Disturbing History - Walt Disney: The Man Behind The Mouse
Episode Date: June 19, 2026Walt Disney built the most trusted brand in the world, and he built it on top of a story the company has spent eighty years hoping you would never hear. Behind the castle, the cardigan, and the warm M...issouri voice was a workplace that tore itself apart, a founder who treated a fair-pay dispute as a foreign conspiracy, and a man whose grudges ended up wired into the machinery of the Red Scare. This episode strips off the sanitized image and looks at the documented record of Walter Elias Disney as the complicated, contradictory figure he actually was.We start with the 1941 Disney animators' strike, the single most consequential event in the studio's early history and the one you will not find in the official mythology.After the financial wounds of Pinocchio and Fantasia in 1940, Disney workers who earned as little as 12 dollars a week while stars pulled 200 to 300 walked off the job over pay, screen credit, and the right to organize. We trace how Walt fired his greatest animator, Art Babbitt, the creator of Goofy, how a 315-to-4 strike vote put hundreds of his own cartoonists on a picket line at the Burbank gate, and how the founder of the studio nearly came to blows with Babbitt on a public street before the whole thing ended with Walt losing on every point.From there we follow the line that runs from that picket line straight to Washington. We cover Disney's role as a founder of the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, his friendly-witness testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee on October 24, 1947, and the names he gave Congress, including animator David Hilberman, whom Walt flagged in part for having no religion.We put union organizer Herbert Sorrell in his real context, the man Walt branded a communist who actually broke with the Communist Party to lead the violent 1945 Hollywood Black Friday riot, and we connect the dots to the Hollywood blacklist, the Waldorf Statement, and the careers it ruined.We then work through the decades of FBI files on Walt Disney, the 1954 designation that made him a Special Agent in Charge Contact, and the long-running fight over what that relationship with J. Edgar Hoover actually was, separating the documented record from the disputed claims in Marc Eliot's biography. Finally, we take the antisemitism question head-on, weighing the 1938 Leni Riefenstahl visit and the harshest accusations against the rebuttals from biographer Neal Gabler and the people who knew him, and we refuse the easy verdict in either direction.This is not the cartoon-villain Walt and it is not Uncle Walt either. It is the evidence-first account of a genuine artist and a frightened, controlling man who happened to be the same person, and a reminder that the brightest brand on earth was built directly over a fight it never wanted you to see.Listener discretion is advised for discussion of political persecution, labor violence, and historical bigotry.Have a forgotten historical mystery, disturbing event, unsolved crime, or hidden conspiracy you think deserves investigation?Send your suggestions to brian@paranormalworldproductions.com.Disturbing History is a dark history podcast exploring unsolved mysteries, secret societies, historical conspiracies, lost civilizations, and the shadowy stories buried beneath the surface of the past.Follow the show and enable automatic downloads so you never miss a deep dive into history’s most unsettling secrets.Because sometimes the truth is darker than fiction.
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Some stories were never meant to be told.
Others were buried on purpose.
This podcast digs them all up.
Disturbing history peels back the layers of the past
to uncover the strange, the sinister,
and the stories that were never supposed to survive.
From shadowy presidential secrets to government experiments
that sound more like fiction than fact,
this is history they hoped you'd forget.
I'm Brian, investigator, author,
and your guide through the dark corner
of our collective memory.
Each week I'll narrate some of the most chilling
and little-known tales from history
that will make you question everything you thought you knew.
And here's the twist.
Sometimes the history is disturbing to us.
And sometimes, we have to disturb history itself,
just to get to the truth.
If you like your facts with the side of fear,
if you're not afraid to pull at threads,
others leave alone.
You're in the right place.
History isn't just written by the victors.
victors. Sometimes it's rewritten by the disturbed. Before Disney became a kingdom, it was a studio.
And behind the castles, the songs and the childhood wonder. There was a workplace torn apart by
labor conflict, by fear of communism, and by a founder who saw betrayal, where his own employees
saw survival. You know the face. Even if you've never watched a single one of his films all
the way through, you know it. The thin mustache. The warm,
Missouri voice on the television, leaning on a fence in a cardigan, calling himself your friend.
Uncle Walt, the man who built the place where dreams come true. That's the brand. That's the
story the company has spent the better part of a century polishing. And they've done it so well
that the polishing has become the thing itself. We don't remember a man anymore. We remember a
logo, but there was a man. Walter Elias Disney was a real person who got up in the morning
fought with his brother, screamed at his employees, smoked himself to death, and made decisions that
wrecked people's lives. He was not a cartoon villain. That's the lazy version. And it's just as
false as the cardigan. The truth is more interesting and a lot harder to file away. He was a genuine
artist who changed the visual language of the 20th century. And he was also a man who, when the people
who built his empire asked to be treated fairly, decided they were enemies of the country.
This is the story of how that happened.
It's a story about a strike, a hearing room in Washington, and a filing cabinet at the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
None of it requires you to hate the man, but it does require you to stop pretending he was just the man wearing the cardigan.
Walt Disney was born on December 5, 1901 in Chicago, the fourth of five children.
His father Elias was a man who chased work and rarely caught it.
a farmer and a builder and a socialist newspaper subscriber who moved the family from place to place
looking for a living that kept not arriving.
For a few years when Walt was small, the family lived on a farm outside Marcelline, Missouri.
Walt talked about Marcelline for the rest of his life like it was Eden.
A few acres, some animals, a kid who liked to draw.
He built Main Street, USA out of that memory.
He built an entire emotional theme park out of a place his family lost.
because his father couldn't keep it.
Then came Kansas City and a paper route
and a father who got the boys up before dawn
to deliver the morning edition in the snow
and beat them when the work wasn't done right.
Walt didn't talk about that part on television.
The pattern that mattered for everything that came later
started in his 20s.
Walt was talented and ambitious and broke.
He started a little animation outfit in Kansas City
called Laugh O'Gram,
and it went bankrupt in 1923.
So he did what broke ambitious young men did.
He got on a train to Hollywood with almost nothing,
moved in with an uncle and started over with his older brother Roy,
who would spend the rest of his life keeping the books that Walt's imagination kept blowing up.
The early Hollywood years gave Walt the wound that defined him.
He created a character called Oswald the Lucky Rabbit
and made a series of cartoons for a distributor named Charles Mintz.
