Front Burner - Politics! Pipeline triple play, renovating 24 Sussex
Episode Date: July 6, 2026Aaron Wherry, senior writer at CBC's parliamentary bureau and good friend of the show, is here to parse through last week’s big pipeline announcement with Alberta and the deal that Prime Minister Ca...rney made with B.C. to get it all done.Plus: The 24 Sussex national home reno nightmare turned crowdfunding campaign.For transcripts of Front Burner, please visit: https://www.cbc.ca/radio/frontburner/transcripts
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I'm very pleased to join Premier Smith to announce new measures that will unlock Alberta's energy for the world.
Hey, everybody, it's Jamie.
I'm here with Aaron Wary, Senior Writer at CBC's Parliamentary Bureau and a very good friend of the show, as you all know.
Today we are going to talk about last week's big pipeline announcement with Alberta and the deal that Carney made with BC to get it all done.
And we'll also do a bit of the 24 Sussex National Home Renno Nightmare turned GoFundMe campaign of sorts.
Let's get straight to it.
Aaron, hey.
Hey.
All right, let's do the pipeline stuff first.
After much talk this year, we finally have a proposed route from Alberta.
This one is southbound to the southwest coast of BC.
not to the north, which was actually the Alberta government's preferred plan for a long time.
It basically would follow the root of the existing Trans Mountain Pipeline and then divert at the end.
The best route for a new pipeline is one that goes through one that already exists out through the Trans Mountain Corridor to our Pacific Coast,
the gateway to the world's fastest growing markets.
We determine that this route offers the fastest, most cost-effective path to expanding Canada's energy.
exports. And just what is the most important thing or things people might want to know about this route?
The route was a big question going into this, particularly given the province's emphasis on a northern
route and what we knew about how difficult that could be, we'd already seen it in the case of
Northern Gateway some years ago. It is a shorter route or would have been a shorter route to the coast,
but it would have run into significant indigenous objections,
significant environmental concerns,
would have required the federal government
to either amend or fully repeal the ban on tanker traffic
along BC's northern coast.
It was going to be much harder politically and perhaps legally.
And this southern route, as you say,
is likely going to mirror the,
trans mountain pipeline, so the governments kind of know already that they can build a pipeline
there or have some assurances that they can build a pipeline there. It's a concession to some
degree on the part of Alberta, but it's really a kind of a concession, I think, to political
and practical reality and that this was maybe always going to be the easier way to do it.
And just elaborate for me on the purpose of it, if it mirrors Trans Mountain. Like, why have it then,
if we already have a pipeline that goes in that direction?
I mean, the ultimate argument for this pipeline is, I guess, twofold.
One is to simply increase Canada's exports of oil to foreign markets that aren't the United States.
And in that sense, kind of accomplished two things, I guess.
One is, you know, improve Canada's own economic security and economic growth.
And also, you know, the other argument that's being made right now is that international partners are looking for trusted sources of Canadian energy.
And so that's another benefit to being able to export more energy.
Tim Hodgson, the federal national resources minister was on power and politics earlier this week and kind of made a four-part argument.
One was national security in the economic sense.
This is part of building for ourselves, building an autonomy for ourselves going forward.
Two is economic prosperity.
It is the largest generator of GDP of any project we're looking at.
It's $16 billion a year for...
The third was bringing Alberta into the larger discussion about sort of sustainable climate policy.
We have agreement on world-leading methane reductions.
We have agreement on how we build carbon markets going forward.
And the fourth was national unity.
Albertans want to know there's a place for them in Canada going forward.
Those are kind of the bigger picture arguments, but I think at the end of the day, it's really about, you know, diversifying Canadian exports.
And just fair for me to say that even though this is an easier route, it doesn't mean that there won't be opposition here, like NDP, federal leader.
Avi Lewis, I saw us posting, like he thinks this is still going to end up in court.
Yeah, I'm sure there will be challenges.
There always are when you're building something this big and demand across so much territory.
There are going to be people who object to it.
There already are people who object to it.
But at least as compared to the northern route, it's much less of a non-starter, I think.
I want to talk to you specifically about BC here.
The BCNDP government, Premier David Eby, said that he is not going to fight this route.
As I've said before, we recognize our constitutional position.
And we do not have the authority to stop a new pipeline.
We will not be going to court to fight a pipeline project.
