
excursions in the very recent past
and that this is an Israeli
invention. It obviously isn't.
The Israeli aspect to it
is that the pretences
of, you know, nation building
or spreading democracy
or even
like ridiculous things like invading a country to
perpetuate women's rights,
those things are out the window
and with them is,
the idea this idea that
this idea of you break it you buy
it that we would occupy
any of these governments and
give a shit long enough to set up
like a puppet parliamentary
system and
like fabricate an entire
new government right
I mean yeah and and
the Israeli the Israeli aspect
to it is also just that
the point of it is that it's kind of
slap dash and
impulsive and that you do
you make these incredibly consequential moves
that potentially endanger the lives of like thousands,
if not millions of people
out of just like week-to-week news cycle shit.
Like it is hard, it seems like a very base
and almost early 2000s Internet observation,
but it kind of is hard to separate any of this
from every other day
Trump has to do a press conference
where he's like
here's a letter from my friend
that's complimenting me
on not being a pedophile
from 1998
I'm an undercover
I'm an undercover FBI informant
somebody else has nominated me
for the Nobel Prize
for not being a pedophile
the undercover FBI agent thing
is one of the funniest fucking things
I've ever heard
did you notice that Mike Johnson
has already dropped that line
24 hours
as after premiering it.
It's a great acclaim.
I love it because like,
people who become FBI informants
do not become FBI informants
because they volunteer to do the right thing.
They usually become because they're deeply entrapped
by the FBI in a number
of other very serious crimes.
Yeah. I can't remember if it was you
coined the term
white hat pedophile, but like literally
going with that is just amazing.
Oh, someone posted the clip from
2018 and it was during a live
show and it was
Matt, Matt brought up
the concept of
he basically predicted
exactly this line
but I think I was the one who said
the term white hat pedophile
but I think equal credit to Matt
for basically
predicting this entirely
but yeah it is
I think the comparison
to both us
and Israel especially in Iran
and Lebanon and
everything else they're doing to neighboring states is a very apt comparison and it's I don't know um we talked
about this a few weeks ago this sort of this terrible feeling of you know whether it's like
fucking laura loom or whoever that just no one is going to no one of consequence is even going
to offer like a token of resistance uh for this
it's even more awful.
There is a sense that, like,
no one in, no,
no European ally, the EU is an entity,
no one who maybe has the capability
to tug on our chain a little bit,
will say, hey, what the fuck are you doing
until it's too late?
Well, Felix, I was thinking about that
in the context of that,
uh, the ice raid that they just did on that,
uh, Kundai factory.
Georgia where they like shackled something like 300 Korean nationals all of whom had fucking
work visas to do like yeah technical work at this like electric car battery plant and like
they yeah they had a work visa to be there as guest workers and they were like led out by ice
in shackles and obviously like the South Korean media and government and public are rightly
outraged at this because they were like these people were literally guests in our country but like
this is what I go back to like there's no.
euphemism anymore. Like Trump is calling the bluff of even all of our so-called our allies, a country
like South Korea, one of our closest allies, is that just like, oh, you may consider yourself
our ally, but you don't have the fucking clout to tell us what to do or fucking scold us or
fucking hurt us if we just shit in your face. Like, there's just no limits. Yeah. Same goes for
Europe. What is the line and does the line even exist? Well, I mean, I think it's increasingly showing
that, like, it in fact does not
exist unless you are a country like China
or Russia. Yeah.
Or, you know, I was going to include
North Korea, but like that brings us to the next
story. You know, seeing that they have
nukes and everything.
Over the mountain down in the valley
lives a former talk show host
everybody
knows his name.
He said there's no doubt
about it.
It was a myth of fingerprints.
I've seen them all.
Man, they're all asleep
Well, the sun gets weary
And the sun goes down
Ever since the water melon
And the lights come up on the blackhead town
Somebody says
What's a better thing to do
Well, it's not just me
And it's not just you
This is all around the world
Derek, an incredible story
In the news this week
That it's just like
It seems like straight out of the
Chopper Canon. Could you break down for us the details of this aborted Navy SEAL incursion into
North Korea that happened in 2019 towards the end of the first Trump administration?