In 1928, Walt went to New York to negotiate a better deal.
deal, and he found out that Mints had quietly signed away most of his animators and owned the rights
to Oswald outright. The character Walt built was not Walt's. The men he'd hired were now
working for the man who'd taken his character. He'd been cut off at the knees by people he trusted,
and he never forgot it. On the train ride home from that disaster, the legend goes, he sketched a
mouse. Whether the train story is literally true matters less than what it represents. From the
Oswald betrayal forward, Walt Disney became obsessed with control. He would own everything.
He would never again build something and watch someone else walk off with it. He would hold the
rights, hold the characters, hold the studio, and when the time came, hold the loyalty of every
person who worked for him. By force, if it came to that. Remember that. The strike makes no
sense without it. To Walt, the studio wasn't a business with employees. It was a thing. It was a thing,
he owned because he'd survived having things taken from him.
When his workers organized, he didn't hear a labor demand.
He heard Charles Mints all over again.
Mickey Mouse worked.
The third Mickey cartoon, Steamboat Willie, put synchronized sound to animation in
1988 and made Walt Disney a name.
Through the 1930s, the studio turned out the silly symphonies,
won a pile of Academy Awards and built a reputation as the place where animation became art
instead of a novelty.
Then in 1937, Walt bet everything on a feature.
Everyone in town called it Disney's Folly.
A full-length animated film,
more than an hour of hand-drawn images on a fairy tale,
was supposed to bankrupt him.
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs instead became one of the most profitable films of its era.
It made millions in the middle of the Depression.
It proved that animation could carry a feature,
hold an audience, and break heart.
And here's where the trap that sprung in 1941 was set, with the best of intentions and the worst of foresight.
Flush with snow-white money, Walt built a new studio in Burbank, not a building, a campus, air conditioning,
which almost no workplace in Los Angeles had in those years.
A coffee shop, sunshine and lawns, and a sense that this was the most advanced animation factory on the planet,
which it was.
Walt designed the place around a vision of one big,
creative family, with himself at the head of the table. And he genuinely believed that what he was
giving his people was a gift. A beautiful place to make beautiful things. Why on earth would anyone there
be unhappy? The answer was that he'd built the family around a fiction, and the fiction was about
money. Here's the thing about that one big family. Some members of it were paid $200 to $300 a week,
which in 1940 was a serious living. And some members of it, the anchors of it, the anchors of
and painters and assistants who did the enormous grinding, repetitive work that made the animation
move were paid as little as $12 a week. That gap was not a secret to the people living on the low end of it.
They knew exactly what the star animators made, because they sat in the same building and ate in the
same commissary and watched the names go up on the screen. The credits, when there were credits,
went to a handful of men at the top. The hundreds of people who'd painted every individual cell,
got nothing. No name, no recognition, and $12. Then 1940 happened, and the money stopped flowing.
Walt followed Snow White with two films that are now considered masterpieces, and were at the time
financial wounds. Pinocchio and Fantasia, both released in 1940, were ruinously expensive
and didn't earn their money back, in large part because the war in Europe had slammed shut the overseas
markets that Disney depended on. The studio was suddenly bleeding cash. The bank loans Roy had taken on
to build that beautiful Burbank campus now looked like a noose. So Walt did what struggling studios do,
layoffs, pay adjustments, and a bonus system that the animators found maddening, because it seemed
to depend less on the work and more on whether Walt liked you that week. The promise of the one
big family was that everyone was in it together. The reality was that when the most
money got tight, the people at the bottom paid for it, and the rules about who paid and how much
were whatever Walt decided they were. The pay was only half of it. The other half was the credit,
and the credit might have stung worse. Animation in those years was assembly line work disguised as
art. A lead animator drew the key poses, and then a small army of assistant animators, in-betweeners,
inkers, and painters did the staggering volume of labor required to turn a few drawings into 24
images a second. A single feature was hundreds of thousands of individual hand-painted cells,
and the overwhelming majority of that work was done by people whose names never appeared anywhere.
When the credits rolled, if they rolled at all, a handful of men at the top got their names on the
screen, and everyone else got nothing. You could spend two years of your life on a film that the
whole world would watch. And there would be no public proof you'd touched it. For artists,
that's not a small thing. That's your entire professional existence erased on purpose,
so that the studio's output could look like the product of a few geniuses instead of the labor
of hundreds. And then there was Roy. Walt's older brother ran the money, and Roy is the quiet,
crucial figure in all of this, because Roy understood numbers in a way Walt never bothered to.
Roy had taken on the bank debt for the Burbank Studio.
Roy knew to the dollar how badly Pinocchio and Fantasia had bled.
So when the workers came asking for raises in the middle of a cash crisis,
it wasn't only Walt's wounded pride saying no.
It was the older brother watching the bank loans and the payroll and doing the math
on a company that suddenly couldn't afford its own dream.
That's the trap they'd built for themselves with the beautiful studio.
They'd spent the snow-white fortune on a monument,
and the monument had a mortgage,
and the mortgage came due exactly when the people inside it,
asked to be paid like human beings.
Across town, the rest of Hollywood animation was already organizing.
Studios like Warner Brothers and the Fleischer operation
had recognized the Screen Cartoonists Guild,
which had come out into the open in 1938 as local 852.
Cartoonists at those studios had contracts, minimum pay scales,
and the basic protection of a union.
Disney workers looked over the fence and saw it.
Walt's answer to the union question was a company union,
the Federation of Screen Cartoonists.
On paper, it represented the workers.
In practice, it was controlled by the company,
which is exactly why companies set up unions like that.
It existed to keep a real union out.
The National Labor Relations Board took a dim view of that kind of arrangement,
and it would not survive scrutiny.
and the man who would blow the whole thing open was, of all people,
one of Walt's highest paid stars.
Arthur Babbitt was one of the best animators in the world.
He created Goofy.
He animated the Wicked Queen in Snow White,
the transformation into the old hag,
some of the most technically demanding character work the studio had ever produced.
He animated the dancing mushrooms in Fantasia.
He was a senior man, a high earner,
exactly the kind of person who had nothing personal to gain from a union and everything comfortable to lose.
He joined the Guild anyway.
