Everything Everywhere Daily: History, Science, Geography & More - The Long Telegram
Episode Date: September 9, 2025On February 22, 1946, George F. Kennan, a career diplomat working in the American embassy in Moscow, sent an 8,000-word cable to the State Department in Washington.In it, he explained why the Soviet U...nion behaved as it did, outlining its unique combination of a communist ideology and historical Russian paranoia and suspicion. He also gave a prescription for how the United States should respond. Although he couldn’t have known it at the time, that message became the foundation for American policy during the Cold War. Learn more about the Long Telegram and how it influenced American foreign policy during the Cold War on this episode of Everything Everywhere Daily. Sponsors Quince Go to quince.com/daily for 365-day returns, plus free shipping on your order! Mint Mobile Get your 3-month Unlimited wireless plan for just 15 bucks a month at mintmobile.com/eed Stash Go to get.stash.com/EVERYTHING to see how you can receive $25 towards your first stock purchase. ExpressVPN Go to expressvpn.com/EED to get an extra four months of ExpressVPN for free!w Subscribe to the podcast! https://everything-everywhere.com/everything-everywhere-daily-podcast/ -------------------------------- Executive Producer: Charles Daniel Associate Producers: Austin Oetken & Cameron Kieffer Become a supporter on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/everythingeverywhere Discord Server: https://discord.gg/UkRUJFh Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/everythingeverywhere/ Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/everythingeverywheredaily Twitter: https://twitter.com/everywheretrip Website: https://everything-everywhere.com/ Disce aliquid novi cotidie Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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On February 22, 1946, George F. Kenan, a career diplomat working in the American embassy in Moscow,
sent an 8,000-word cable to the State Department in Washington, D.C. In it, he explained why the Soviet Union
behaved as it did, aligning its unique combination of a communist ideology and historical Russian
paranoia and suspicion. He also gave a prescription for how the United States should respond.
Although we couldn't have an unrent at the time, that message became the foundation of American
policy during the Cold War.
Learn more about the long telegram and its influence on this episode of Everything Everywhere
Daily.
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To understand why the long telegram was written, we need to understand the geopolitical climate in the months immediately after the end of the Second World War.
In late 1945 and early 1946, the wartime alliance was unraveling.
Soviet forces were entrenching in Eastern Europe, disputes over politics,
Poland, the Balkans and Germany were sharpening, and crises flared in Iran and over the Turkish
Straits. Communists parties were gaining influence in France and Italy. Britain was exhausted,
the United States held the atomic monopoly while rapidly demobilizing, and no clear peace
settlements or security framework existed. The Americans couldn't understand why the Soviets
were being so difficult to work with after having been allies for the last several years.
The Soviets refused to join the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which the Americans
considered to be key international institutions for the future.
What really caught the attention of American policymakers was a speech given by Soviet leader
Joseph Stalin on February 9th, 1946.
Stalin argued that World War II was not an accident or the blunder of a few leaders.
He said it flowed inevitably from the dynamics of monopoly capitalism, which generates
crises, splits the capitalist world into rival camps, and produces wars when powers seek to
redivide markets and raw materials.
He stated plainly that the war, quote, broke out as the inevitable result of the development of world economic and political forces on the basis of present-day monopolistic capitalism, end quote.
He also framed the wartime alliance as an anti-fascist coalition of convenience rather than as a durable basis for post-war harmony.
The State Department asked the Moscow embassy for an explanation for the Soviet behavior, and the person who responded was the number two men at the embassy, George,
