Empire: World History - 281. Partition: Why Was India Split In Two? (Part 4)
Episode Date: August 13, 2025Why was the Partition of India and Pakistan so rushed in 1947? How did Partition divide everything from stationery to army boots in a matter of weeks? And how do South Asians today grapple with the me...mory of the largest forced migration in history? William and Anita are joined once again by Sam Dalrymple, author of Shattered Lands: Five Partitions And The Making of Modern Asia, to The Great Partition. Become a member of the Empire Club via empirepoduk.com to receive early access to miniseries, ad-free listening, early access to live show tickets, bonus episodes, book discounts, our exclusive newsletter, and access to our members’ chatroom on Discord! Head to empirepoduk.com to sign up. For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Assistant Producer: Becki Hills Producer: Anouska Lewis Executive Producer: Neil Fearn Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Hello and welcome to Empire with me, Anita Arnan.
And me, William Durimple.
And we are in the midst of our mammoth romp through this rather excellent book by Sam Durimple.
Yes, related. Not to me.
But of the author of Shattered Lands, a story of five partitions.
Sam, thank you so much for coming back to us.
So look, the last time we left you in this series,
we had talked about Direct Action Day in Calcutta,
which really was, if you like,
a foreshadowing of what would happen
and the kind of violence that could be unleashed.
On a country where Hindus and Muslims had lived together,
got along together for centuries,
and how quickly that can just,
flare up into the most unspeakable violence. So we are now going to jump to Britain in
1947 because it's really important to point this out. People often ask this when we have
like our Discord chats. Did the empire fall because the British were knackered or the Indians did it?
It's a big, it's a big divide, isn't it? If you go to India, everyone's, of course,
the Tramford Freedom Fighters drove out the wicked, perfidious seeds of Albion. But here,
the overall opinion, I'm speaking from London, it was, you know, sort of post-war exhaustion,
we'd just beaten the Nazis and couldn't be asked to carry on. That's the kind of view.
Well, I mean, just before we bring salmon, I mean, let's give you an overview. And then, you know,
as with all of these things on Empire, you make up your own mind. There is no doubt that Britain
had crippling war debts. So, you know, the government was shutting down the nation's
electricity for five hours a day, something that people in India are quite familiar with the
Shedding arrangement even today. Over the course of a single week, Whitehall announced that it
couldn't afford to fight communist guerrillas in Greece. This was something that, you know, Churchill
had wanted more than anything, and we talked about this a little bit during the Yalta
conference episodes. They also said they'd begin to pull out of their mandate for Palestine
and withdraw from India at the end of June 1948. So this all coalesce together.
It's extraordinary how those things come together. We don't think of them. And there are so often
studied separately. There's one set of scholars that do the whole mess that we left in Israel,
Palestine. There's another set of scholars that do the conflict between India, Pakistan and all that.
The fact, it's the same complete crisis in Britain with no money at all, massive post-war debts
and everyone on rationing that generates both problems at the same time is often forgotten,
I think. As we always answer this question, it is both. You know, if you had one of those things
alone, this would not have happened. You wouldn't have had this sort of severe contraction of the
British Empire. We should even ask our guest what he thinks about this, maybe at some point.
I was just about to. Hello, Sam. What do you think about this, Sam? What do you think about this
question, Sam? Is it sort of knackered or defiant? What was the main reason to the end of this?
I think it's both, as you said. The economy of Britain had collapsed. A huge amount of wealth
had been drained from Britain. The blitz has happened. And at the same time,
time you have in India the naval ratings all mutiny. So the whole Indian Navy just kind of puts up
its hands and says we're not following orders. And a potential prospect of a repeat of 1857, which the
British think of as primarily a mutiny. India thinks of it as the first war of independence.
But Britain and all the people are making decisions think this is 1857 again. Yeah. So you've got all
of this going on and you have kind of, you know, massive waves of communal violence.
violence after direct action day spreading out across the country.
And another key reason why the British pull out so quickly is that all the Indian army,
who they've been using to kind of put down rebellions in the past, want to go home.
They've just been at war for six years.
And, you know, the last thing anyone wants is to suddenly be sent out to stay away from your
family for even longer.
You know, the public back in Britain has turned against using the army for any future
conflicts and the public in India has turned so against Britain, who during World War II had,
you know, legalized machine-gunning crowds in order to stop rebellions against British rule.
And so this is a complete crisis.
It's very interesting reflection on what happens in Palestine the following year in 1948,
in that if you think of how in previous conflicts, the British had used Indian troops there.
So when they're driving out Napoleon and forcing Napoleon's troops to surrender in whatever it is,
1809, they send East India Company troops to Egypt, and then again in the First World War,
having failed to take Gaza, where the British are again facing the same troops that defeated
them at Gallipoli, it's only when Indian troops, including the Bikkener Camel Corps and all these
Rajput cavalry officers turn up on the front line that they managed to take Gaza and break into Palestine
under Allenby. So in both the previous rounds of conflict in the Middle East, Indian troops
had been sent. And the fact that they're not there in 1940 is one of the reason that things
go so badly wrong. And it's not just at the troop level. You know, you've got the leadership
who have a very different tune to play, because you might remember in our Gandhi episodes,
one of the chief recruiters for the British efforts in World War I was Gandhi, who told his
countrymen, you will sign up, you must sign up, this is a just war we are fighting, do it. However,
most of the leadership of Congress spend most of the time in those war years of the
Second World War, in jail because they are fighting against the British. They are not cheerleading
for the British. They are in fact leading the crusade against them. Now, look, this leads us very
neatly to the man who's in the middle of this maelstrom, and that is Dickie Mountbatten, Lord
Mountbatten, cousin of the king, relative to virtually anyone who's got blue blood in Europe. So
tell us a little bit more about them in a nutshell. Sure. So Mountbatten is basically, it's a few
weeks after Direct Action Day, when all this violence is spreading across India, that Prime Minister
Atley basically loses faith in the current viceroy and decides he needs a new viceroy.