Babbitt had started inside Walt's Company Union, the Federation, as a senior official,
and he'd discovered what company unions are for.
He couldn't get anything done.
He couldn't move the pay scale for the Inkers.
When he and others pushed for a raise for the lowest paid workers,
the company pushed back hard.
By one account, when Babbitt raised the issue,
Roy Disney told him to keep his nose out of it, or they'd cut it off.
So Babbitt did the thing that from Walt's point of view was unforgivable.
He walked out of the fake union and into the real one,
and he started telling everybody else to do the same.
To Walt, this wasn't a policy disagreement.
Babbitt made good money.
Babbitt had been given everything,
and Babett was now standing in front of Walt's workers telling them they deserved better
than what Walt was giving them.
That was betrayal of the purest kind.
the kind that had a face and a name and a desk down the hall.
Walt started calling him a troublemaker, then a Bolshevik.
In February of 1941, Walt tried to settle the whole thing with a speech.
He gathered all 1,200 employees into the studio theater and talked to them.
The speech was vintage Walt, the self-made man explaining to the people who worked for him,
that he understood hardship better than they did,
that he'd weathered storms, that they should be patient and grateful and trust him.
It was meant to bind the family back together.
It did the opposite.
Workers walked out of that theater angrier than they'd walked in,
and a lot of them went straight to the Guild and signed up.
You can talk down to people exactly once before they stop hearing the warmth
and start hearing the condescension.
By spring, the Screen Cartoonist Guild had signed up a clear majority of the eligible Disney employees.
The organizer running the drive was a tough, blunt labor man named Herbert Sorrell.
The Guild offered more than once to settle the question the simple way
by a cross-check of signed cards or a federally supervised election.
And every time, Walt found a reason to slip away from it.
He insisted his people were already represented by his federation,
the company union that the labor board had effectively ruled illegitimate.
Sorrel and Walt met with attorneys, and it went badly.
Walt would not recognize the Guild.
By the accounts that survived, Sorrell told him that if it came to a fight,
he'd make a dust bowl out of the Disney plant.
Whether those were the exact words or a line that grew in the retelling,
the meeting ended with no deal and two men who now hated each other.
Stay tuned for more disturbing history.
We'll be back after these messages.
Walt's response was to start firing union members.
The lead name on the list was Art Babette.
He wasn't alone.
Accounts of exactly how many got coached.
vary, with figures running from 17 up through two dozen and more, and rumors at the time that the
purge might reach 100, but the pattern was unmistakable. The people getting fired were the ones
who'd signed with the Guild, and the firings landed on the union's leadership first. Watching
their organizers get walked out the gate one by one is what pushed the rest of them to
vote to strike. Under federal law, firing workers for organizing was illegal, which is why the
labor board would later side with them on every point. Walt did it anyway, because in his mind he
wasn't breaking a law. He was defending his house. On May 26, 1941, the guild members at Disney took
a strike vote. It was not close. Three hundred fifteen to four. Two days later, they walked. On the
morning of May 29th, Walt Disney drove his Packard up Buena Vista Boulevard toward his own studio
and found the gate ringed by hundreds of picketers.
They were his cartoonists.
The people who'd drawn Mickey and Goofy and the dwarfs
were standing in the California Sun with hand-painted signs,
and the signs were brutal in the way only artists can be brutal.
Disney Unfair.
One genius against 600 guinea pigs.
A drawing of Pluto with a caption that read,
I'd rather be a dog than a scab.
Leonardo, Michelangelo, and Tishon,
were union men. At one point, the strikers wheeled a guillotine up to the gate, a real prop
guillotine, to make the point about how they felt about management. These were not amateurs at
communication. They made cartoons for a living, and now they aimed that skill at the man who signed
their checks. The strike lasted weeks, and it got personal, and it got physical. Walt had to drive
through the picket line every day to reach his office, and every day his own former employees jeered him
through it. There's a moment that survives in the histories that tells you everything about the
temperature. One Friday, the 13th of July, Art Babbitt stood near the gate with a megaphone and called out
to the man in the car. He told Walt Disney he ought to be ashamed of himself. And Walt Disney stopped
the car, got out, and started walking toward Babbitt with his fists, and people had to physically
pull the two of them apart before the founder of the studio and his greatest animator beat each other
bloody on a public street. That's not a brand. That's a man who has lost the plot of his own life.
The strike spread. Organized labor across Hollywood called for a boycott of Disney films and
merchandise. Strikers from other guilds picketed the premiere of The Reluctant Dragon,
a film Disney had counted on as a summer earner, and the picketing hurt it. The Screen Actors Guild
voted money to help feed the Disney strikers, because the point that got lost in all the talk about
Babbitt was that most of the people on the line were not stars. They were the $12 a week people,
the ones who couldn't miss a paycheck without it showing up at the dinner table within the week.
They held the line anyway, and Walt, who had genuinely convinced himself that he ran a happy family,
could not process what was happening as a labor dispute. He'd given them air conditioning. He'd given
them the best studio in the world. The only explanation that fit inside his head was that someone
had poisoned them against him.
An outside agitator.
A conspiracy.
Communists.
Disney did not win the strike.
He couldn't.
The federal government got involved.
President Roosevelt's administration sent a federal mediator from the labor department,
and the mediator looked at the situation and found in the guild's favor on essentially every
issue.
The company union was a sham.
The firings were retaliation against workers for the legally protected act of organizing,
which was a violation.
of federal labor law.
There was no version of this fight that ended with Walt's position intact.
And there was a deeper pressure on him that had nothing to do with who was right.
It was 1941.
The country was sliding toward war.
The studio was deep in debt to the bank, and it was angling for government film contracts.
The training films and propaganda work that would keep the lights on
once the war shut down the commercial business entirely.
A studio at war with the federal labor,
apparatus was not going to get those contracts. Roy understood this with perfect clarity,
the way Roy understood everything that had a number attached to it. So in the middle of all this,
the State Department offered Walt an exit, and Walt took it. They asked him to make a goodwill
tour of South America, part of the wartime effort to keep Latin America friendly and out of
the axis orbit. Walt packed up a group of his artists, a team that came to call itself
El Grupo and left the country in August of 1941,
partly on a genuine assignment and partly to get himself out of the line of fire while the thing got settled without him.
The optics were almost too neat.