F. Kennan. Kenan was a 42-year-old career diplomat serving as the deputy chief of mission at the U.S.
Embassy in Moscow. Kenan was uniquely qualified to analyze Soviet behavior. He was fluent in Russian,
had studied Russian history and culture extensively, and served in various diplomatic posts in the Soviet
Union since the 1930s. He was arguably America's foremost Russia expert at a crucial moment in
history. He had previously served at the Moscow embassy before the war, but had a falling out with
the ambassador, Joseph E. Davies. And just as an aside, Davies was a massive Stalin supporter and
refused to believe any of the negative things said about Stalin. He later wrote a book titled
Mission to Moscow, which was made into a movie in 1943, which was one of the most embarrassing
films ever made by a Hollywood studio. Most diplomats might have sent back a brief technical response
to the State Department. But Kennan, who had been observing Soviet behavior for years and felt that
Washington fundamentally misunderstood the nature of the Soviet system, saw this as his opportunity
to provide a comprehensive analysis. As he later wrote, he had been waiting for just such a chance
to explain what he saw as the deeper currents driving Soviet policy. On February 22nd, 1946,
Kenan sent an 8,000-word cable, which was extraordinarily long for a diplomatic telegram that would become
known as the long telegram. To put this into perspective, most diplomatic cables were just a few
paragraphs. Kennan's message was more like a small book. The telegram was structured in five main
sections, each building upon the previous one like a carefully constructed academic argument.
In part one, Kennan opens by summarizing the doctrine pushed by the Kremlin's propaganda.
The USSR depicts a world split between socialist and capitalist centers, insists capitalism
is ridden with insoluble conflicts that produce wars, and claims there can be no lasting
peaceful coexistence. From that presence flows working rules. Increased Soviet power, exploit rifts
amongst capitalist states, use progressive forces abroad, and attack non-communist socialists
as the most dangerous rivals on the left. In part two, Kenan provides historical context,
explaining how Russian insecurity, Marxist-Leninist ideology, and Stalin's personal paranoia
combined to create a regime that needed external enemies to justify internal repression.
The result is secrecy at home, suspicion abroad, and a habit of seeking security by wearing down rival powers rather than by compromise.
In part three, Kennan outlined how the Soviet worldview would manifest in practical policy,
through support of communist parties abroad, propaganda campaigns, and efforts to weaken Western institutions.
He said to expect relentless strengthening of the Soviet state,
cautious moves to widen formal influence in nearby strategic necessity areas like northern Iran and Turkey,
tactical use of the United Nations organization, and efforts to weaken Western influence in colonial regions.
In part four, he explained how the Soviets would work through a concealed inner core of communist parties,
front groups and labor, youth and cultural life, selected churches, emigre or pan-Slavic movements, and sympathetic regimes.
Typical tasks include undermining Western unity and morale,
inflaming colonial grievances, pushing out unhelpful governments, and playing allies off against
each other with special attention to penetrating police and administrative posts.
Finally, in Part 5 was Kennan's policy prescription.
Treat the USSR as a powerful, disciplined adversary that is sensitive to strength,
avoids needless risks, and can be deterred by firm, well-handled resistance without general war.
This message had huge implications.
It meant that this wasn't just a post-war friction that would fade with time and goodwill.
It was built into the DNA of the Soviet system.
The Soviet leadership needed an external enemy to justify its harsh internal control over its own people.
He contended that the Soviets were patient and opportunistic rather than recklessly aggressive.
They would probe for weaknesses and advance when they encountered little resistance,
but they would pull back when they met firm opposition.
Finally, Kennan argued that this chance,
could be met without war. The Soviet system had internal contradictions and weaknesses that
would eventually cause it to moderate or collapse if consistently opposed. The long telegram
arrived in Washington like a revelation. Secretary of the Navy James Forrestall was so impressed
that he had hundreds of copies made and distributed throughout the government. It quickly became
required reading for senior officials across multiple departments. But why was it so influential? The
telegram provided a coherent framework for understanding Soviet behavior at exactly the moment
when American policymakers desperately needed one. It was like finally getting a user's manual for
dealing with a confusing and frustrating situation. The telegram's influence could be seen
almost immediately in American policy. Within weeks, President Truman took a much firmer stance
with the Soviets over Iran, and the telegram's analysis influenced the development of what would be
known as the Truman Doctrine.
While this was widely circulated within the government, it still hadn't been shared publicly.