Instead, we will ensure we fulfill our constitutional obligations in good faith.
Pipelines are...
And his kind of tacitist.
approval came after Carney announced billions in investments in BC.
This agreement is comprehensive. It's ambitious. And it will help transform the entire
Canadian economy. National resource projects, a port expansion, a tunnel replacement in Metro Vancouver,
millions for child care. Carney also committed to keeping that oil tanker ban in place on the
northern coast. Both the Prime Minister and EB were asked whether this was some kind of quid pro quo
to get everyone on the same page with the proposed pipeline,
but they both kind of push back on that characterization.
And just what did you make of their response
and make of the deal between BC and the federal government?
Yeah, I guess in fairness to them,
it's hard to say in the counterfactual,
whether these are all investments that wouldn't have happened
if there wasn't a pipeline on the table
and if David E.B. didn't object to that pipeline.
I mean, I think it's useful to point out,
and David E.
has pointed this out himself, that when it comes right down to it, there's not a lot BC can do to
actually block the pipeline. If the federal government wants that pipeline to happen, it'll happen.
Pipelines are federal jurisdiction. That's why this agreement matters. It ensures that the
northern tanker ban stays in place. And it ensures that if a pipeline goes ahead, that British
Colombians are fairly compensated for the environmental risks we would take on any new pipeline
project. All that said, I think David E.B. was definitely in a position to ask for federal support for
BC priorities and BC projects. And as you say, he did get the northern coast B.C. Tankerban
upheld, which I think is a big victory for him. I think he also gets federal support for all of these
various infrastructure projects, including the George Massey Tunnel. And here I will tip
my hat to our colleague Justin McElroy in Vancouver because up until last week I had not,
I confess, given the George Massey Tunnel much thought. But it is, and as Justin wrote,
a key piece of infrastructure in terms of diversifying trade and getting to ports. And it has been
a bit of a political headache for several years now in British Columbia. And now the federal
government has come to the table and said they'll put up $3 billion towards.
it's replacing the tunnel.
The Massey Tunnel connects Richmond and Delta to the rest of Metro Vancouver.
A replacement tunnel was proposed six years ago.
The province caught in an estimated cost of just over $4 billion originally.
Now it may be much higher, and the province will need to fit the rest of the bill.
And that may have solved a pretty big issue for David Eby.
So I think he did, you know, David Eby definitely got things out of this.
But as I say, it's hard to know whether these are things that the federal government might have come to the table for regardless.
Like, also let's talk about what Alberta got out of this besides this route that everybody seems to agree on, all the politicians at least.
This is going to be a public-private partnership.
$35 billion right now it's priced at.
And just walk us through how this is going to work exactly and how it is a bit of a departure, I think,
from what the federal government has said in the past.
Yeah, it's being touted as a public-private partnership, as you say.
I think at this point it's still largely going to be public.
At this point, we do know the Pembina Pipeline Corporation.
Not to be confused, this is a bit confusing, not to be confused with the Pembina Institute,
which is an environmental organization in Alberta.
The Pipeline Corporation is going to take a 10% interest in the pipeline.
but the Alberta and federal governments are going to fund the remainder at this point, as far as we can tell,
and that the Trans Mountain Corporation, which is a Crown Corporation that was set up by the Trudeau government,
when they bought the Trans Mountain Pipeline and agreed to build the expansion,
that corporation is going to be responsible for the development, the construction,
and then the operation of the pipeline.
And as you say, that's not what the Canada, the federal government, Alberta memorandum of understanding back in November talked about.
Back then, the commitment was, quote, construction of one or more private sector constructed and financed pipelines, unquote.
And so somehow between then and now, the decision apparently was made that for now, it's going to be, at least for now, it's going to be a sanction.
eventually a publicly driven project.
And of course, as everyone will know, I'm sure the government has bought a pipeline
before, the Trans Mountain Pipeline in 2018 from Kinder Morgan after the company suspended
expansion work on it. Has that turned out to be a good investment?
I suppose that's a bit debatable. The federal government did have to spend a lot of money
to build that pipeline, a little over $30 billion, I believe.