Weevil, Archibald Weavall, who wrote a rather nice book of poems that people still use other men's
flowers that still you occasionally see on people's sort of lavatory libraries and things.
But yeah, so in December in 1946, Atlee loses faith in Weaver and basically decides that we need
a new viceroy and we need to get Britain out of India.
whether India is ready for it or not.
And the man he chooses is Mountbatten,
who is this kind of fascinatingly flound the poignant, slightly ridiculous figure.
He'd been to India before.
He'd traveled with the Prince of Wales,
where he'd met his wife, Edwina.
And they'd initially had a kind of whirlwind romance.
But then by the end of the decade,
it turned into a sort of open relationship
with both of them kind of sleeping around.
I think Mountbatten later said,
Edwina and I spent all of our lives getting into other people's
beds. And not all of those beds in the case of Mountbatten were women. He was famously bisexual,
wasn't he? Well, there's a CIA report. There is a line in a CIA document, I believe, which says
that his proclivities went that way. And actually, sort of, there have been a lot of lines drawn from
that, particularly by, I think there's a historian called Andrew Lowney, who says, no, it's proof that he
was into very young boys as well, young men as well. But by and large, we, I mean, you know, may well
have been bisexual. Don't know, but there's one line, that whole thing from the Lani thing,
I think is from a CIA report. But they were, I mean, it was an open marriage, flamboyantly
so, and one where one Jalal Al Nairu said to have passed in through the door towards Edwina
rather than Dickie, one should point out. But during the war, so how do they sort of conduct
themselves? What are they up to during the war, first time? So they're running around a kind of
bizarre range of things. They're collecting exotic pets. They get a Malayan honeybear name.
named Rastus at one point. But I think they find purpose during the war. Adwina volunteers at
air raid shelters and Mountbatten gets him put in charge of a ship. He's in the Navy. And he sinks it.
He sinks it. Well, he doesn't sink it. It gets sunk. But he's very good at PR. So he manages to
create this kind of propaganda film featuring a young Richard Attenborough entitled in which we serve,
which ends up, I think, being nominated for the best picture at the Oscars and losing to Casablanca
about this kind of heroic group of navy men going down with their ship in the middle of the wall.
And tell us, Sam, because I love this detail.
In Alex von Tunselman's book, she goes on about how Mountbatten spent a lot of time designing a special way of getting into white tie in two minutes flat so that he could appear.
He sort of has his equerries timing him to see how quickly he can get in and out of this suit.
And he had a contraption that allowed him to do this.
and so he would appear and greet a whole load of guests in a suit,
disappear behind a pillar and reappear with sort of a white bow tie and the full tails
just two minutes later.
Did you find any more details like that?
The white suit.
So yeah, I mean, he had elasticated shoes, which allowed him to, you know, get in and out very quickly.
He had a simplex shirt that he could slide into like a stretch suit.
And all this makes his contemporaries see him as slightly ridiculous.
So when he gets put in charge of Southeast Asia Command during the war and, you know,
gets put in charge of a lot of the battles of Kohima and Imphal, fighting the Japanese on the eastern front,
the US General Stillwell decides that Mountbatten's nothing more than a glamour boy with nice eyelashes,
because he's constantly, this polished aristocrat, but who's slightly ridiculous.
But anyway, so back to the point.
So he gets chosen in December, 1946, he gets chosen as the new viceroy.
He's terrified.
He's not sure he particularly wants to go out.
there. He's convinced he's going to come back home with a bullet in his back.
Again, there's this fear that we forget that there's going to be an uprising against the
British. Any moment now. Yeah, one whole part of partition that in a sense goes right for the
British, although we shouldn't really regard it as such, is that Mountbatten does get all the Brits
out without barely casualties. There's only about eight British casualties in the whole
of partition. But in the process, there is this complete holocaust of 1.5 million Indian death.
When MacBatton goes out, he, of course, can't foresee this.
And it could easily have ended up with a situation where you had 1857 rerun with the Brits being massacred.
Yeah, but he doesn't underestimate his importance, Mountbatten, does he?
Because he does talk about this.
And when he writes about it later, he says,
I realized that I had been made into the most powerful man on earth.
One fifth of humanity I held in my hand, a power of life and death.
So, you know, looking back on it, he has a great sense of his.
own part in history. But when he arrives, I mean, you're quite right, Sam, he does walk into
a maelstrom of violence. I think one of the headlines that you say, you know, as he comes over,
is 1,000 people killed in Pindi alone. So there is widespread violence. It is looking like it's
going to get under control. How soon after his arrival does he start talking about a handover
of power and who does he start talking to? It's kind of from day one. I think so often when we
think of partition, we imagine that the border creates the violence. But as we just
discussed last time, it's direct action day. It's a year earlier that the violence begins. And
Mountbatten really considers all sorts of options. From day one, he kind of goes and meets all the
various leaders. He tries to meet Gandhi, Nehru, Jinnah. He meets Sadar Patel, who's the new Indian
home minister, who actually runs India's intelligence services throughout his entire vice royalty
and controls Mountbatten's access to intelligence. This is the other thing that we forget, is that
by this point, the Indian cabinet is largely non-white.