Yes. So as far as I know, and the New York Times broke this. And I mean, this is what I know
of it is when I saw in their piece. But the Trump administration decided in, they said,
early 2019 to send a group of seals from SEAL Team 6 into North Korea to plant a listening
device. So this was still during the period where he and Trump were sending letters back and
forth. And they had their, they were having their summits that never went anywhere. But they were
at least talking to one of those. They were pen pals. Yeah, they were pen pals. And he wrote the beautiful
letters that President Trump would go on.
I call him Rocket Man.
I call him Rocket Man.
So they, but they decided they didn't have, they had this blind spot,
intelligence blind spot where they couldn't hear Kim Jong-un.
And they couldn't eaves drop on his communication.
So they were going to plant a listening device.
And the whole operation went completely sideways.
They got dropped off by a submarine and kind of.
sailed in this mini submersible to shore, they got out, they disembarked and, you know,
kind of were coming on shore when this little North Korean boat just kind of appeared and there
were these guys flat with flashlights and, you know, they were sailing over to where they had
obviously seen some disturbance and they're sailing over to where these seals were coming
ashore. And they made the decision in that moment to just airhole everybody
on this boat,
which were probably people
who were out
like collecting shellfish.
Like there's no indication
that they were North Korean security,
although I guess that was one of the things
that they were worried about
is that these could have been
this could have been a patrol of some kind.
Well, yeah,
but like at that point,
if anyone sees you,
you're going to kill them, right?
Because like the mission's blown
if they like...
I mean, yes,
they're trying to massage this
by saying we weren't sure
who they were.
I mean, I'm not,
I'm not, I'm not, I'm not, I'm not, I'm not apologizing for it. I mean, it's, it's evil beyond
imagination. But yes, I mean, realistically, anybody stumbles on you, you're going to, you're going to
kill them. So they killed all these guys, uh, and had to pack up and leave. And then never
told anybody about it, including Congress. It wasn't until 2021, that the Biden administration
briefed select members of Congress without declassifying the operation or making it public or anything that
might have, you know, done any good. They just briefed a certain cadre of members of Congress
about it and kept it at that. And yeah, so it didn't come to light until this time story,
but really troubling, certainly, to imagine what's going on here. An extremely chilling detail
of that story is that after they just blew away everyone on that like little North Korean boat or
whatever. There was a detail that the Navy SEALs then punctured the lungs of their corpses
with knives so that they would sink to the bottom of the ocean. And I just thought that was
like, I don't know, like, that was just so chilling. And like, I think about that in the context
once again of like those 11 people getting blown up on a speedboat where it's like, this is what
we're supposed to be proud of, of like, our mighty military doing. It's just like, yeah, just like
puncturing the lungs of an already dead body so that they can hide it, but more, you know,
easily, like, that's grotesque.
And then the one thing, the one detail about this story that, like, I am confused about
is it said that, like, the purpose of the mission was to land on a beach in North Korea
and, like, install a listening device.
Like, how does that work?
Like, on a beach?
Like, what, like, what were they expecting to hear?
Like, have you ever heard of, like, a stingray or something like that?
Yeah, yeah.
For people to know, uh, stingray is the communications interception device that, um, a lot of
police departments in America actually have it
but it's used by militaries
and federal agencies too
but it's
a kind of like
surreptitious looking device
that can intercept like
stuff specifically from phones
and it can be used kind of like a dragnet way
and presumably
you know this was
a device similar to that
they said in the article
that
you know they were able to
do surveillance on North Korea
but only from satellites in extremely
high altitude planes like U-2s
they're not
you know there are some countries where
they can operate freely in their airspace
and they presumably wouldn't need to do this
so they could like it's like a small device and they can just
sort of like pilfer like cell signals
and just pick up calls and stuff yeah or
or like satellite phone stuff
right I don't like we don't know specifically what device it was
but it's you know
presumably
presumably it would be
some type of
like interceptions
device that
can accomplish
things that you
cannot accomplish
just from like
80,000 feet
or from a satellite
but I think
some kind of
bolt data collection
device rather than
I mean they weren't
they weren't going
into the presidential palace
to you know
plant a
specific bug
it's a moot point
because they never
got it on the beach
they had to kill
too many people
before they did that
but yeah like
I mean I guess I was just
about this in context of, I know we had a Seth Harp on the show not too long ago.
