Front Burner - An undecided Palestinian Democrat in Michigan
Episode Date: November 1, 2024In the Democratic presidential primaries in Michigan earlier this year, rather than voting for Joe Biden, more than 100,000 people marked “uncommitted” on their ballots. It was an anti-war protest..., meant to send a message to Biden to make a permanent ceasefire happen in the war in Gaza — or risk losing those voters in November.That campaign spread nationally. And while Biden is no longer the Democratic candidate, the Uncommitted movement is still going — even though it has garnered significant controversy.Nowhere does this matter more than in Uncommitted’s home state of Michigan. Not just because it’s a key battleground where the election may be won on razor-thin margins, but also because Michigan’s significant Arab and Muslim communities are crucial voting blocs in the state. Our guest today, Rima Mohammad, is a Palestinian-American from Michigan, and a lifelong Democrat. She was also a delegate representing the Uncommitted movement at the Democratic National Convention. She tells us about the disillusionment many Arabs and Muslims are feeling with Kamala Harris and her campaign, and why she worries the Democrats may have reached a “point of no return” with many in her community.For transcripts of Front Burner, please visit: https://www.cbc.ca/radio/frontburner/transcripts
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Hi, I'm Jamie Poisson.
Reema Mohammed is a professor and clinician in Ann Arbor, Michigan.
She's also an elected school board trustee and a lifelong Democrat.
I do feel that with the Democratic Party compared to the Republican Party or really any other party is that it is a party that includes all of us. And that includes Arab Americans,
Muslim Americans, Black Americans, and other marginalized communities. So I always felt like
it was a home for me to be able to advocate for my rights and my community rights, to advocate for
things like policy changes to make sure that we're protected.
Rima is also a Palestinian-American.
She arrived in the United States at five years old from Lebanon.
Her family had fled as refugees.
As you can imagine, the last year has taken an incredible toll on her.
My grandparents were Nekba survivors.
her. My grandparents were Nekba survivors. And, you know, they were pushed out of their homes in which is in Israel, to go to Lebanon. And my parents lived through refugee camps
in Lebanon. So just living through this, and seeing my people being bombed and the risk of them, you know, really leaving their own country.
It really brings a lot of emotion.
And I do have a connection to Lebanon because it was a second home, you know, outside of the U.S. when we visited family.
It was in Lebanon.
you know outside of the u.s when we visited family it was in lebanon my summers in lebanon were full of wonderful memories and i was a u.s citizen that was stuck in the israeli and lebanese war in 2006.
i did hear those bombs fall so it does bring a lot of trauma, and it continuing and expanding is really traumatic.
At the start of this year, Rima got involved with an anti-war campaign in Michigan
that has since grown into something with the potential to have big consequences for the presidential election,
the Uncommitted Movement.
Uncommitted! Uncommitted!
We are voting uncommitted!. Back in the Democratic presidential primary in Michigan in February, Joe Biden was running uncontested. But Michigan is one of the states that have this
option on their primary ballots. You can mark uncommitted, basically meaning none of the above.
So a group called Listen to Michigan called on Democrats to vote uncommitted, basically meaning none of the above. So a group called Listen to Michigan
called on Democrats to vote uncommitted in the primary to send Biden a message,
call for a permanent ceasefire and stop sending U.S. aid to Israel, or risk losing our votes in
November. The threat to Biden's reelection isn't that anti-war Democrats will vote for Trump, they wrote on their website.
It's that they won't vote at all.
The campaign was a huge success.
The results show that in many communities that have higher Arab American populations, President Joe Biden didn't do very well there.
More than 100,000 voters marked uncommitted in the Michigan Democratic primaries.
In two cities, uncomcommitted actually got more votes
than Biden did. The campaign then spread to other primaries across the country. And as the war has
raged on, so has the Uncommitted movement, even under a new Democratic candidate. In the Arab and
Muslim community, we've been voting for Democrats for a long time. We've hosted Democrats in our
homes. But at this point, our money is going to our families overseas who need aid because of direct results from this administration,
which she's part of. Of course, it's also been very controversial. So for those that are
uncommitted or for those that decide not to vote or for those that are deciding to vote for Jill
Stein, not voting is a vote for Donald Trump.
And nowhere does all this matter more than an uncommitted home state of Michigan. Not just
because it's one of seven crucial swing states where elections are won or lost by the smallest
of margins, but also because it's home to the U.S.'s first Arab-majority city, Dearborn,
Also because it's home to the U.S.'s first Arab-majority city, Dearborn, its first Muslim-majority city, Hamtramck, and it's the state with the largest proportion of Arab-Americans.