And so someone like Saddam Patel, who's a congressman, can stop Mountbatten, can choose which bits of intelligence.
Mountbatten has...
Intelligence, Mountbatten gets to see.
Exactly, which is another majorly important thing.
And some areas of communal violence, he definitely keeps from him, isn't he?
Exactly.
Yeah.
But so Mountbatten considers all sorts.
He considers allowing every province in India complete independence, and then they can choose
later weather to federate. At one point, he even considers creating a Kolkata free city,
which was a city-state along the lines of what would later happen in Singapore, which would have
been a very different Kolkata. But he's very much, he very much doesn't like the Jinners. He
doesn't like Jinnah or his sister Fatima. He doesn't necessarily know this originally,
but one of, I think, the biggest finds that I found in the archives was a secret telegram to the
governor of Bengal in April
1947, where he says as much. He says,
it is not for me to make Pakistan into a sensible scheme.
I want it to be seen for what it is,
whilst giving Muslims everything to which they are entitled and
every chance to work out their own salvation.
And then he suggests, perhaps, they leave the door open to a
united but independent Bengal that would be part of neither Pakistan nor
Hindu start, saying, do you think Suhari could bring this off?
So we should point out at this point, for those that maybe
don't remember this or weren't listening to the last episode, that Jinnah, who had started off as
a bit of a glamour boy himself, all dressed up in fancy suits with a fancy wife and an open-top
car, has become this sort of rather embittered and closed-off man. And you have a lovely quote
about needing a fur coat when you go into his presence. He was so chilly. Who was the author of that line?
That's Sorogini Nidu. But the entire quote is actually, even though you need a fur coat every now and
again, he's actually one of the sweetest men imaginable.
Yes.
And she's actually, the entire quote is actually saying...
She says he's a laugh.
And then he's got a sense of humour.
You just need to get through the polar ice cap.
And he's a very funny, very warm, lovely...
I mean, it's an astonishing quote.
And I'd never read the full quote, because everyone, you know, does quote the fur coat bit.
For what date is that?
That's from the late 30s.
But in the wake of Direct Action Day, she refers to him as Lucifer, the fallen angel,
who once promised to bring us into the great...
heaven of independence. And this is really important. So you've got on one hand, the Mountbatten's
getting on so well with Nero that these rumours begin to circulate about Edwina and Nauru,
while at the same time there is this very frosty relationship with the Jinners, which has
severe political implications for what follows that year. Right now, I've got a question about
what is to come, because the notion in India is always that actually the British left, but they
left trying to leave booby traps in their wake for the future of a prosperous free country.
And that, you know, partition needn't have happened, but they caved when they shouldn't have
caved. And also, the decision not to involve any princely states in this partition plan
was absolutely designed to create this divide and rule patchwork of dysfunction, which would
hobble a new country just as it was starting to walk. So let me, let's unravel that. That's
what Indians say, even now. Let's talk about the princely states. What were they? And because
most countries don't have them within their national boundaries, what was the princely state and who ran it?
Sure. So by 1947, one third of the Raj was still not part of British India, not actually
constitutionally linked to British India, but were essentially protectorates that were under the
protection of the viceroy. And so these are states like Jaipur, Jodpur, and had included states like
Dubai and Nepal. And these were basically independent kingdoms run by monarchs, often more developed
than British India, but often also, you know, severely underdeveloped and run by a feudal system
which left huge swathes of the population and poverty. They ranged dramatically. But yes,
this is the other crucial thing is that in June, Mountbatten makes the announcement that he will
be dividing British India into two dominions, India and Pakistan. Now, he doesn't say where Pakistan
will be and where India will be. And the other crucial thing is that he will be dividing British
India and that the story of the princely states, which we're going to discuss more next episode.
And just give an idea of their landmass, Sam, and how much of the subcontinent they are.
One third of the subcontinent. One third of the subcontinent. So everything, you know, entire
Indian states today, everything from the whole of Telangana, the whole of Kashmir, the whole
of Tripura, the whole of Manipur, the whole of Meghalia, and the whole of Rajasthan.
And chunks and pitches and patches of Punjab as well, which is one of the most prosperous states.
And so he announces that British India will be divided into two dominions
and that all the princely states will then be able to choose which dominion they join.
And ultimately there's so much violence at this point that after about 20 different suggestions
for how independence might happen, everyone finally wearily accepts.
And there's this photograph of Nehru, you know, looking horridges,
terrified with himself, but putting up his hand finally agreeing to partition. And he later says,
we were tired men and we were getting on in our years. The plan for partition offered a way out
and we took it. So amidst all this maelstrom, uncertainty, violence, on the 14th and the 15th of August,
both Pakistan and India raised their flags and they declare themselves free of British rule.
It's meant to be the dawn of a brand new era of independence. And these are some of the words
that were spoken. Long years ago, we made a trist with destiny. And now the time comes when we shall
redeem our pledge, not holy or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the
midnight hour when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. Those are the words
spoken by Nairu as the Indian flag went up. And Sam, just the significance of this. I mean, so Mountbatten
announces three days after the partition announcement, he says, I'm going to move forward
the date for partition from the end of 1948 to just 77 days from now. And I think there's all
sorts of stuff that's heaped on Mountbatten accusations that this was all a kind of, you know,
great conspiracy that I don't quite buy. But the thing that you can clearly pin on him in terms
of the damage that he caused during partition is rushing it, making it go from, you know, when
in the earlier episodes, we talked about the separation of Burma and the separation of the Arabian
states. These were partitions that were meticulously planned over six years, five and six years,
whereas in the case of 1947, he says that you've got 77 days. Sam, many people say that
the reason for this speed was not that things were going to spin out of control, but that
Mountbatten wanted to get back to England to get some plum job in the Admiralty. Do you believe that
theory? No, to be honest.