While his lowest paid workers held a picket line in Burbank,
because they couldn't survive on what he paid them,
Walt flew off on a government-funded tour of Brazil and Argentina and Chile,
sketching parrots and soaking up the local color for newsreel cameras,
an ambassador of American goodwill
who couldn't manage goodwill
with the people who drew his cartoons.
The trip wasn't a waste.
It produced two films,
Saludos Amigos, and the three caballeros,
and it gave the world the character of Jose Carioca.
But make no mistake about what it also was.
The founder of the studio left the country during the strike
so he wouldn't have to be the one to surrender.
The settlement came in September of 1941.
The studio signed with the screenings
Cartoonists Guild. It recognized the union, agreed to a contract, and agreed to rehire the
strikers who wanted their jobs back. Disney has been a union shop ever since. Walt lost.
He lost completely, on every point, and he had to put his name to the loss. A strike that ends with
the workers winning sounds like a happy ending. It wasn't, and not just for Walt. The studio that
came back together after September of 1941 was not the studio that had existed before May.
Something had broken that a contract couldn't fix. Friendships were over, people who'd crossed
the picket line, the ones the strikers called scabs, and people who'd held it, now had to
sit at the same drawing tables and make children's entertainment together, and a lot of them
couldn't. The trust that Walt had imagined ran through his happy family turned out to have been
mostly imaginary, and now even the imaginary version was gone. A huge amount of talent simply left.
Some of the best people Disney had, animators and writers and directors at the top of the field,
refused to come back or came back briefly, and then walked for good. A group of them went off
and founded the studio that became United Productions of America, UPA, started in 1941 as a
small outfit called Industrial Film and Poster Service by former Disneymen.
Among them, David Hilberman.
The same animator Walt would later name to Congress,
along with Zach Schwartz and Stephen Bossa Stow.
Others who passed through it included John Hubley and Robert Cannon.
They spent the war years making training films and propaganda.
And then, in the late 1940s,
they got a contract with Columbia Pictures and did something
that should keep Walt's name attached to the strike forever.
They made animation that was the deliberate opposite of everything Walt believed.
Disney had spent a fortune chasing the illusion of life,
realistic anatomy, deep-painted backgrounds,
the lush, rounded, soft style that made you forget you were looking at a drawing.
UPA threw all of it out, flat, graphic, stylized, modern.
Backgrounds that were a few suggestive shapes instead of an oil painting.
They built it partly out of necessity because they couldn't afford Disney's army
and partly out of conviction because some of them had come to see Disney's perfectionism as a cage.
Out of that came Gerald McBoing Boing, the little boy who spoke in sound effects, adapted from a Dr. Seuss story,
which won the Academy Award for Best Cartoon for 1950, and made UPA the first studio outside the Big Three to take that prize.
Out of it came Mr. Magoo. Out of it came a whole visual language that fed straight into the look of modern television animation.
The men Walt drove out of his studio went on to win Oscars by rejecting his entire.
aesthetic and a generation of cartoonists learned to draw from them instead of from him.
That's the cost of the strike that never shows up on a balance sheet. Walt didn't just lose
workers. He handed the future a different idea of what a cartoon could look like and they
ran with it. Art Babette's story didn't end at the gate. The labor board ruled that his
firing was illegal and ordered the studio to reinstate him. The studio fought it. The
case dragged through appeals for years and Babette won.
and he did eventually come back to the studio he'd been illegally fired from.
But Walt had him erased.
Babbitt's contributions, the wicked queen, goofy,
the work that helped build the studio's reputation,
got quietly minimized in the official histories,
scrubbed toward the margins,
because Walt could not stand to share credit
with the man he believed had betrayed him.
Babbitt later said that working there after the strike
was like working in a building where the owner pretended you didn't exist.
He left for good before long.
He never stopped being one of the greatest animators who ever lived,
and Walt Disney spent years pretending otherwise out of pure spite.
Here's the part that turned a labor dispute into something that scarred American culture.
Walt never accepted that he'd lost a fair fight to people with a legitimate grievance.
That version of events would have required him to admit he'd been wrong about the $12 a week workers,
wrong about Babbitt, wrong about the whole happy family idea he'd built the studio.
around. He couldn't do it. So he reached for the other explanation, the one that let him keep
being the good guy. He'd been the victim of a communist conspiracy. The strike hadn't been about pay.
It had been about subversion, foreign ideology, agitators who'd come into his beautiful studio to
destroy it from inside. He believed it, and he was about to get a national platform to say it out
loud. To understand why Walt's communist story sounded plausible to so many people, you have to
follow Herbert Sorrel out of the Disney strike and into what came next, because Sorrell spent the
1940s becoming exactly the kind of figure that made the conspiracy theory feel real, even when it
wasn't. Sorrell was a former boxer-turned union painter, blunt and combative, the genuine article
when it came to militant labor. Out of the Disney fight and the broader organizing of that period grew
a coalition called the Conference of Studio Unions, the CSU,
a federation of craft unions that Sorrell led,
and it set itself directly against the older, more accommodating,
and famously mob-tangled union that controlled most of the studio crafts,
the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees.
The studios hated dealing with Sorrel.
He played hardball.
He won, and he didn't pretend to be grateful.
It came to a head in 1945.
A jurisdictional fight over which union represented a group of 77 set decorators
escalated into a long strike, and on October 5, 1945, it exploded into a riot at the
gates of Warner Brothers in Burbank, the day Hollywood remembers as Black Friday.
Picketers and strike breakers and studio police went at each other with fire hoses, tear gas,
fists, and overturned cars.
Men were clubbed and gassed.
From the roofs of the sound stages, people dropped heavy bolts down onto the
the strikers below. It was the most violent labor confrontation in the history of the movie
business, and Herbert Sorrell was the man with the megaphone in the middle of it. Here's the
detail that the rigorous version of this story cannot skip, because it detonates the whole communist
narrative. Sorrel called that 1945 strike in defiance of the American Communist Party,
not at its direction. The party's wartime line was no strikes, full support for the war effort,
and Sorrell broke with that line because he believed working people shouldn't surrender their leverage
just because there was a war on.
The man Walt Disney would describe to Congress as a communist agent
had actively crossed the actual communists to lead the strike that made him famous.