And like, Derek, like when you hear about something like this happening, like years after
the fact, like, shouldn't we just assume that bongles of this nature are happening all the time
all over the world at the behest of the newly rechristened Department of War?
I mean, yes, I think so. I mean, we should assume that there are operations like this happening
all the time. I think it's, you know, I get to the point where it's just like,
you know, you have to assume it's happening, but there's no way to know exactly where or when.
I mean, you know, it's all, it's all just kind of, you know, assuming.
But yeah, I mean, I think certainly we have to assume they've got, you know, operations like this that have happened or are happening in Venezuela and, you know, in and around Iran, like all of these places we're constantly engaged in this stuff.
And the success or failure rate, I mean, it seems like.
the failure rate would probably be higher,
but, but, you know, we, we just don't know.
It takes, uh, the,
the, the, uh, the,
the, uh, kind of exclusive like this, I guess to,
uh, to get a sense of what failure even looks like in this context,
which is, uh, you know,
killing a bunch of innocent people and stabbing them in the lungs to sink their
bodies in the ocean.
That was one of the things that like was kind of a,
alarming, but not surprising about the actual New York Times article, um,
They went to great lengths to go, you know, we knew about this for a while, but we didn't publish it because we thought it would endanger ongoing J-Soc operations in the same area.
And it's like, okay, so how many fuck-ups like this are there?
Like all the time.
Like how many?
I mean, how many how I always think of it like for the average like for the average American who is consuming like 19 hours of true crime shit a day.
Like the most horrifying thing they can imagine is being killed in such a way that their families don't know for like 20, 30 years because their bodies never found.
How many people are we subjecting to that just on a daily basis because of these pointless fuckups like this?
It is.
I mean, that to me was the part of the piece, the Times piece that actually popped was this paragraph, you know,
near the top of it where, you know, they said the Times has withheld some sensitive information
on the North Korea mission that could affect future special operations and intelligence gathering
missions. Like, is that your job, New York Times? To protect U.S. Special Forces and Intelligence
Gathering missions? Or are you supposed to be reporting this shit? Or, you know, are you an arm
of the Pentagon or are you reporting on the Pentagon? Like, you kind of have to make a decision
there. That was really fucking creepy to me. And, like,
Again, it's not surprising, but just them outright saying, like, our first duty is to ensure that no one ever finds out when J-Soc fucks up for the, just in case the one time they get it right.
Well, I mean, I think about that certainly in light of their, I wouldn't say outright stated policy, but, you know, sort of subtly implied policy that any Palestinian journalist who doesn't tow the line is a combatant because that they're showing or witnessing atrocities that is.
real and the state department would not like you to know about and therefore are burnishing the
image of Amas or the access of resistance in some way so that they can safely just be exterminated
by military force. So it's like, well, if the standards of the New York Times are now such that
like when it comes to reporting the news versus, I don't know, excising any details that might
potentially embarrass our special forces or ongoing military operations that they'll be more than
happy to just bite their tongue at that. I think that would perhaps put them in a rather awkward
position, at least given their stated principles about who isn't, isn't a journalist.
Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. I mean, you know, these guys can bend over backwards to, to justify any
killing of a journalist in Gaza, but here they are like openly saying. Well, I mean,
they're just stating that like, we don't publish anything that special forces doesn't want us to
publish. Yeah. Yeah. All right. Let me.
one from North Korea, let's talk a little bit about China. Derek, indeed, incredible things
continue to be happening in China. Could you talk to us a little bit about the recent SEO Tianjin
Summit? Yeah, I think to take this in context, it was a big week for Xi Jinping. He had the Tianjin
Summit, the SEO, and then he had the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan Day at the end of World War II.
and he had a big military parade to celebrate that.
So it was a big, like, world stage type of thing.
Wait, China was in World War II?
That comes his news to the leaders of the European Union
and United States government, but apparently.
Did you, I don't know if you guys saw the Elisa Slotkin.
I was today years old when I learned that China.
Yeah, yeah.
The Elisa Slotkin speech, which she was like, yeah, the Manhattan Project
when we were in competition with the Russians for a nuclear weapon.