In Michigan, these are voting blocs with real power. committed as a delegate of the Democratic National Convention, about the movement, the election,
Kamala Harris, and whether she thinks the Democrats can repair their damaged relationships
with Arab and Muslim American communities.
You got involved in the uncommitted movement in its early days, in the run-up to the presidential primary in Michigan.
And back when you first got involved, what was the message that you wanted to send to the Biden administration?
ask for President Biden to change course when it comes to Israel and Gaza to immediately implement a permanent and bilateral ceasefire and to help rebuild Gaza. And it was amazing. I mean,
there was, I think, less than four weeks of organizing and we were able to get 101,000 uncommitted voters. So it was,
I believe it was a very successful campaign here in Michigan. And again, what really motivated me
is the message. And in the spring of this year and going into the summer, how would you say you were feeling in that movement? these temporary ceasefires. And really, it was not big changes because like you can't
have these pauses and then continue to bomb my own people afterwards.
But there was this massive change that happened in July, right? Biden stepped down
and he endorsed Kamala Harris. And when it became clear that Harris was likely to be the new nominee,
how did you feel? Were you hopeful that she might have a different approach to the war in Gaza?
Yeah, of course. I mean, I was hopeful because it was a different person. It is Biden's
administration, and I know that she is part of that, but it is someone who is not the primary
person driving what is happening in Israel and Gaza. So I know that you were elected as a delegate
to the Democratic National Convention in August representing the uncommitted movement. I understand
there are around 30 uncommitted delegates in total. And I know the group had a bunch of demands
for Kamala Harris
and for the DNC, but there were two main ones, right? And can you tell me what they were going
into the DNC? Yeah. So we went in knowing that, you know, with these uncommitted delegates,
we have behind us about 750,000 uncommitted voters that believed that a permanent ceasefire, bilateral permanent
ceasefire would happen, but also an arms embargo, and that we wanted to see a change in policy.
Harris coming forward and saying that first, that she does support an arms embargo.
saying that first that she does support an arms embargo. The other request is having a panel about Palestine, which we did get from the DNC. So that was a successful ask.
But also having a Palestinian American speaker speaking from the stage at the DNC was crucial.
speaker speaking from the stage at the DNC was crucial. And by the way, that ask was asked months before the DNC. So it wasn't something that was asked right at the DNC. And it was crucial for us
to have a Palestinian American speaker, because first of all, it was just as crucial to have an
Israeli family speak about their pains, about the struggle.
You know, they needed to share their perspective of their son being still a hostage, you know, at that time.
One of those Americans is our only son.
His name is Hirsch.
He's 23 years old. And like Vice President Kamala Harris,
Hirsch was born in Oakland, California. Hirsch, if you can hear us, we love you. Stay strong. Survive.
stay strong survive and I remember hearing that speech and it was very emotional I mean it was very hard not to cry
through through that because you know as a Palestinian I'm like it didn't have to get to
this point where you know their son is a hostage at that time. So I felt like it was crucial to have a Palestinian
also during this time, during this tragedy, share their perspective of what's happening.
It is a way for us to make sure that we also belong in the party.
We belong in this big tent that, you know,
throughout the DNC was being talked about, you know, multiple, multiple times
by multiple, multiple speakers. But that didn't happen, right? You didn't get that ask. And why did you not get it?
Did they explain to you why they weren't going to allow a Palestinian American speaker at the DNC?
Explain to you why they weren't going to allow a Palestinian American speaker at the DNC.
So I remember that time very vividly.
And honestly, it was very traumatic and very emotional because I do remember, you know, we just finished hearing the Israeli family talk about their son.
And that point was very emotional to all the delegates. And especially I, you know, it was very emotional to me. And I remember, um, boss who is one of the leaders of
the uncommitted national movement told all of us delegates to come out. There's an important,
you know, information that they wanted to share that he wanted to share.
There's an important, you know, information that they wanted to that he wanted to share.
And that's that's when we found out that they were not going to let a Palestinian American speaker who was of their choosing, where the speech would have been looked at and approved by the DNC and by the Harris campaign before it would happen, that that was denied. And it triggered a lot of emotions from feeling
dehumanized, feeling as if I'm a second tier citizen in this country, not feeling that the
Democratic Party wanted me to be a voice or, you know, Palestinian being a voice, you know, on that stage,
our community being represented, it was really hard to hear. We did not get the reason why that
was denied. And I remember, you know, we ended up doing a sit-in outside of the DNC. And I remember seeing some of the Harris and the DNC delegates outside checking
in on us and trying to figure out a way to be able to meet in the middle, either through,
you know, private meetings with the campaign and the DNC representatives.
the campaign and the DNC representatives. But this was a very simple and very, very easy ask.