Sorrell testified before California's own Un-American Activities Committee twice,
and they could not produce sufficient evidence that he was tied to the party.
He probably wasn't a communist at all.
He was something the studios found far more threatening,
which was an effective independent labor leader who couldn't be bought or controlled.
So they destroyed him another way.
After more strikes in 1946, the CSU got strategically locked out of the studios.
The rival union took over its members' jobs, and the coalition collapsed.
The campaign to break Sorrel leaned heavily on accusations of communism.
The same charge Walt had been making since 1941.
now aimed by powerful people with the leverage to make it stick.
And the whole convulsion of Hollywood labor violence in those years
fed directly into Congress passing the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947.
The law that rolled back a long list of union powers
and tilted the field back toward management for generations.
Walt didn't engineer all of that, but trace the line.
Walt loses a strike in 1941 and decides it was communist subversion.
Sorrell, the man who beat him, goes on to lead bigger, more violent strikes.
The studios and their allies brand sorrow, a communist to break him.
Congress, watching the chaos, passes a law gutting union power,
and then opens hearings to root communists out of Hollywood.
And in 1947, when those hearings need a respectable, beloved witness,
to stand up and say that yes, the labor trouble in this town was communist trouble all along.
Walt Disney walks in and says it, naming Sorrell by name.
The grudge from 1941 didn't fade.
It got folded into a national machine and given the force of law.
Stay tuned for more disturbing history.
We'll be back after these messages.
To understand what Walt did next, you have to understand the world that 1947 was.
The Second World War ended in 1945,
and almost immediately the United States and the Soviet Union,
allies in the war, became enemies in the peace.
The Cold War set in fast,
and with it came a fear of communism inside the United States
that hardened into something close to a national panic.
The fear wasn't entirely baseless.
There were real Soviet spies,
and there were real members of the American Communist Party,
including in Hollywood.
But the response to that reality metastasized into something
that swept up the guilty and the innocent
and the merely left of center with equal force,
and ruined them with equal thoroughness.
Walt Disney got there early.
In 1944, a group of conservative Hollywood figures
founded the Motion Picture Alliance
for the Preservation of American Ideals,
an organization built to fight what its members saw
as communist and left-wing influence in the film industry.
Walt Disney was a founding member
and one of its first vice presidents.
The alliance included some of the most powerful
and most reactionary men in town.
And from the start, it had an ugly edge to it,
a way of treating union activity, New Deal politics,
and Communist Party membership as if they were all the same disease.
The alliance didn't just complain.
It lobbied.
It wrote to Washington.
It helped invite the House Un-American Activities Committee
to come to Hollywood and investigate.
And by some accounts, Walt himself had been writing to Washington,
urging an investigation of communism in the film industry.
since the strike years, naming the people who'd organized against him as the ones to look at first.
When you've decided that the workers who beat you were really communist agents,
the next logical step is to ask the government to treat them like communist agents.
That's what the alliance was for. The committee came.
In October of 1947, the House Un-American Activities Committee opened its Hollywood hearings,
and it divided the people it called into two groups.
There were the witnesses who refused to cooperate, who challenged the committee's right to ask Americans about their political beliefs and associations at all.
And there were the friendly witnesses, the ones who came in willing to help, willing to point at their colleagues, willing to confirm that, yes, there was a communist problem in Hollywood, and here were the people responsible.
Walt Disney was a friendly witness. He testified on October 24, 1947.
read the transcript and the first thing you notice is how reasonable he sounds.
There's no foaming at the mouth.
He comes across as the foxy plain spoken man from the television,
which is exactly what makes it land.
He's just telling the committee what he saw,
one regular American to another.
That tone is the whole problem.
It made the accusation sound like common sense.
He told the committee about the strike.
He told them it had been the work of communists.
He pointed the finger at Herbert Sorrell, the union organizer,
and when the committee asked whether Sorrel was a communist,
Walt said he believed Sorrel was tied up with him,
and that if Sorrel wasn't a communist, he sure should be.
Think about that sentence under oath in a hearing that was destroying careers.
He didn't have proof.
He had a feeling and a grudge,
and he offered the feeling to a committee that was hungry to write it down.
Then he named names, which is the part that mattered most,
because names in that room had consequences.
He named David Hilberman, an animator who'd been an organizer in the strike.
Walt told the committee that Hilberman was the real brains behind the whole thing
and that he believed Hilberman was a communist.
Number one, Walt said,
Hilberman had no religion.
Number two, Hilberman had spent time studying at the Moscow Art Theater.
That was the case.
No church and a period of artistic study in Russia.
And from those two facts, Walt Disney stood up in front of Congress and labeled a man a communist agent.
I want to sit on the no-religion part for a second, because it's not a throwaway.
Walt offered a man's lack of faith to the United States government as evidence of disloyalty.
He treated atheism as a symptom of treason.
That's not a quirk of one sentence.
That's a worldview.
The idea that a real American believes in God and a man who doesn't is suspect on his face.
and Walt said it plainly because he assumed everyone in the room agreed with him.
A lot of them did.
It's worth remembering that the people who got hunted in those years
weren't only hunted for what they'd done.
Sometimes they were hunted for what they didn't believe.
He named William Pomerantz and Morris Howard,
both union business agents, and called them communists too,
and then added the line that should have stopped the whole proceeding.
He said, in his opinion they were communists,
but that no one had any way of proving those.
things. He admitted it. He stood there and named men as communists and acknowledged in the same
breath that the charge couldn't be proved. And the committee took the names down anyway, because
proof was never really the point of that committee. He listed organizations he decided were
communist fronts. He named the People's World, the Daily Worker, a New York paper called PM,
and a group called the League of Women Shoppers. That last one is almost funny, except it isn't.
After he got home and his lawyers looked over what he'd actually said,
Walt sent a letter to the committee chairman dated November 3rd, 1947, walking part of it back.
He'd gotten confused, he wrote, between two different women's organizations with similar names.
He'd smeared the wrong group on the public record in front of Congress.
That's how careful the testimony was.
The man naming subversives to a body that was wrecking lives couldn't keep his own accusation straight
and had to issue a correction by mail.
Here's the thing the rigorous version of this story has to say,
because it's true and because it matters.
Some of the people Walt pointed at really did have communist connections.