I think that there are many reasons that he speeds things up, and there's all sorts of things on his mind.
Far more in his letters is the fact that, as I said, he doesn't have access to the intelligence services,
and he's worried that Britain's going to be blamed for a bloodbath over which he has no control.
And I think that's, he's worried about Britain's reputation and trying to just get Britain out so he can place the blame on someone else.
And crucially, no one has any idea where Pakistan will be.
There's a map that's published just a month before independence where every state is a map of each of the provinces of India and then lines to each of the provinces of saying this might become part of Pakistan.
We don't know.
Potentially Punjab will be part of Pakistan.
Potentially Delhi will be part of Pakistan.
Do we know if Hyderabad is going to be part of Pakistan?
Who knows us?
Kolkata will be the capital of Pakistan.
Yeah.
And these lines are so incendiary because I mean quite apart from putting the jewels in the crown up for,
auction, things like, you know, who gets Delhi, who gets Calcutta. They are lines that draw
from a river to a dam, you know, in between a village, or, you know, they are so sort of
haphazardly drawn through a populace of people who have lived together and they are impractical.
And they're also, I mean, eventually it becomes the gift of a man of whom it's famously said
never went east of Paris. I mean, I think I'm saying that. Ratcliffe, Cyril Radcliffe,
the sort of, you know, quintessentially sort of pink-need, pink-foreheaded bureaucrat, who
doesn't know India, who really hasn't, and he has to sweat it out miserably in heat,
trying to sort out in record time the future of millions of people.
Yeah, and bizarrely this was considered, you know, a plus point for him.
It's Jinnah, actually, who suggests getting Radcliffe to divide the land because of the
fact that he doesn't know India, so he'll be an unbiased arbitrator.
And this is, I think, the key thing to remember is that you've got committees proliferating
staffed by equal numbers of Muslim and non-Muslim bureaucrats. And the exercise that they're being
asked to do is kind of, it's enormous. They're dividing everything from rivers to stationary sets.
And so it's not just land that's being divided. Some bureaucrats could ask to consider whether
to partition the Kennel Club, which, you know, about beagles. The Encyclopedia Britannica is divided
up so that A to K volumes go to India and L to Z goes to Pakistan. And antiquities, you say,
there's some terrible gnailing of...
The Mahenjo-Daro necklace,
which was one of the great finds
from the Indus Valley civilization,
this beautiful gold thread
with lapis lazuli and opals and topaz, etc.
Which was from 4,500 BC.
Who knows which country is going to get it?
So they decide to snip the golden thread
and give equal number of beads to India
and equal number of beads to Pakistan.
So even history is going to be divided.
It's just such a...
powerful symbol that a thing of beauty is kind of, you know, mutilated in order to satisfy
this rush of division without taking stock. This is also sort of tragic, apart from sort of
the wrecking of heirlooms that goes on. Let's talk about the human cost of this, because his
speed to avoid having blood on his hands is what precipitates the greatest amount of bloodshed.
So you have people now who are reading in the papers every day of where the dividing line might be.
It might go through their villages, their towns, their families.
families, their mothers, their fathers might be on the wrong side of the line. And this massive
migration begins, which is very poorly policed. I mean, policing may not be the right word,
because it's not police, it's soldiers who are meant to keep the peace between these long lines
of people. Let's just talk about, you know, just the scale of this. I mean, we've covered
partition before. But still, I think it's worth mentioning the greatest exodus of humanity the
world has ever known. So just talk a little bit about how that works and then we'll take a
break and come back. Sure. So by the end of the year, the number of people being rehabilitated by
the Ministry of Rehabilitation is close to 20 million, which is more than the contemporary
populations of Ireland, Greece, Iraq and Afghanistan combined. Enormous numbers of people displaced,
not necessarily just over the border, but just people displaced from their homes. And partly this is
to do with religious violence spreading, but I think people tend to have this image of a lot of the
violence being neighbours turning on each other. Which is true, there's a guy who was interviewed by
Urwashi Battalia, this Sikh man called Harjid, who says, I cannot explain it, but one day our
entire village took off to a nearby Muslim village on a killing spree. We simply went mad,
and it has cost me 50 years of remorse of sleepless nights. I cannot forget the faces of those
we killed. So there's all sorts of people like that. But also, I think far more important and far
more visible in the archives and in people's testimonies are all of these paramilitary groups.
So during the 30s and 40s, you had groups like the Muslim League National Guards, which were
basically kind of trained to protect Muslims from Hindu mobs. And you have groups like the RSS,
which continues to play a large role in India today that trains Hindus to protect themselves,
teaches them how to use Lattis, teaches them regimental kind of marches, etc. But very often, it's
paramilitary groups who hear that Hindus or Muslims are in trouble a few villages over and then go
on a killing spree. And can I just also point out just from, you know, personal history, a lot of
people are given the heads up by their neighbours who are of a different religion. So I know certainly
in my family, it's the case. One wing of my family was saved because Muslim neighbours came and said,
you know what, you're on the list, you're next on a list, you need to get out of here. And so
sort of hide them and take them as far as they can so that they can escape. And you have,
Countless stories. I mean, anybody I know who is the same colour as me, and it's from, particularly
from Punjab, which is one of the most riven states during this partition, has a story like that.