And honestly, it could have been a win for the campaign. I could have went home to my communities and said, look, they want us in the party. And when that was denied, it was a huge loss.
And honestly, you know, because of that one event, that triggered a cascade of feelings of anger and dehumanization among the Muslim and Arab communities.
Can you tell me more about what you heard from those communities when you
went back to Michigan after the DNC? It was really hard. I already, you know, being at the DNC,
it was a very surreal, like almost like an alternate reality experience because it was
a time of celebration while I was seeing more and more of my people dying.
And so that experience alone was, you know, sharing that with the community was really hard.
But not having a Palestinian American speaker, I mean, I felt so humiliated. And you can feel that humiliation among the Muslim and Arab community.
And so what I would hear is, see, the Democratic Party doesn't want us.
There was a lot of anger.
I mean, these are true Dems.
These are lifelong Dems that felt pushed away.
I felt pushed away.
And unfortunately, there has been many other events that have happened since the DNC that triggered more and more anger and the feeling of dehumanization and the feeling of not belonging
and not feeling safe.
You know, I can't even describe like it is.
It's almost like the point of no return at this
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Hi, it's Ramit Sethi here.
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I've talked to millions of people and I have some startling numbers to share with you. Did you know that of the people I speak to, 50% of them do not know their own household
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podcast, just search for Money for Couples. Tell me what you've seen from the Harris campaign
since that moment. How have they campaigned in Michigan? And broadly, how do you think that's
been received by Arab and Muslim voters in your state? So I know that the Harris
campaign has, and Vice President Harris had separate private meetings with some members of
the Muslim community. But none of these meetings were public. I don't believe she's made any effort to campaign in areas like Dearborn or areas where she, there was outreach to a larger
Muslim and Arab community. And also, honestly, at this point, Harris really needed to come out
and have a change in policy, come out and say that she will be different from Biden when it comes to what is happening in Gaza and
Israel, that she does support an arms embargo. There needs to be more proof. That's what the
community wants to see is that how is Harris going to be different? And I don't believe the campaign or Vice President Harris is doing that.
Do you see any daylight between Biden and Harris on this issue?
I personally see, you know, just speaking for myself and not the community, I see that, you know, she may be different, but I don't see proof. I just went to
a Harris rally here in Ann Arbor recently, and I was hoping to hear more from her.
She did have an Arab American speak from the stage at her rally, and he did talk about what's
happening in Gaza and Lebanon and Israel, and that he believes that Harris would end the war. But I didn't hear it from her. And I believe that that is what most of the Muslim and Arab community are feeling as well.
support from the Muslim and Arab community for Harris. There is a group that will. I see that more and more are not voting, which is very unfortunate. But I also see a large portion
of people supporting Jill Stein at this point as a protest vote because they know that she's not
going to win. But they're not seeing any from both sides, from Harris and Trump, that they would
support an arms embargo and they would end this war immediately. I want to come back to that with
you in a minute. I wanted to bring up another thing that Harris has been criticized for. There
are a couple of people that she's campaigned with in Michigan. One is House Democrat Richie Torres of New York, who has been a very vocal supporter of Israel's military campaign in Gaza.
And the other is Liz Cheney, who is not just the daughter of former Vice President Dick Cheney, one of the architects of the Iraq War.
She herself has also defended the war as well as America's use of waterboarding in Iraq.
I think it's very important that we recognize that folks that sort of stand up and say, well, that was torture and we shouldn't
waterboard. Number one, they're wrong. And number two, they've got to then be willing to say how
many American lives are they willing to sacrifice because they don't want to waterboard terrorists.
How do you think campaigning with those two people in particular
landed with Arab and Muslim voters in the state.
It pushed them further away. I mean, that's the reality is that, you know, again, this is a
community that have seen their own candidates they supported lose to AIPAC-funded candidates.
It is something that progressives are taking very seriously, especially since you had this huge, enormous,
record-breaking sum of money, $25 million spent at a single primary race in a
House race, $15 million of that which came from the pro-Israel lobbying group
AIPAC and their super PAC aimed directly at Jamal Bowman. They've taken him out. And so
other progressives are now on edge, especially since AIPAC and their super PAC are spending
millions of dollars now to unseat other progressives. This is a community that has a large
Iraqi community, you know, in Michigan that has seen, you know, the tragedy
that happened in Iraq under Cheney's leadership. So again, this compounded the anger, feeling
that the party does not want them. And, you know, being part of the Muslim and Arab community,
and, you know, being part of the Muslim and Arab community, you know, after 9-11, it was very hidden. They were scared. They kept their head down. We weren't really involved too much with
politics. And after October 7th and the devastation that we've seen in Gaza, now in Lebanon and
elsewhere, everyone just woke up. And I've never seen this level of awareness,
a level of organizing that I've ever seen in my lifetime. So these missteps that the Harris
campaign is doing, everyone in the Muslim and Arab community are aware and are watching every step.