David Hilberman had been a member of the Communist Party.
The fear wasn't pure invention,
but this person was actually a party member.
Does not retroactively make the process legitimate.
Any more than a stopped clock being right twice a day makes it a clock.
The committee wasn't conducting an investigation in any sense a court would recognize.
It was running a loyalty inquisition, and the standard of evidence was a famous man say-so.
Walt didn't know who was and wasn't a party member.
He told the committee he couldn't prove it.
He named them anyway, on the strength of having lost a strike to them six years earlier.
The Hollywood hearings did not stay in the hearing room.
That's the whole reason they matter.
10 of the witnesses who refused to cooperate, the ones who challenged the committee, were cited for contempt of Congress.
They went to prison for it. They became known as the Hollywood Ten, and their refusal triggered the thing that turned a hearing into a catastrophe.
The studios, terrified of being associated with anything the public might read as un-American, got together and announced they would not employ communists or anyone who refused to clear their name before the committee.
That was the start of the Hollywood blacklist.
The blacklist was not a list of convicted criminals.
It was a list of suspected ones, and suspicion was enough.
Hundreds of writers, directors, actors, and technicians lost their careers.
Not because anyone proved they'd done anything,
but because a name had been spoken in a room or a signature had appeared on the wrong petition years before.
Some of them never worked under their own names again.
Some wrote under fake names for a fraction of their own.
old pay. Some left the country. Some never recovered. A few killed themselves. The blacklist lasted
into the 1960s, and it destroyed lives on the basis of exactly the kind of unprovable feeling
Walt Disney had offered the committee as testimony. The studio bosses made it official within weeks.
In late November of 1947, the heads of the major studios met at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New
York and issued a statement announcing they would fire the Hollywood 10 and would not knowingly
employ a communist. They dressed it up as principle. It was mostly fear, fear of the box office,
fear of Congress, fear of being the studio that got called soft on subversion. The blacklist wasn't
imposed on Hollywood from outside. Hollywood's own owners voted it into existence to protect
their profits. And once they had, the machine ran on its own for more than a decade, fed by a steady
supply of friendly witnesses willing to keep naming names to clear themselves. Walt was one of those
friendly witnesses, but he was far from alone, and it's worth knowing the company he kept in that
hearing room. The friendly witnesses included studio executives, directors, and actors who decided
cooperation was the safe move, among them a young Screen Actors Guild president named Ronald
Reagan, who testified about a small disruptive faction he believed was at work in his union.
Reagan was more careful than Walt, more lawyerly, less willing to flatly call people communists without proof.
Walt had no such hesitation.
Where others hedged, Walt offered the committee certainty, delivered in that trusted, foxy, everyman voice,
and certainty from Walt Disney was worth more to the committee than caution from a dozen lesser names.
That was the value he brought, not information, credibility.
David Hilberman, the man Walt singled out as the brains of the strike,
found his career as an animator effectively over in the United States for years.
The accusation followed him.
That's what naming a name did.
It wasn't a debate.
It was a sentence.
Walt Disney did not invent the blacklist, and he wasn't its most important architect.
He was one friendly witness among many, in one hearing,
in a panic that involved studio bosses and congressmen and the FBI
and a national mood far bigger than one man.
If Walt Disney had stayed home that October, the blacklist still happens, so you can't lay the
whole machine at his feet, and the rigorous version won't. But he climbed into the machine on purpose.
He didn't get subpoenaed and trapped into testifying. He'd been pushing for the investigation for
years through the alliance. He showed up willing. He named men he admitted he couldn't prove anything
about. And he did it in service of a story about the 1941 strike that flattered him. A story
in which he hadn't lost a fair fight to underpaid workers. He'd been victimized by a foreign
conspiracy. The testimony wasn't really about saving America from communism. It was about Walt Disney
being right about the strike. The country just happened to be in the mood to believe him.
There's a third piece to this, and it's the one that's hardest to pin down, because it lives in
government files that are heavily censored and inside a biography that the Disney family went to war
against. So we have to be careful here. This is exactly the place where a lazy storyteller turns a
real document into a spy movie. And I'd rather give you the boring true version than the exciting
false one. Here is what is documented and not seriously disputed. The Federal Bureau of
Investigation kept a file on Walter Elias Disney. You can read large parts of it yourself, because it's
been released through the Freedom of Information Act and sits on the FBI's own public reading room,
The Vault.
The file runs to hundreds of pages, with figures in the range of 570 to 750 depending on which
release and which count you're using, and a lot of it is blacked out.
The file shows a relationship between Disney and the Bureau that ran for decades, with the
earliest friendly contact traceable to the late 1930s.
Here's the specific fact that set off all the noise.
In 1954, the FBI's Los Angeles office designated Walt Disney and Disney.
as an SAC contact.
SAC stands for special agent in charge.
It's a real designation, and the file defines it.
An SAC contact was a trusted person who, because of their position,
could render unusual and valuable assistance to the Bureau on request.
In Disney's case, the relationship had real perks attached.
The FBI got access to Disneyland for official purposes.
Disney got access to film at FBI headquarters,
And in at least some instances, the Bureau got to review and request changes to Disney productions,
including reported edits to scripts on television projects, to make sure the FBI came across well.
Sit with the concrete pieces for a second, because they're stranger than the label fight.
The most powerful domestic surveillance agency in the country had a working relationship with the man who made entertainment for children,
and the relationship touched the content.
Disney productions that featured the Bureau tended to show it heroically,
and in at least one instance, the favor ran the other way,
with an episode of a Disney television program reportedly pulled or altered
after the FBI took issue with how it portrayed the agency.
The man whose mouse taught kids to sing was, on the side,
helping shape how those same kids would grow up imagining federal law enforcement.
Whatever you want to call the arrangement, that's what it produced.
a pipeline, however small, between J. Edgar Hoover's priorities and the most trusted children's brand in America.
In 1993, a writer named Mark Elliott published an unauthorized biography called Walt Disney Hollywood's Dark Prince,
and it dropped the FBI material into public view with the most dramatic possible framing.
Elliot argued that Disney was essentially an informant,
feeding the Bureau information on suspected communists and subversives in Hollywood.
from 1940 until his death in 1966,
and that the relationship was a two-way deal
in which Disney informed and Hoover helped Disney
with personal matters in return.