So you did have, you know, you did have neighbours certainly getting swept up in the violence and
turning on each other, but you equally had people who said, you know what, you're my brother.
I don't understand. I don't understand what's happening and you need to get your kids out. Both
those things can be true. The other thing that I'd emphasize here is Punjab saw the most violence. And so I think
gets highlighted the most. So Punjab was where most of the army came from. And so a lot of the
people who were involved in the violence had just been trained in arms during World War II
had been on the front lines and so knew how to use weapons and had often weapons privately at home.
And so the violence there was far worse. But I think that the migration is visible in every
corner of the subcontinent. And I think it's to a degree that is often not fully understood.
one of the areas that sees the biggest demographic change is the Indian state of Tripara and
northeast India, which is majority tribal communities that is suddenly overwhelmed with refugees.
You have people in South India on mass Muslims from Tamil Nadu and Hyderabad migrating to places
like Karachi. You have half of the population of Bombay empties and heads off to Karachi, heads
off to Pakistan. And I think that we underestimate the fact that this is from all across the subcontinent.
And I remember finding it like bizarre that you can go to towns like Almora in the Himalayas today in Uttrakund and find a whole bazaar of Muslim Havalis that were abandoned at partition.
You can go to Hyderabad and see all these old stately homes that had been abandoned overnight.
There's all sorts of reasons for why people move.
There's obviously people fleeing their homes.
Some people have a millinery and desire for a religious homeland across the border.
many Dalits, untouchables, migrate because it offers a liberating change of status.
And crucially, many Muslims, such as the grandfather of Bollywood star Sharak Khan,
actually migrate away from Pakistan to India out of the desire to live in a secular state.
And so you have all sorts of reasons.
It's not as simple as everyone fleeing their home escaping.
There's a million different migrations going on at once in a sense.
Sam, but to return to the Punjab and just to,
look a bit more closely at what you just said about the armed nature of much of the population
there. It isn't just that they have army training and it isn't just that they have access to
weapons. You actually see them being sort of drilled and organized into military units and you have
organized attacks by armed men who are drilled and knowledgeable about how to take an enemy position
attacking villages of unarmed people. Exactly. And I think there was one interview that I was doing
in a town called Dojana in what's now Harriana, the state that borders Delhi. And we were
basically told, you know, they often describe partition as medieval in Dojana town. It literally was
a siege and all the Muslims gathered within the old walled city and began firing medieval
cannons out at well-regimented Hindu and Sikh militias that had gathered in military formation
outside of the walls. It wasn't random violence, is what I want to emphasize. It
I once did a similar story of a village under siege, the other side of the border on the Pakistani side.
And two old men who now live near me in Delhi were sweetmakers.
And they defended their village because there was only one entrance to the village.
It was in an old walled fortress.
And they defended the village by having their big dags of hot fat, which they fried their jalebys in.
And they would pour them out, pour this hot fat, boiling fat, onto anyone that tried to.
to come into the village until they got to they got rescued.
That's, I mean, that's proper medieval, that is.
Well, look, we're going to take a break now.
But I just want to point one thing out going to the break,
all of these people who are fleeing their homes
and homes that have been theirs and their families for generations,
there is this maelstrom of violence.
And yet, nobody knows where the partition line will be.
Welcome back.
So just before the break, Sam, we were talking about the fact that, you know,
there was just unprecedented out-of-control violence.
Mountbatten in a hurry because he wanted to avoid unprecedented violence.
I mean, the whole thing is sort of a vicious circle.
And yet nobody knew where the line was drawn.
And they only find out two days after independence.
That's right, isn't it?
Literally, for the first two days,
there's particularly a diary by a man called Fikert Tonsfi,
who's a Hindu with a Muslim-sounding name,
who lived in what's now Lahore, in what's now Pakistan.
And he's one of the great satirists of the time.
But he writes a diary that's been published recently.
And it's rather amazing because he literally writes, you know, on the day of independence,
everyone's waving flags, but no one's quite sure which flag to wave.
And it's only three days later that, sorry, two days later, that he writes about huddling around
a radio with his friend Mumtahs, who's a Muslim, to listen to the broadcast of the Radcliffe line.
And it's all over radio.
It's not like watching the news where you've got a kind of visual map.
It's over the radio and they're trying to figure out where this line will be.
And they've got a map in front of them and a pen.
And as they say, this city has fallen to this, this city.
They try to figure out where the border might be.
And even then, it's still a bit unclear.
They have to wait for newspapers to come out a few days later that often don't arrive
because of the partition violence.
And so everyone eventually hears that Lahore is part of Pakistan and they look outside
and see crescent flags of freedom waving down the street is what he writes.
But then he writes the next morning.
he wakes up and walks down the street
and about a third of the houses down his street
have massive padlocks placed over the doors
as the Hindu and Sikh families have begun leaving
because they've realised that it might no longer be safe for him.
He writes how his friend suddenly begins crying
when he learns that his hometown, Batala, Muntaz's hometown,
it has ended up in India and will be in a different country.
And meanwhile, Fikritonsfi is wondering how Nankanahab,
the birthplace of Sikhism has ended up in Pakistan, you know, and will be separated from Sikhs.
This is a story that's all across the country's sacred sites falling on the wrong side of the border.
You often get entire areas being traded off.
So, for example, you know, India really needed a road into the mountains or it might need, you know, access to certain rivers in order to make it a sustainable country.