Keenan rectified this when he had an article published in the July 1947 issue of foreign affairs
titled The Sources of Soviet Conduct.
The author of the article was simply listed as X, and it became known as the X article.
The Long Telegram and the X article gave senior officials a vocabulary and strategy for dealing with Moscow.
In March of 1947, President Truman announced the Truman Doctrine,
asking Congress for aid to Greece in Turkey, and asserting a general U.S. commitment to support
free peoples under pressure. Although broader and more global than Kennan preferred, it aligned
with the telegram's core warning that Soviet pressure must be met with sustained resistance.
The Marshall Plan announced in June of 1947 represented another direct application of long
telegram thinking. Kenan had argued that the Soviets would try to exploit economic weaknesses
and social instability in Western Europe. The Marshall Plan's massive financial financial
aid to rebuild European economies was designed to remove these vulnerabilities.
The formation of NATO in 1949 reflected yet another dimension of Kennan's analysis.
He had argued that the Soviets respected strength and would modify their behavior when faced
with firm consistent opposition. NATO created precisely the kind of clear, credible deterrent
that Kennan believed would be most effective in managing Soviet behavior.
The Long Telegram became the intellectual foundation for what Secretary of State Dean Etchison
would later call the containment strategy.
This wasn't just about military confrontation.
It was a comprehensive approach involving economic, political, cultural, and military tools
to prevent Soviet expansion while waiting for internal changes within the Soviet system itself.
The Long Telegram's influence extended far beyond the immediate post-war period.
Its core insights shaped American policy through multiple administrations and different phases of the Cold War.
During the Korean War, American leaders drew on Kennan's analysis at the
the Soviets were opportunistic, but would avoid direct confrontation when faced with firm
resistance. This helped guide the U.S. decision to fight a limited war rather than risk global
conflict. It should be noted that the peace sparked immediate argument. Columnist Walter Lipman
warned that a broad open-ended containment idea could pull the United States into peripheral
commitments and drain resources. Ken encountered that his emphasis was on vital centers such as Western
Europe and Japan, not on matching the USSR everywhere.
That debate over the scope of U.S. policy ran through the next decade.
It's also important to note that Kennan himself later became concerned about how his ideas were being applied.
By the 1950s, he worried that containment had become too militarized,
and that America was applying the strategy too broadly around the world rather than focusing on key strategic areas.
Kenan's nuanced analysis of Soviet psychology and behavior became simplified into a more rigid doctrine
that sometimes emphasized military responses over the political and economic tools that Kennan had
originally stressed. The Long Telegram's ultimate validation came with the end of the Cold War itself.
Kenan had predicted in 1946 that the Soviet system contained the seeds of its own destruction
and that consistent Western pressure would eventually lead to internal changes within the Soviet Union.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 seemed to confirm his fundamental analysis.
It should be noted that the long telegram wasn't a guidebook that was used to determine every decision during the Cold War.
Kennan was against the United States supporting France and Vietnam and later the Vietnam War itself.
Kenan thought that the U.S. did not have a vital interest in Southeast Asia and would have better spent its resources in other parts of the world.
Nonetheless, American Cold War policy wasn't just made up on the fly.
There was a plan of sorts, even though it wasn't followed perfectly.
by and large, the avoidance of any direct military conflict with the Soviets over the course of 40 years
is a testament to the strategy of the Long Telegram.
Also, when the Soviet Union fell, it took most people by surprise, but not everyone.
With the end of the Cold War, Kennan remained a geopolitical thinker and critic of foreign policy
until his death at the age of 101 in 2005.
The Long Telegram reminds us that ideas matter.
matter in international relations. A single well-reasoned analysis by one insightful diplomat
helped shaped four decades of American foreign policy and contributed to one of the most
significant geopolitical transformations in modern history. It shows how understanding the deeper
currents driving international behavior can be just as important as military strength or
economic power in shaping world events. The executive producer of Everything Everywhere
daily is Charles Daniel. The associate producers are Austin Otkin and Cameron Kiefer.
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