The book also pushed further out claims,
including that Disney was obsessed with a belief
that he'd been adopted and that Hoover's agents
helped him chase down his supposed real parents.
The New York Times reported at the time
that it had checked the FBI material
against the government documents
and found the documents themselves authenticated.
while noting that so much of the file was blacked out that you couldn't actually tell which Hollywood
names Disney had passed along, if any. Stay tuned for more disturbing history. We'll be back after
these messages. The Disney family did not let this stand. Walt's widow, Lillian and his daughter
Diane Disney Miller issued a detailed rebuttal that tore through the book line by line and claimed
to find more than 150 factual errors in it, ranging from serious allegations down to misspelling
the title of 101 Dalmatians.
More importantly, they got a statement from William Webster, a former director of the FBI who said
he'd examined the same records Elliot used and that those records did not support the claim
that Walt Disney was an informant for the Bureau.
So who's right?
This is where the rigorous answer is also the unsatisfying one.
The documents are real.
The SAC contact designation is real.
The long relationship is real.
and so is the access that flowed both ways.
What's contested is the word informant,
with its implication that Disney was systematically ratting out colleagues to the secret police.
An SAC contact, by the Bureau's own definition,
was a friendly, useful insider,
not necessarily a man running a network of spies.
You can read the same file and come away describing a powerful executive
who was chummy with the FBI and happy to help,
which was extremely common among studio heads of that era.
Or you can read it the way Elliot did and call him an agent of the surveillance state.
The file supports the friendly insider reading cleanly.
It supports the full informant reading only if you fill in the redacted pages with your own assumptions,
which is precisely what a careful person shouldn't do.
What we can say without filling in anything is this.
Walt Disney was deeply actively anti-communist,
well beyond passive politics.
He helped found an organization
dedicated to rooting communists
out of his industry.
He testified before Congress and named names.
He maintained a friendly, documented
multi-decade relationship
with J. Edgar Hoover's FBI,
with concrete favors moving in both directions.
Whether you want to call that being an informant
or just being a true believer with powerful friends,
the underlying behavior is the same,
and it's not the behavior of Uncle
Walt in the cardigan. It's the behavior of a man who had picked aside in the great fear of his
century and used everything he had, his fame, his studio, his access to fight on it. There's a version
of Walt Disney online that's a cackling Nazi, and there's a version pushed by the company that's a
man without a single flaw, and the truth is sitting in an uncomfortable middle that neither side
wants to look at. The charges that Walt Disney was a racist and an anti-Semite.
Let's take the evidence honestly, the stuff that supports it and the stuff that cuts against it,
and let it sit unresolved if that's where it actually lands,
because pretending to a verdict the evidence doesn't support is its own kind of lie.
On the side that supports the charge.
In 1938, Walt Disney hosted Lenny Riefenstahl, Adolf Hitler's favorite filmmaker,
the director of Triumph of the Will when she toured the United States looking for American distribution for her Olympics film.
By most accounts, when Reefinstall came to Hollywood, every major studio refused to meet with her,
because the major studios were largely run by Jews, and the news from Germany was getting harder to ignore by the month.
Walt Disney met with her and gave her a tour of his studio.
Now, the defenders make a real point here, which is that Disney had extended the invitation before Kristalnacht,
the coordinated nationwide attack on Jews across Germany on the 9th and 10th of November, 1938.
The problem is that he didn't withdraw it afterward.
The pogrom happened, the world knew, and Walt kept the appointment.
There are uglier pieces.
Some of the studio's early work traded in crude, anti-Semitic caricature,
the kind of grasping, hooked-nosed peddler figure that was standard ugly shorthand
in American cartoons of that period, and which Disney later quietly reanimated to remove.
There's a firsthand account from a Jewish animator named David Swift, who said that when he
told Walt in 1938 that he was leaving to take a job at Columbia,
Walt put on a mock Yiddish accent and made a crack about Swift going off to work with the Jews
where he belonged.
And the harshest accusations come from Art Babit, who claimed that in the late 1930s,
Walt and his lawyer Gunther Lessing attended meetings of the German-American Bund,
the American pro-Nazi organization.
Now the other side of the ledger, which is just as important and gets skipped constantly,
Art Babbitt was the man Walt destroyed in the strike,
the man Walt erased from the studio's history,
a man who had every reason on earth to want to do maximum damage to Walt's reputation.
His Bund accusation has never been corroborated by anyone else,
and it comes from the one person in this whole story with the deepest possible grudge.
That doesn't make it false.
It makes it a claim you cannot lean on,
because the source is compromised in the most obvious way.
and the people who knew Walt and worked for him, including many Jewish employees,
largely did not describe an anti-Semite.
Neil Gabler, who wrote what's generally considered the definitive biography of Disney,
who was Jewish and who had unprecedented access to the company's own archives,
went looking for evidence that Walt was personally anti-Semitic and concluded that he wasn't,
in the personal sense.
Gabler's portrait is more damning in a quieter way.
Walt wasn't a man who hated Jews.
He was a man who was politically conservative and reflexively suspicious,
who joined organizations that had anti-Semites in them,
and didn't seem to mind the company,
who shared the casual, ambient prejudices of a white Protestant man of his generation
and didn't examine them,
and who was so consumed by his anti-communism
that he'd stand near anyone who shared it.
A documentary producer named Sarah Colt,
who'd made a film about Henry Ford's genuine,
virulent anti-Semitism, said she went looking for the same thing in Disney and couldn't find it.
So here's the honest verdict, which is to refuse the easy one.
The strongest single piece of evidence, the Bunn meetings, comes from a man who hated him
and has never been confirmed.
The Reefinstall visit is real and it's bad, and it shows a man with terrible judgment
and a thick skin about whose company he kept.
But it's a long way from proving he shared her politics.
The cartoon stereotypes were industry standard ugliness that he later removed, which tells you something either way.
The fair conclusion, the one the actual record supports, is that Walt Disney was probably not a personal, ideological anti-Semite of the Henry Ford variety,
and was absolutely a man who carried the lazy prejudices of his era,
kept friendly with people who held far worse views,
and cared more about whether you were anti-communist than about almost anything else.
you believed. That's not exonerating. It's just accurate. And accurate is the only thing worth being here.