Like, what are you talking about, man?
Oppenheimer came out last year.
seriously like you don't even have to have taken a class on this it was in a fucking movie uh yeah
so yeah it's it's fascinating stuff but but so yes the the seo summit um and both of these events
were were were showcases for she i mean the military parade obviously was a chance to show off
uh china's hardware but but both wasn't quite as good as trump's military parade though i think we can
no i mean it wasn't quite as impressive it was was so so so
impressive. Like a Swiss watch. Like so quiet that you could hear the tank treads whining. God damn.
So the, what made the SEO summit stand out was that he met with, I mean, Vladimir Putin was at both of these things.
And Putin is sort of, you know, really reliant on China at this point. Russia has become closer and closer to a client state.
but what was interesting or relevant, I think, about the SCO summit was that he brought in
Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India, who had not been to China. I think this was his first
visit in seven years. And, you know, China and India have been on a bad path until fairly recently
had been on a bad path, you know, going back to, I think it was the 2020 or 2021 border clash
when, you know, they, you know, their border guards were beating each other with clubs.
With clubs and swords. That was amazing. Yeah.
I mean, they intentionally don't let them have fire arms. Well, yeah, yeah,
because in that situation, not a good idea to let anybody have firearms. So, yeah, I love,
I love borders that are like PVP zones, but like, melee only.
It's an average jail. Yeah, you like, you, yeah, you get banned if you bring a ranged
weapon. I think that's, I think that's cool. Like, it shows your strain. I mean, yeah.
I think that's awesome.
So, I mean, so they've been on rough terms.
I mean, they had recently, you know, kind of started to warm back up a little bit.
You know, they had reopened commercial activity along the border, which is not a huge thing.
I mean, it's a very mountainous, ragged borders.
So there's not a lot of commerce happening across it on land, but it's still a symbolic gesture.
But what's really advanced this relationship has been Trump punishing.
punishing India for Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is fascinating to me.
I don't think that's the real reason, but that's the ostensible reason.
He's imposed 50% tariffs, 25% under the regular reciprocal tariff scheme, and then another
25% because he's supposedly mad that India is buying Russian oil, which is something that
they do because they get it at a discount, but also because they were encouraged to do so by
the United States government and European governments to, again, keep Russian oil.
flowing to market so that there was no spike in the price of the global price of oil as a result
of the war in Ukraine. So he's supposedly mad about this. And he, you know, goes with this 50%
tariff. It hasn't talked to Modi, by all accounts, in months. And these guys were pretty good
chummy, you know, had a pretty chummy relationship during his first term. Hasn't talked to him
in months. Didn't talk to him before the tariffs went into effect.
The Indian government, and this is the real reason I think that he's mad at them,
the Indian government has been pushing back after he claimed to have mediated the end of the India-Pakistan conflict in Kashmir earlier this year,
and the Indian government said got very offended at that because they regard,
they're very sensitive about the idea of outside intervention when it comes to Kashmir and their relationship with Pakistan.
So they push back against that, denied that he had played any role.
And I think he got mad at that because it, you know, wrecks his Nobel case.
So I think that's the real reason why he's pissed off.
But they're, they're captured as this, you know, they're frustrated about Russia.
And, and, you know, without upending, you know, literally going, you can go back to the 90s on this,
the United States trying to build up a closer relationship with India, mostly to counter China.
Keep the elephant from the dragon away from each other.
Yeah, exactly.
But without that.
And this isn't, this isn't to say that, you know, China and India are suddenly going to be, you know, best friends and close allies or anything like that.
But he's, I think he's advanced beyond just normalizing what had become a tense relationship.
And they're, you know, pushing further than that, partly because he feels like he can no longer rely on the United States, Modi, that is, can no longer rely on the United States and its support.