And so I think, you know, Chittagong Hill tracks, for example,
which is Buddhist majority, is given to Pakistan, despite 2% of its population being Muslim.
And this is one of the things. Radcliffe's border leaves 42% of Bengal's non-Muslims in Pakistan,
which ensures in a sense that the political fiasco that prompted partition,
the inability to overcome communal politics, is set to continue on.
This line does not resolve this problem.
And do you think this is because Radcliffe is ignorant that he doesn't understand
the importance of a great sacred site, like one of the great Sikh shrines in the Punjab,
going to one country or the other, or is it just it's a rush job, or it's just inherent in the
idea of partition? Well, I think it's inherent in the idea of partition. The crucial thing is
that South Asia did not have, you know, Muslim districts and Hindu districts. In every district,
there was a mixed population. And so there was no border that could have satisfied everyone.
And I think we forget what a lot of the cities looked like, Karachi,
was Hindu majority, whilst Delhi was essentially a Muslim city.
Kolkata was assumed by Jinnah to potentially be the future capital of Pakistan
because it was the capital of the largest Muslim majority province Bengal.
And was it itself Muslim majority it was, wasn't it?
No, it was Hindu majority but in a Muslim majority province.
Right. So look, I mean, one of the things that is often hotly debated even now is whether Jinnah
wanted a secular state for new Pakistan, and therefore it shouldn't have mattered so much
if Buddhists find themselves in a secular Pakistan. You know, what's the difference if you're
in India or you're in Pakistan? I mean, what is the evidence of what he wanted and what he got
being different? So Jinnah is a difficult person to write about because he says he's always
preaching to the choir. So he says different things depending on who he's speaking to. And he'll
speak to some Muslim lobby and say, you know, we will create the new Medina.
But then in a speech to Karachi's minorities, he has a very particular speech, which is you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques, or to any other place of worship in Pakistan.
You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the state.
And I personally feel that that is kind of the Pakistan that he'd envisaged.
He basically wanted a line that allowed Muslims in one part more political precedence and Hindus and other parts.
But I mean, it doesn't even manage to convince his daughter, it turns out, because Dina,
Gina's daughter, says, actually, I'm not coming to Pakistan, yes. And this lovely letter that she writes,
my darling, papa, first of all, I must congratulate you, you've got Pakistan, how hard you've worked for it.
I do hope you're keeping well. I get lots of news from you from the local newspapers in Bombay.
Are you coming back here? That's, I mean, a little girl asking her daddy. Are you coming back here?
How old is she? Take care of yourself, Papa. She's not little.
But I'm just the voice of it.
She's married.
She's a grown woman.
But, you know, the little girl voice comes out.
And is that why she hasn't gone to Pakistan?
Because she's married to the Wadiah's.
Yeah.
So, again, Jinnah had married a Parasy and so does his daughter.
Dina marries, yeah, the Parasy Wadiah family in Bombay and never moves.
And there's this extraordinary, I think it's Mountbatten's press secretary,
writes how on Independence Day, Jinnah is strangely absent mentally from the occasion.
He's not celebrating.
and he's looking rather sad.
And he wonders whether it's to do with his daughter.
He's got no family with him.
Yeah.
He's got his sister, that's all.
But not his daughter.
I think he doesn't see her again after partition.
He never sees her again.
They never see each other again.
But he keeps his house in Bombay.
He thinks he's going to be able to cross over.
No one saw it going as badly as it did.
It doesn't get much worse than what becomes the creation of East and West Pakistan.
And again, we have to focus on Punjab for this.
So tell us a little.
little bit about how we end up with a new nation state that is divided by hundreds of miles of
another nation state. So there were Muslim majorities in the East and the West, and Pakistan is
carved out of the Muslim majority regions of the subcontinent. And so you end up with,
you know, basically the area that's modern-day Bangladesh in the east and the area of modern-day
Pakistan in the West. And they are one country in 1947. But no connection between them?
No, well, they've got boats and planes. And that, you know, boats were the main way of getting
around in the 40s, we forget. And there are all sorts of countries that have similar...
But it's a long chug in a tug in a tug to go Karachi to Dhaka.
We forget how much that was the main way of getting around back then and the fact that
several other countries have made that work. You know, Malaysia is made up of, you know,
the Malay Peninsula plus a bit of Borneo, for example. But I think that there is definitely
something different about the way that the refugee crisis works in eastern west. In the east,
most of the minorities don't leave. And so the area that later becomes Bangladesh has most of its Hindus remain.
Whereas in Punjab, there is so much violence that eventually they are forced, India and Pakistan are forced to agree to wholesale exchange of the population.
So all Hindus and Sikhs have to leave the Pakistani side of Punjab and all Muslims have to leave the Indian side.
And crucially, I think it's the first Pakistani Prime Minister, Liakatili Khan, who literally writes,
Pakistan is so overwhelmed with refugees now that it does not want Muslims from regions other than East Punjab to leave their homeland and come to Pakistan.
The partition of the country was done on the principle that minorities will remain in their regions.
And this is a dramatic vault fast for the leader of a self-proclaimed homeland for Indian Muslims.
But times are desperate and literally half of the Pakistani country.
government are operating out of shipping crates. Literally, literally out of shipping crates.
Literally. There is a deep sense amongst a lot of Pakistanis that Pakistan was not given
any of the major cities of the Raj. It's not given Delhi and it's not given Kulcutta,
both of which it was kind of assumed it would be given. It's given Lahore and Karachi,
but, you know, East Bengal, later Bangladesh, isn't even given the capital of Bengal.