Step back from the individual fights and you start to see one shape under all of them. Walt Disney could not
stand to lose and he could not stand to be wrong. And he had built a personality that converted both of
those into other people's fault. The strike wasn't a sign he'd underpaid and mistreated his workers.
It was a communist plot.
The talent that fled afterward weren't artists he'd alienated.
They were ingrates and subversives.
The labor board ruling against him wasn't a verdict on his conduct.
It was the government taking the agitators side.
Every defeat got rewritten, in real time,
into a story where Walt was the wronged party
and someone else was the villain,
and the someone else was almost always the people who'd had the nerve to ask him for something.
The Oswald wound never.
healed. The kid who got his character stolen in 1928 became the man who would rather burn down
trust with 600 employees than recognize a union. Because recognizing the union meant
admitting that the studio wasn't purely his, that the people inside it had rights he didn't
grant and couldn't revoke. Control was the whole engine. The same drive that made him bet everything
on Snow White when the entire industry laughed at him, the same obsessive perfectionism that made the
films great was the drive that made him incapable of sharing power with the people who made the
films great alongside him. And he was great. That's the part you can't drop, because dropping it
turns this into the cartoon villain story, which is just as false as the cardigan. The man genuinely
advanced his art form by decades. He took animation from a vaudeville novelty to a medium that could
make adults cry. He built Disneyland out of nothing and reinvented what a public space could be. The
talent was real. The vision was real. The Missouri kid who wanted to build Marcelline back out
of the ground actually built it. Twice. In California and Florida. And millions of people walk through
his memory of a place his family lost and feel something true. None of the rest of this erases that.
It just refuses to let that erase the rest. He died on December 15, 1966, of lung cancer.
after a lifetime of heavy smoking, he kept off camera.
He was 65.
There's a famous myth that he had himself frozen,
cryogenically preserved under the Pirates of the Caribbean ride,
waiting to be thawed in a better future.
It's nonsense.
He was cremated and buried in Glendale.
The freezing story persists because it's the perfect myth.
A man so committed to control that the legend can't accept he simply died,
like everyone else.
Here's the thing that makes this story matter beyond one man,
and it's the reason you probably hadn't heard most of it until now.
The Cardigan was a product.
Walt understood earlier and better than almost anyone in his industry
that the most valuable thing his company owned wasn't a mouse or a castle.
It was him, or rather, the version of him the public would be allowed to see.
When his television show went on the air in the 1950s, Walt became the host.
the kindly storyteller introducing each week's wonders,
and that weekly half hour did something no press release could.
It installed a single, gentle, trustworthy image of Walt Disney
directly into the living rooms of an entire generation, and it stayed there.
The foxy man on the screen wasn't a lie exactly.
Walt really could be warm, really did love the work, really did dream big,
but it was a curated truth,
a single facet polished until it filled the whole frame.
And everything else, the temper, the grudges, the firings, the hearing room, got left in shadow
on purpose.
After he died, the company turned that curation into a discipline.
The official story of Walt Disney became a tightly managed asset, protected the way you
protect a trademark, because in a real sense, that's exactly what it was.
The 1941 strike, the single most consequential event in the studio's early labor history,
simply isn't part of the story the company tells about itself.
You can spend a fortune visiting the parks,
watch a lifetime of the films,
absorb the whole official mythology,
and never once encountered the picket line,
the guillotine at the gate,
the fistfight with Babbitt,
the testimony, the names.
Art Babbitt,
one of the greatest animators the studio ever employed,
got quietly minimized in its histories for decades
because Walt couldn't stand to credit him.
When the company has a moment,
made a documentary or two that gestures at the harder material. It's done so on its own terms,
with its own framing, the way an institution addresses an old scandal it would rather you
experienced as a footnote. That's not a conspiracy. It's branding, and the Disney company is arguably
the best in the world at it, but it has a cost to the rest of us, which is that an entire society
inherited a sanitized cartoon where a complicated human being used to be. We let the most successful
image management operation and entertainment history, tell us who Walt Disney was. And then we mistook
the marketing for the man. The reason this episode can feel like a revelation is that the revelation has
been carefully, professionally, profitably withheld. So what do you do with Walt Disney? You don't pick a team.
That's the only honest answer, and it's the one the brand and the haters both refuse,
because picking a team is easier, and it feels better, and it lets you stop thinking. The company wants
Uncle Walt, the genius with the warm voice and no shadows. A certain corner of the internet
wants the freezer Nazi, the monster behind the mouse. Both of them are cartoons, and a real human
being is harder than a cartoon. The documented Walt Disney is a brilliant, controlling,
wounded man who built one of the great creative empires of the 20th century, and who, when his
own workers organized for fair pay and basic dignity, treated them as traitors. He
fired his best animator for joining a union.
He lost the strike completely and never admitted it
and rewrote the loss into a conspiracy theory
that let him keep being the hero of his own life.
He took that conspiracy theory to Washington,
sat in front of Congress,
and named men he admitted he couldn't prove anything about
in a process that destroyed hundreds of careers.
He spent decades cozy with the FBI
in the middle of the worst era of American political surveillance.
He kept the company of anti-Semites
and let it slide because they hated communists like he did.
And he was a man of real lasting genius,
who made things that have given joy to more people
than almost any artist who ever lived.
All of that is the same person.
That's the thing you have to hold.
Not the good Walt and the bad Walt,
like there were two of them.
One man, who could draw the line at the studio gate
and on the wrong side of it,
who could make Pinocchio,
and also stand up under oath
and call a man disloyal for not believing in God.
The wonder and the wreckage came out of the same source,
the same need to own and control and never, ever lose.
The next time you see the castle, the one that opens every film,
remember that there was a studio before there was a kingdom.
And in that studio there were 600 people standing at a gate in the California sun,
holding signs they'd painted themselves,
asking the man who called them family to treat them like it.
He chose not to.
Then he spent the rest of his life telling everyone,
everyone it was their fault. That's the man behind the mouse. Not a villain. Not a saint.
A reminder that the people who build the most beautiful things are still people. With all the
smallness and fear and cruelty that comes with it and that the brightest brand in the world
can be built directly on top of a fight, it's spent 80 years hoping you'd never hear about.
Now you've heard about it. What you choose to do with it is up to you.