And you've got, you know, the U.S. engaging more with the Pakistani government.
you had Trump with this fantasy that Pakistan is somehow sitting on, you know, all these,
this secret oil reserves that nobody's discovered, but the United States is going to go in
and, like, frack, you know, they're going to do fracking in Pakistan and come away with all this
oil, which is a fantasy. But still, he's like flip-flop what would have been a very clear
direction in U.S. foreign policy for decades and seems to have turned it on his head with respect
to, like, India, Pakistan. Yeah, I mean, that seems to be the thing. Even if
Even for countries like India and China where, yeah, there's been incredibly tense moments just in the last 10 years, never mind the history before that, you would rather have someone where at least you can, you have a reasonable expectation of what is and isn't okay by them than someone where it's just, it's day to day and even if you do bend to their whims, that doesn't really guarantee.
anything. I mean, this
entire thing
with just the Trump administration's entire
posture with Russia
and Ukraine stuff is so fucking weird. I don't know
how anyone could make sense out of it.
How any country seeking to curry
favor with the United States
under the second Trump administration
what
course of action they could take
because they're just
completely all over the place.
They ran on like, you know, fuck Zelensky, fuck this war, we're ending it.
They did that huge thing where J.D. Vance asked him to wear a suit next time.
And now, because the talks have gone chittily, because he can't just wheel Russia into accepting whatever stupid settlement he comes up with.
Now he's just, he's defaulting to like, he's sort of the actual official posture of his first administration's state department.
and kind of the Biden policy
but like done even shittier
and the India thing is so weird
like you correctly pointed out
that like it's
this isn't a surprise
they haven't just recently started
buying Russian oil
and hiding it from us
it was in fact
we did in fact encourage
them to do that
but we've historically given India
a really long leash
with regards to Russia
in comparison to
a lot of other places. India famously
they're one of the
only countries besides Egypt
that has a large military
that will buy hardware
from
Western Russian and produce
well Egypt doesn't do this but produce
their own indigenous
equipment.
India
they have a bunch of like very
modern Sukoy fighter jets
and French Raphael's
and some of their own
stuff, and we still sell them missiles and other stuff.
A lot of other countries can't get away with that, but India is so important to us that we
really let them do a lot of other things that typically we wouldn't allow, you know,
a less important nation that we could use as a, we don't think we could use as a counterweight
against China.
We wouldn't allow them to do that.
But it's, if you're them, yeah, how do you, what choice do you have except like, well,
I guess I have a pretty good guess of what is it isn't going to be okay with China compared
to whatever the fuck this is.
It really is.
I mean,
there have been some instances where in the moment I think people have figured out how to
come at Trump and get what you want out of him to some extent.
And I think that, you know, to their credit, like Zelensky and the Europeans have figured
this out that you like just go and blow smoke up his ass.
You tell him you're going to nominate him for, you know, 20 Nobel Peace Prizes and you're going to spend, you know, if you're doing a trade deal, you say, oh, yeah, we're going to spend like a hundred quadrillion dollars in the United States over the next 10 years.
Because it doesn't matter.
Like, nobody's going to chat this shit when he's gone.
And he doesn't really care.
He just wants the smoke blown up his ass.
And so you can get things from him in the immediate term.
Like if it seemed, like when he had that Alaska summit with Putin and it really seemed like he was yanking once again back in the direction of Russia.
and had accepted Putin's arguments, and now he was going to get on Ukraine, they arranged that
very hasty, you know, kind of damage control summit at the White House with Zelensky and all
the European leaders who just went there and paid like, you know, they just bent the knee.
I mean, really, you had them all sitting around the desk in the Oval Office, like they were
sitting outside, like their principal's office.
Yeah, like they were fucking, you know, in, you know, in detention and taking lectures from
this guy.
And that's all he really wants.
and they stem the tide.
It doesn't go anywhere then.
You can't get him to follow through
and do what you want on a long-term scale,
but you can at least, like, get in there
and kind of interrupt whatever train
his dying brain is on
and kind of derail it
if you just approach him in the, you know,
as a groveler.
Like, you just adopt that posture.
It makes him very happy.
And that, you know, that's one way to do it.
But yeah, as you say, like, there's no consistency.
There's no way to get him to, like, nailed down to a particular approach or a particular policy.