It is making a profit now because, you know, you can charge, obviously, companies to
transport their oil through it. You know, in terms of just more than dollars and cents,
you can talk about the fact that it's allowed Canada to get access to other markets and charge
a higher price for oil. And there's been all sorts of other benefits to it. And I think the
true Lowe government and the ministers who signed off on that would probably say they made the right
decision both economically and politically, but, you know, I'm sure people will still debate whether
that was the right thing to do. And I think there probably will still be a debate now about whether
it's worth the federal government and the Alberta government going in on another pipeline.
The argument that has come back, particularly from Danielle Smith, is, well, the reason the private
sector didn't want to step in and build another pipeline is because they had seen the private sector
that is had seen projects like Northern Gateway and Keystone XL fail because of ultimately political
or legal reasons. I don't know that there's as much uncertainty about the political support for
this project, but I think that's the next question that's going to be debated in the coming
months is whether this is really worth the investment. Yeah, and whether there are any private
companies that even would want to step forward here because we haven't seen any of them really
raise their hands yet.
I am an actor, fresh out of theater school with big dreams and an even bigger drug habit.
But things are pretty good. That is until my best friend is set up on a date with David
Lee Roth. Yeah, from Van Halen. If you know, you know. From CBC's personally, this is
Discount Dave and the Fix. The trueish story about how a fake rock star led me to a real trial that
held up a mirror to me. And okay, let's just say that not everyone in this story is who you think
they are. Personally, Discount Dave and the Fix. Available now on CBC Listen or wherever you get
your podcasts. Worth noting here, like all of these spending announcements, the backing of the
pipeline, the money for the infrastructure projects in BC, they are already coming under criticism
for kind of a lack of transparency around how the government is going to pay for them?
Yeah. People have started to look at these big numbers and ask questions about where, you know,
where is this money going to come from exactly? What kind of funding is it going to be?
Are we talking about loans? Are we talking about direct grants? These are all sort of perfectly
reasonable questions to ask. There's also the larger question.
of defense spending and that's supposed to ramp up, you know, economists and Michael Chong,
the conservative finance critic raising questions about what this is all going to look like.
There is a budget in the fall now. We've, you know, changed the fiscal calendar here in Ottawa.
So I suspect that's where you'll start to see some of these questions answered.
Yeah. And if I could just throw in a plug here, because I know it was a bit of a holiday week last week.
our colleague Imogen has this two-part doc that we ran on Thursday and Friday of last week,
kind of outlining the ramp up in military spending.
And it was excellent.
And I really hope people will take a listen if they missed it last week.
So before this big announcement on the pipeline last week,
Kearney, you know, I think was kind of laying the groundwork for what was coming.
and he released one of his kind of so-called forward forward guidance videos.
I mean, they're called forward guidance videos that he's been doing where he talks about various issues,
and he spoke about energy this time around.
I said a few weeks ago that I talked with you regularly and directly about the big issues we're facing together as Canadians.
My goal, as always, is to explain as plainly as I can, what we're doing is your government, why we're doing it,
and what we're working to achieve for our great country?
I know that you thought that this was a pretty interesting forward guidance video as interesting as they can be.
And just why?
Yeah, I thought the second episode was more interesting than the first.
The pilot left a lot of unanswered questions.
You talked about energy projects and oil and gas projects in terms of economic security and in terms of helping.
our allies, he got into his push for electrification.
We're recognizing the well we have no control over the price of oil.
We have a lot of control over the price of our electricity.
And this makes the issue, for me, a simple one.
We can't allow the ability to power our lives and put food on our table to be forever
at the mercy of outside forces.
We need affordable, homegrown,
energy and a lot of it. And using federal funding to expand the clean electricity grid in Canada as
sort of the linchpin of his own climate strategy. And then he had some pretty pointed and I thought
interesting comments about the climate plan that he inherited, essentially the Trudeau climate plan,
which he said was well-intentioned and well-suited for the times in which it was designed.
The climate crisis is still with us. And our commitment to fighting it is,
absolute. The certainties of the world of 2015 are long gone. Our neighborhood hasn't been this
hostile since when Canada was founded. He, for the first time, I think, sort of categorically
acknowledged that the changes he has made in climate policy at the federal level are going to
result in higher emissions in the short term. But he said the Trudeau plan was not sustainable,
would have been too expensive for Canadians,
would have let down partners who are looking for Canadian energy
and was too divisive amongst Canadians.
I thought it was interesting insofar as you heard a bit more from Mark Carney
in terms of what he's thinking and how he's pitching things
and what he thought about the Trudeau plan.