It's stranded in the east with Dhaka, which is a nice historical.
historic city, but, you know, not one of the great, it's not got all the bureaucratic
buildings needed to run a country.
But I think, yeah.
You hear complaints from Pakistanis, too, that the stuff that was sent to them was designed
to hobble them.
I've heard many Pakistani bureaucrats of that generation talking about how they were meant
to get, for example, kit for the army, but only boots for the left foot would arrive.
I've heard that. That's right. No right foot coverage for you. Yes, I've heard that too.
And similar things with, you know, bureaucratic kits that, you know, as you say, no stationary sets, no offices, desks but no chairs.
There was in the division, Pakistanis felt that it was deliberately designed to sort of make the state of failure at birth.
How much truth to that, Sam, because that is fascinating.
I think it's a mix. I think that, for example, certain members of.
Congress, when they take over the Indian state, start arguing that they should refuse to send
over money to Pakistan and equipment to Pakistan. Now that they've inherited this thing,
they shouldn't send money to their enemy, who's, you know, these separatists who've taken
half of our country is how a lot of, and so particularly Saddam Patel, the home minister
who was running the intelligence services and stopping Mountbatten from having action.
Hero of the current government who've just directed the largest statue in South Asia to this man.
Not the largest statue in South Asia, the largest statue in the world that's about four times the size of the Statue of Liberty.
And he very much argues that why are we offering to send all this money in our bank vaults to Pakistan if, you know, Hindus and Sikhs are being massacred there?
And shouldn't we use this as leverage over the Pakistani government? And one of the reasons that the man who assassinations Gandhi, Gotsie, does so, is because he sees Gandhi,
protesting this. He sees Gandhi basically doing a fast to try and convince Saddam Patel to hand over
the right foot boots and money that was meant to be sent to Pakistan. And Gandhi's saying we need
to be fair and we need to send this stuff over because it's only then that we will be able to
have peace with our new neighbour. Have peace. If you've got a comfortable neighbour, you have peace. Now can I
just make one little observation about Saddam Patel? So I mean most people, I guess, who are
interested in this part of history and this part of the world may have seen Atombrus Gandhi. And so
Dar Patel in Attenborough Gandhi, who's this great figure for Hindu nationalism, even today,
and is sort of, you know, the wily dealmaker who will go on to, you know, and we'll talk about this in the next episode,
tell princely states to sign over to India, and is the muscle behind this, was played by a Muslim, Syed Jafri,
and played, you know, just first of all, let that hang in the air.
I didn't know that.
I played brilliantly by Syed Jafri, who was a Muslim.
And Syed Jafri, I have a little knowledge of this, because there used to be a reunion
of Hill Station schools. People, whether they're Brits or, you know, white British or brown British,
they would come together for all those hill stations in the British Raj where they went to school.
And Syrah Jafri was one such. And he went to an entirely mixed school where like lots of his
sort of fellow students who are all these good old boys, Jennifer, his wife was there and was
utterly delightful introducing me to people. And they were talking about how naughty Syed Jafri was
sneaking out of the school so he could go to the bazaars and bring them all sweets and things like that.
So he's the one who plays Sardar Patel and he is a Muslim.
And that would not happen today, I don't think.
I would suggest.
But there you are.
That was just a little dog leg because we like those on here.
So Gandhi is arguing, look, you have to have a comfortable neighbour or we'll never have peace.
And how unpopular, I know with God say, and the extreme wing of what we would call Hindutvah hates it, what he's saying,
and hates everything he stands for and hates the idea he thinks there's going to.
be a porous border and people are going to be able to go back and forth, and thinks he gives
too much to Jinnah. But how much is that the prevailing mood in India, or is it just a minority
who think this? I think no one knows what's going to happen. And so you get all sorts of regions
where there's absolute mass migration, for example. But then you've got a huge number of people
who do stay put. Today, I think Sindh in southern Pakistan remains 10% Hindu, just like a lot of
North Indian provinces remain 10% Muslim. I think what's present-day Bangladesh has an even higher
percentage of Hindus and Sikhs and later suffers under Pakistani rule as a result of that.
The Pakistani government perceives East Pakistan as two Hindu. But no one knows what a future
relationship looks like. As we'll discuss in the next episode, within a few months, they go to war
over the princely state of Kashmir.
And this is a war that creates the conflict that we've seen play out just recently,
the India-Pakistan hostility.
But I think at the time, there is very much a wing that says we will never be able to have a good relationship with these people on both sides of the border.
And then there's a huge number of people saying, if our bureaucrats can work together, if our armies can work together, then we can create peace.
You know, once this migration finishes, once we restore the peace, now there's a group.
we have inherited these governments, India and Pakistan, from the government of the Raj,
well, now that we've inherited the, you know, military might of the Raj and the, and the
bureaucracy of the Raj, potentially we can create a South Asia of more porous borders.
And I think if you look at Nairu's comments just a few weeks after independence, he does talk
about, you know, potentially United Nations of South Asia emerging in the not too distant future.
And likewise, Jinnah does not sell his house in Bombay and his daughter remains there.
So I think amongst the high up leadership, there is a sense that, you know, this two shall pass.
And eventually India and Pakistan will be able to move beyond this.
Obviously, that's not the case.
Yeah.
Can I ask you about one project that is very close to your heart?
And I just think it's such an extraordinary, wonderful thing that you have been doing with your friend, Project Dasthan, because you've been trying to,
to reconnect survivors of partition, the displaced, whose lives changed utterly on one day in August.