And so in that, in light of that, I think Modi, for one, and you're going to see other leaders do this, too, like thinking even if China is offering me a worse deal, at least I know that from day to day, like, she and the Chinese government are going to be more or less, they're going to stick more or less to the same consistent.
message and same consistent policy. Whereas this guy, like, I don't, he's going to wake up one day,
and he wakes up one day and he wants to do this and he wakes up the next day and he wants to
do something else. Like it's very difficult to manage that kind of relationship. Derek, in that
vein, I have to confess, the first question I had when I was like considering the prospect of
Trump more or less shit-kending like 30 years of economic and cultural relationships and close
allyship with the nation of India on sort of maybe like pushing them a little bit more into
China's orbit or like more than more than they were in the past the first question I had with
like Trump giving Modi and India the cold shoulder are all those like right wing culture war
meme aggregating accounts that are called like femoid elves clown world and a western
aesthetics are they all going to turn on Trump immediately sort of like overnight I mean
it's anything's possible right I mean these guys are moody
bodebackers at the end of the day.
So I would think at some point they will.
But yeah, that's such a weird phenomenon too to have these like troll farms of
Indian men posturing as, as white guys from the, you know, from Texas or whatever the fuck.
It's so weird.
But like, I just, just one more thing for out of this summit.
Like, I mean, like, I sort of a headline with it from it was, is he is, his claim that like, that this is the donning of a
global security and economic order that, quote, prioritizes the global self. And like,
this would be China, Russia, and India. Like, what are we to make of that claim? And what would
that look like if you're from President Xi's perspective? This is a good question. And I, you know,
who knows? Because we don't see him taking a lot of steps to implement anything like that.
Right. I mean, there was, people were waiting for China to step in during the so-called 12-day war.
to assist Iran, and it never happened.
And Chinese foreign policy, as to me, consistently been very strictly national interest-oriented.
And this idea of building a competing security architecture that would push back against
the U.S. military or offer countries an alternative and potentially a rivalry to the U.S.
in places where China's interests are perhaps not as great as the U.S.
I just haven't seen any evidence of them doing that.
So it's hard to say what it would look like.
I mean, I would think mostly trying to sell weapons, really.
I mean, I don't want to boil it down to that.
But like it really feels like, you know, a transactional thing as far as Beijing is concerned
rather than an ideological thing.
And to erect that kind of structure, you have to have some, you know, interest in
rivaling the U.S. and picking a fight in some sense. And I just don't see that from China yet.
So it may be something that he's considering, you know, as a legacy project. But it's hard to say without
some demonstration of it, what he means by that. One last thing, a quick thing to move on from China.
Just like another just international thing that I was interested in you explaining. Because you fill us in
on this recent border skirmish that took place between Thailand and Cambodia and these subsequent
elections in Thailand. What was going on there? What precipitated it? And what is the situation
currently? Yeah. So this happened back in July. The conflict happened back in July. The border
crisis started earlier than that. I mean, the Thai-Cambonian border has been in dispute for decades,
going back into the 20th century. There have been rulings by the International Court of Justice
about segments of it.
There's a particular area that has a Hindu temple that was awarded to Cambodia by the
International Court of Justice.
The Thai government has always disputed that.
That was back in the 1960s.
So this goes way, way back.
What happened earlier this year, there were a number of incidents.
It started in May where there was a clash between border guards, Cambodian and Thai border guards,
and a Cambodian border guard was killed during that clash.
And then subsequently, there were a number of incidents where Thai soldiers were getting wounded, badly wounded, maimed in several cases, by landmines during border patrols.
And because the border is not well defined and they don't agree on where it is, you know, there's arguments about, you know, who was in whose territory and who's fire.
first. The landmine incidents, the Thai government has repeatedly, you know, these have happened
multiple times, have been several incidents, I think half a dozen or thereabouts. The Thai government
has accused Cambodia of laying new landmines in areas where they claim, that they claim had been
cleared. And of course, Cambodia is littered with mines and other ordinance from, you know,
we could go all the way back, again, we'll into the 20th century, you know, mid-20th century.
But there's stuff all over the place, but the Thai government in the Thai military has been insisting that these are newly laid minefields and modern mines that the Cambodian government has bought and they're mining the border, which is illegitimate.
They're not supposed to be doing that.
Both countries are party to the anti-personnel mine treaty, so that would be a violation if they're actually doing that.
But Cambodia routinely says, you know, look, this is stuff that's been left over from the 20th century.
not, we're not laying new minds at the border to try and, you know, catch Thai border patrols.