And that concession that emissions are going to be higher in the short term,
he's still, you know, this government talks a lot still about net zero by 2050.
I think that's a concession to a certain degree that they're not going to meet the 2030 target
that they inherited.
But I think the missing piece of that is, you know, what does the path to net zero look like now?
And I think that is sort of the missing piece that perhaps in the next episode of forward
guidance he'll get into.
Yeah.
And of course you heard pretty quickly from, you know, former cabinet minister Stephen Gilboe
who was part, like a very important part of that Trudeau era climate regime.
And he recently resigned from the liberal government over what he sees as a real
rollback on climate policy.
And, you know, he said, you know, that essentially he sees this pipeline deal as taking
aim at these clean electricity regulations that he says will be, if not abolished,
seriously weakened to make room for fossil fuels.
And just we've heard from lots of environmental groups already,
the leader of the federal MDP, Ovi-Lewis, who says that this is not nation-building, is nation-burning, stuff like that.
I just want to be very clear here before we move on, because, you know, I know over the last year,
there has been so much talk about whether or not the federal government really wanted another pipeline
and were they just kind of, you know, allowing Alberta to do its thing,
knowing that like a private proponent probably wasn't going to come forward and there wasn't really
it would be a pipeline. Like, this is, this is moving forward from their perspective, right? I know
obviously things can happen in the courts, et cetera, but this is, this is happening.
I mean, it's never a done deal until there's shovels in the ground. And maybe even then it's not
necessarily a done deal. But I think it would be fair to say the federal government is doing
everything possible to make it possible for this pipeline to go ahead. I think at least politically,
others have written, I think I wrote it at some point.
It's hard at this point to say the federal government is standing in the way of this pipeline,
which has long been an argument that the real barrier to pipeline development in Canada
was the federal government.
And I think in this case, I mean, it's almost impossible to make that argument at this point.
Let's move on to 21st Essex, which is the prime minister's official residence.
It has housed every prime minister from Louisville.
St. Laurent in 1951 to Stephen Harper, who was the last Prime Minister to live there,
JFK and the Queen have visited it. And in recent years, this house has fallen into various serious
disrepair. And Carney is now saying it's in critical condition. We need to fix it. And just
before we get to that part, Erin, like, what kind of level of disrepair are we talking about here?
Well, at this point it's been basically stripped to the studs, at least in certain parts.
It's been kind of more or less gutted.
I think it's fair to say because it had to be.
You know, the story of 24 Sussex and its state of disrepair is quite long.
You know, you have to go back to 1984 at least to find people saying that 24 Sussex was in a state, quote,
a quote, state of advanced disrepair, unquote.
There was an auditor general report in 2008.
Nate that raised myriad concerns said that it had to be, the property probably had to be vacated
for at least a year to fix everything that was wrong with it.
There were the somewhat infamous reports in recent years of there being dead rodent carcasses
in the walls.
There was asbestos.
It was in rough shape.
Possibly the only thing, the only infrastructure project harder to build than a pipeline in Canada
is to repair 24 Sussex.
So it has been, this is a long, long time coming.
Yeah.
As you wrote about, you kind of jogged my memory.
There's that Rick Mercer bit with Prime Minister Paul Martin,
former Prime Minister Paul Martin,
where they go to like Canadian tire
to get supplies to do some repairs.
Now, I noticed we can't seem to get out through the back here.
What is that?
Well, this is, gets little drafty here in the wintertime.
Okay.
Okay. We have to fix this right now.
And they just put, like, plastic sheeting onto the back doors to make it less drappy.
Look at this. Tight as it dropped.
Oh, my God.
Whoever ends up living here.
It just kind of speaks to the reluctance to do anything about this.
And I know that, like, you found that there's been concern about spending on 24th, 6, dating all.
all the way back to like the 1950s, right?
Yeah.
Within two years of it becoming the official residence,
because it was a private property before,
and then it was converted to the official residence in 1951,
two years later in the House of Commons,
there are concerns about the repair bill,
which at that point apparently was about $10,000 a year.
The long history of people worrying about anything being spent on 24 Sussex
is fairly infamous,
at this point, it sort of peaks with something called Gucci Gate in the 1980s, in which Brian Mulroney
came into office as Prime Minister and proceeded with a series of renovations to the building.