I just want to talk to you about some of the criticisms you hear when, you know, you hear people talk about how they will not vote for Harris or they will not vote at all or they might vote for a third party candidate.
And the argument, what it mainly comes down to is this idea that it will help to elect Trump by doing any of those three things.
And the first argument here is that Trump would be even less likely to work towards a permanent ceasefire or to support Palestinian rights than the Democrats have been.
And just for one example, Bernie Sanders just published an op-ed where he wrote, we will have, in my view, a much better chance of changing U.S. policy with Harris than with Trump, who is extremely close to Netanyahu and sees him as a like-minded right-wing extremist ally.
And what would you say to those kinds of arguments?
Yeah, I, you know, from what I'm hearing from the Muslim and Arab community is they do see that.
They do see that Trump is a danger to our communities as well as many other marginalized communities, including immigrants
and refugees. You know, the heart, what I'm hearing from though, is, and I hear that is that,
you know, if you vote for third party, it's a vote for Trump. You know, I'm hearing those arguments,
but the community is pushing back and saying, Harris needs to be able to win our vote.
community is pushing back and saying, Harris needs to be able to win our vote. She has to earn our vote. So I think there's a lot of pushback about that. But also, you know, it was really hard to
hear from some of the community members saying that they feel that, yes, Trump is a danger,
but things can't get worse than it is now. They're saying there's a, you know,
genocide happening, you know, in Gaza, their people are dying. They're bombing other countries.
And now you have Lebanon involved. So they see it as if, you know, having Harris or having Trump
as president, it's going to be the same outcome. What is happening
in Gaza, what is happening in Lebanon will still happen. But it was really hard to hear from some
that have told me that they felt safer under Trump. And it's not something that I can really
argue with them because that's how they're feeling right now.
And I can kind of understand why they don't feel safe now.
What has been happening in Gaza and Israel is impacting us locally here.
People are being doxxed.
People are losing their jobs.
You know, you have the student protesters that are being silenced, being prosecuted by our, you know,
Michigan Attorney General. This comes just days after A.G. Nessel completed her review of the
May University of Michigan protest incidents regarding the war in Gaza. And as someone born
and raised in Gaza, physician Alaa Ali taking the A.G.'s decision even more personally, describing
the impact protests have
here on his family and other Palestinians living over there. My brother, the other day called me
when they started, and he said that some of them were taken, you know, to jail. He said,
please thank them for me. You're the only one standing by us. There is racism. I mean, just recently in one of our schools, a kid was called a terrorist by a school counselor.
I mean, this is real.
What do they say about other domestic policy issues?
Healthcare, the environment, immigration.
There's a very clear difference between the candidates. And
are these issues that people talk about as well? Is that moving the needle at all?
They do. And I think that is what is moving the needle is thinking of the other things that are
happening, the other issues. But it's hard because, again, they come back and say, well,
we could fix these issues if we'd stop sending billions of dollars to Israel to keep bombing our own people.
So there's always this counter argument of these issues are important.
And it's true.
They are very important.
Climate change.
You know, I'm a pharmacist.
So health care is a huge issue. I mean, we are
going backwards when it comes to health care. I'm on the school board. I see firsthand public
school funding is not where it needs to be. So the counter argument is that, well, we could bring
that money back home and stop funding these unnecessary wars. You know, and this is, again, under a
Democratic president, you know, we can't move those funds to help these other issues that are
important for the Democratic Party and for Democratic voters. Do you mind if I ask you,
do you know how you're going to vote? I know the dangers of Trump. So I'm hoping that something will change before election day to hopefully sway my vote to support Harris.
OK.
Rima, I want to thank you very much.
Yeah.
And I appreciate it.
Thank you for having me.
All right. That is all for this week.
Front Burner was produced this week by Joytha Shank Gupta, Matt Amha, Matt Muse, Ali Janes, and Aja Sauter.
Aja, thank you so much for all your hard work.
We're really going to miss you, but can't wait to see what you do next.
Sound design is by Mackenzie Cameron and Marco Luciano.
Music is by Joseph Chabison.
Our senior producer is Elaine Chao.
Our executive producer is Nick McCabe-Locos.
And I'm Jamie Poisson.
Thanks so much for listening to FrontBurner.
And we'll talk to you next week, U.S. Election Week.
All right.
See you then.
For more CBC Podcasts, go to cbc.ca slash podcasts.