So what happened after a few of those incidents in July, there was an exchange of heavy
fighting artillery, a couple of airstrikes, I think, that lasted for several days,
I think five days before it was put to rest, mediated by the government of Malaysia and by the U.S.
to some extent, Donald Trump has claimed this is one of the seven conflicts he's ended
that justified his Nobel Peace Prize.
I love that he thinks getting a Nobel Peace Prize is like getting, being like crowned Miss Universe
or something.
Yeah, you just have to build up a resume.
You have to lobby hard enough for it.
Yeah.
And, you know, prepare your speech and evening gown.
But it's, I mean, it's lingered past that.
And it's, it's lingered particularly on the tie.
side in political matters. The prime minister of Thailand at the time,
Peyton Shinawatra, was removed from office by the country's constitutional court because of a
phone call that she had with the former prime minister, now president, Senate president of
Cambodia, Hun Sen, whose son is now Hun Menet is now prime minister. Still obviously,
you know, very influential in Cambodian politics. She called him, and there's a
relationship between Hun Sen and her father,
Taxin Shinawatra, goes way back.
She called him and, I guess, tried to appeal to him to tamp down tension.
She said it was costing her, you know, politically,
and she needed some space to kind of deal with the military
and said some things about the military,
about senior military officers that were a little bit over the line
in a country like Thailand where the military and the monarchy,
you're really not supposed to insult
these institutions legally so but but thinking you know she was talking to this may she called him
you know she calls them uncle she they're that close so thinking that she was talking to somebody
she had a close relationship with wohunsen turned around and leaked the recording of this telephone
call and caused a huge scandal in Thailand and like you know so she was suspended initially
and then finally removed from from office altogether which has resulted in her party
Poutai losing control of the government to a coalition that's probably not going to hold together.
They're probably going to have to hold a new election a few months.
But, you know, so the political ramifications have really really kind of hit hard in Thailand.
And there's, I've seen a lot of speculation that the one of the things that's causing this flare-up
is that there's, there's been a break in this relationship between Hunsen and Texine.
Shinoa, who's fled the country, he's fled Thailand again because he was under legal
trouble and then came back when his daughter, or his granddaughter was, or no, his daughter,
sorry, daughter, was elected and a prime minister and now has fled again now that she's been
ousted. So he's, he's sort of on the run. But they've fallen out over basically personal
issues, but partly having to do with, and I know you guys have heard about this, these
like scam centers that are operating
in southeastern Asia
that there are some, most of them operate in Myanmar
because it's really very lawless there
and you can set up shop and do whatever you want.
But there are some that have been operating in Cambodia
maybe with a connection to Hun Sen and his family
and that the Thai government has sort of
criticized these places and targeted them
to some extent to try and shut them down
and that there's tension over that or there's tension over a number of personal matters that
has fueled this conflict. But I can't speak any more than, you know, to having read some
gossip to that effect. Well, before we wrap it up for today's episode, I should probably
mention, I'm sure it will be of interest to our listeners, that as of about 20 minutes ago,
the Wall Street Journal did just publish a photograph of the Donald Trump, Jeffrey Epstein,
birthday card and it is about as weird as you might imagine a pal is a wonderful thing
happy birthday and may every day be another secret signed at Donald J. Proh. Yeah. And it's like
it's nice. It's nice to have two guys. And then it's like framed in this very crude. So hard for men
to make friends with each other. Yeah. This is this, this is the solution to the male loneliness
epidemic is sending your bro birthday cards where you draw sort of like the crude hourglass frame
of a woman's body and then frame the world's weird. Yeah, frame the world's weird.
purest exchange of dialogue within the sort of the body of a woman.
So that will be interesting to see where that goes.
It's really sad seeing this knowing he was an undercover.
He must have really like been disgusted making that birthday card.
But he was just so dedicated to the mission.
It's like Donny Brascoe.
Yeah.
Okay.
That does it for today's show.
We'll be back later this week.
Once again, thank you to Derek Davison.
Always enjoy talking to our chief foreign affairs correspondent.
And everyone, please subscribe to American Prestige and Foreign Exchanges.
Links will be provided in the show description.
That does it for us today, everybody.
Till next time, bye-bye.
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