Somehow or another, it gets reported as the closets, the expanded closets that were installed,
would be able to fit numerous pairs of Gucci loafers, which I guess were,
Brian Moranee's preference at the time. And this becomes a massive scandal. Sort of from that
point forward, no one wants to touch the house. Jean-Cretchen moves in, doesn't do anything. Paul
Martin moves in, as he says, installing plastic sheeting on the windows. Stephen Harper moves in,
gets that out of her General's report that says, this place is in serious trouble, you need to do
something. He doesn't want to touch it. And then Justin Trudeau doesn't even move.
in and doesn't want to touch it. You know, it just speaks to this sort of strain in Canadian
politics to be very fuzzy about personal expenses. You know, in that piece I wrote, I mentioned
the infamous case of Bevota, who was a cabinet minister in the Harper government, having
billed the government for a hotel stay that included a $16 glass of orange juice. And these
scandals in Canadian politics are just sort of, for whatever reason, are kind of this red line that
you cross that and you're in big trouble. And it's, you know, it's not necessarily the worst
tendency to have. You look at sort of the extravagance that's occurring in Washington these days.
And maybe it's not the worst tendency to be fussy about these things. But it has essentially
ensured that 24 Sussex landed in a place where it was uninhabitable. Yeah. Man, people hated
that orange juice thing. I mean, I get it. I just sometimes I think it's a little odd that,
you know, here we are ramping up to spend $150 billion on our defense industry and there's
kind of like very little criticism of that or discussion about it and we're very kind of
seized with these issues. It is estimated that the renovations to, I don't know, get 24
Sussex up to standard would cost $50 million, right?
Carney has decided that instead of paying for it, he's going to fundraise.
And just why?
I think I know why you're going to say why and just talk to me about some of the critiques
of this approach as well.
So Carney has pitched this as Canadians wanting to contribute.
Canadians and charitable foundations wanting to contribute to an important piece of Canadian
history and an important institution, albeit an important institution that we've left to rot.
I think there was probably still some reluctance for the federal government to just foot the
full bill for this project and to have a cost attached to it.
Because we don't know, the Rito Hall Foundation has set its funders.
raising goal at $50 million.
We don't yet know what the actual price tag is going to be.
The federal government is sort of leaving that up to the design teams that will submit
proposals for what to do and what the new 24 Sussex will look like to kind of come up
with their own price tags and see what can be accomplished.
So there's sort of a question of maybe the federal government should just be footing the bill for
this.
I think there are sort of other questions about, well, how is it?
is it's going to be handled? Who's going to be able to donate? How much are they going to give?
You know, I think it's fair to ask sort of how can you do, can this be done in an ethical fashion?
Because as much as they're not, you know, contributing to the government and power, they are
contributing to something that will essentially be property of the federal government.
They have, they've at least said, you know, donors are going to, all the names of donors will be
public and there's no corporate donation. So this isn't going to be,
you know, people have already raised comparisons to Donald Trump's ballroom. I don't think it's going to be quite like that. But I do think they are going to have to navigate some ethical questions here about how it gets done. And then I think there will still be questions about the final price tag.
I don't want to belabor at this point. We got to wrap up. But like, I know that neither of us are renovation specialists. But I like this $50 million seems like a lot of money to renovate a house. Does it? I don't. I mean, it's beyond my budget for
Reno. I mean, I think it sort of depends on what they end up doing because, you know, is it going to be a
just a house? Is it going to be a house plus working space? Is it going to be sort of set up to
house, you know, receptions? And then you've also got to add on security concerns, right?
The average mansion doesn't need the level of security that the prime minister needs. So I
think it's hard to compare it to a normal house. It will be interesting. As much as people want
this settled, as much as it's ridiculous that it's been allowed to get to this state, it will be
interesting when the final price tag comes in. If there's some gap between the fundraising and
the actual price, are we going to start humming and hawing again about building this thing?
I think Mark Carney's attitude is sort of to say, well, this is ridiculous. We're just going to do
this, but he hasn't yet had to make the big decision of saying yes to something. And I think
that's, we'll see how that lands. Okay. Aaron, thank you. Appreciate it. Anytime.
All right. That's all for today. I'm Jamie Poisson. Thanks so much for listening. Talk to you tomorrow.
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