What kind of things have you been doing and just explain what Dastan is?
Sure. So this began about seven years ago when I was in Oxford with an Indian friend and a Pakistani friend
and we realized that, you know, unfortunately, thanks to the enduring hostilities between India and Pakistan
that emerged from partition, there is still no tourism agreement.
And so the millions, tens of millions of people displaced, can still never go and see their homes.
Families can never see where they're actually from.
But meeting in Britain, there's this absurd sense that, A, it's absurd that you have to meet in the coloniser's country in order to meet someone from across the border.
But B, actually, a lot of these homelands are really easy for people on the other side to access.
They're not lost. People can go and visit them.
And so, you know, Sparsh could probably never get to visit his ancestral home.
my friend, but our friend Savia could easily drive there in an hour and find his old ancestral home
and take photos of the school that his granddad had been to the mosque. And so what we were doing
was using virtual reality. We created teams in India and Pakistan and used virtual reality to scan,
you know, the old houses, the old mosques, the old temples, the old griduarez that people had left
behind 75 years ago and allow them essentially to virtually travel back across the border to where
they came from. So we were doing that for the 75th anniversary of partition in 2022. And the aim was
to do this for 75 families before the 75th anniversary. In the event, COVID slightly stumped that.
But we managed to do it for about 30, 40 families. Sam, maybe just to conclude, you could tell
that story about Sparsh, who you mentioned, your friend. You both went to Sparsh's village in the
frontier. Tell us that story. So Sparsh was my co-founder, along with our friends, Sardia and
Amina, and Spar should assume that you would never be able to cross over into Pakistan because
of the way that these things are. But eventually, he applied for a visa and got it. And particularly,
this was after having worked with the museums in Lahore, et cetera, on Project Dostan. And so we managed
to get references from across the border and they helped him get a visa. And so we traveled together
to his ancestral home, and it was down this kind of bumpy track on the border of Punjab and the
northwest frontier. So you could see the hills of the northwest frontier in the distance. And we're getting
closer and closer and closer. It was the kind of last village.
before the frontier, essentially. And we went, you know, Sparsh had heard the story of his grandfather
had been saved by the Muslim family. They heard, as you said, Anita, they heard that a mob was
coming to get them. And this man called Cher Khan had kept them in the back of their house and, you know,
looked after them and said, I won't let anyone touch you. And eventually managed to smuggle them
across the border into India. And anyway, so we arrived in this village with Sparsh dressed in the kind of,
you know, the outfit that his grandfather told him that he used to wear.
And of course, they're actually arriving in the village in the 1930s outfit that was a bit like arriving in London, dressed in a kind of, you know, a top hat.
Bola hat and a walking stick.
So everyone was kind of completely befuddled what this kind of white guy and his Hindu friend dressed in 19, dressed as a kind of 1930s dandy was doing their village.
Sparsh said, you know, I'm here to track down this family and try to find my old house.
And it turned out that the person that we were speaking to was Sher Khan's son.
And he took us to the old house that Sparsh's family had lived in for generations, showed which
fields had belonged to Sparsha's family for generations, and then took us in for tea and right
until Sparsher's grandfather passed away. His grandfather and Sher Khan's son had a WhatsApp group
together, where they'd kind of, you know, the kind of Baylor reunion. And it was deeply emotional.
Spash picked up some pebbles from the village, which he made into jewelry, family heirlooms
for his family going down the generations, because he was always saying, you know, my family
doesn't have archives, et cetera. We lost everything in partition. And there's nothing that we have
from Beela to show where we came from. But so he wanted to pick up something from Beela and make it
into Ehrlich for the next generations, you know, three, four generations from now, they'll still
have a piece of Beela with them, even if, you know, the relationship between India and Pakistan
worsens again. And, you know, even if his kids can never visit Beela, they'll always have a
piece of Beela with them. I mean, I have to say, and we're going to have to draw this to a close. And we are
going to carry on with this, of course, in this series. And if you can't wait for the next one,
join the club, Empirapoduk.com, and you get this all in one go, if that's how you like
listening and you like binging us, and who could blame you for that? But just a final observation
before we leave you. This connection with earth, dhirti, you know, they call it dhirti in
India, and Zameen is the Udu word for exactly the same thing. But it is much more than just
the earth. It is who you are, where you have grown from, where you're, your foretie.
all bears have grown from. And the number of people I know who have been lucky enough to travel
across the border, and I count myself as one, who find it impossible to leave without a scoop of
earth. And I have one too. You know, in Lahore picked up a handful of earth and brought it back
with me, because I thought, you know, this is the stuff my grandfather used to walk on. So, yeah,
just the emotional level of this still resonates today. Anyway, look, what's next on the agenda then,
William. So we have got the princes. And as Sam said, is it a third of India? How much of India is under the
princely states? A third of India is in the princely states. And if you look at the maps of India and
Pakistan on Independence Day, they're missing the entirety of Rajasthan, the entirety of Gujarat,
half of modern-day Pakistan, a third of modern-day India is not part of India and Pakistan on Independence Day.
This is the bit of the story that isn't often told. How much of the line of the border
was not actually drawn by this unfortunate Cyril Radcliffe who had seven weeks to
divide an entire subcontinent, but it was actually divided by the princes who had three options.
They could go with India, they could go with Pakistan, or they could choose independence.
That was the idea.
So that's the story that is less well known.
I think many of you will have heard versions of the story we've told in this episode before,
but I think the next episode will be a complete surprise to many.
So it's goodbye from me, William Duremple.
Goodbye from me, Anita Arnand.
