Front Burner - Understanding Pierre Poilievre: Part 1

Episode Date: September 12, 2022

On Saturday, Pierre Poilievre was named the new leader of the Conservative Party of Canada. Jayme Poisson was on the floor at the event, and heard from those overjoyed at the result. Today, we bring you those voices, and take a closer look at Poilievre’s life and career, to help you understand who he is. Tomorrow, we’ll examine his leadership campaign and how he might lead.

In the Dragon's Den, a simple pitch can lead to a life-changing connection. Watch new episodes of Dragon's Den free on CBC Gem. Brought to you in part by National Angel Capital Organization, empowering Canada's entrepreneurs through angel investment and industry connections. This is a CBC Podcast. On Saturday night, Pierre Palliot, unsurprisingly, became the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada. Tonight begins the journey to replace an old government that costs you more and delivers you less with a new government that puts you first. Your paycheck, your retirement, your home, your country.

Well, the event was supposed to take on a more somber tone than originally planned. The crowd around us at the convention centre in downtown Ottawa was thrilled with the result. I'm ecstatic. I'm super excited. Very happy, great results. And I think we're gonna see some real change for the better in this country now. And I think we're going to see some real change for the better in this country now.

It was a decisive first ballot win. The last Conservative leader to be given this kind of mandate from their party was Stephen Harper, way back in 2004. A fact that excited some in the crowd. I mean, it's an overwhelming mandate. This is a mandate that the previous last two leaders didn't receive. It's hard not to marvel at an overwhelming victory like this. Over the next two days, we're going to do a deep dive into Pierre Pauliev and his campaign to be the next prime minister of Canada. A little later in the episode, I'll be talking to Shannon Proudfoot.

She's now a Globe and Mail Ottawa Bureau reporter. But before that, she interviewed Polyev and wrote a long profile on him for Maclean's. She's going to give us a sense of his life and career before running for leader. But first, I want you to hear a bit more from the people our producer Imogen and I met at the conservative convention this weekend. About who they think Pierre Polyev is and why they're excited about him. A lot of them fit the profile you might have expected to be at this kind of thing. Picture Ottawa political types in suits. But there were other types there too, who seemed truly psyched to be supporting Polyev.

Young people like 17-year-old Marco Suarez of Winnipeg. I've been volunteering his campaign all throughout, ever since he announced it, and I believe he's one of the right guys to bring more young people into the party. He has the new energy, and I think we need somebody that has that motivation to actually get young people out to vote.

Or 25-year-old Brett Wilson of Prince George, B.C. Just how he's assertive and, you know, he knows what to say and how to say it. And I think it's no nonsense what you see is what you're going to get. And I think, you know, I think we need to see that more in our leadership and across the board, I think, Canada for sure. And 21-year-old Jacob Birch. Many people my age are in a situation to afford homes and move out of our houses and to find well-paying jobs. So Pierre-Paulie Everly speaks to the youth when it comes to affordability and being able to afford a home. I spoke to this woman named Kamal Dillon from

Brampton, Ontario. She was rocking this bright blue sequined dress. Is Pierre part of the reason why you made the trip from Brampton to Ottawa tonight? Only Pierre, because we have had a couple of conservative leaders before, but after Stephen Harper, and we couldn't really relate to them. But now we're feeling that we can relate to Mr. Pierre. We want Mr. Pierre to be a household name in Canada so every person, no matter where they have come from, should be able to relate with Mr. Pierre and then be confident in voting for him so he can become the prime minister. Amanda Murray, who is there with her one-year-old daughter,

talked about Polyev's relatability as well. Pierre Polyev is a very down-to-earth person. He's very real. What you see is who he is. And I think that that's a really important thing for me, at least. And I know a lot of people also are feeling the same way. I have a lot of family who aren't politically minded. And that's what they've been saying. They are very intrigued by him because they seem he seems relatable. I think that's probably the

biggest thing. And he seems to understand their issue. I think that this guy, Scott Williams, told us he actually used to be a liberal. He says he even voted for Trudeau. I did at one point in time. Yeah, 2015, I did vote for Justin Trudeau for his sunny ways. And now here he is doing one thing he'd never done before. And another that I imagine he probably has. This is my first convention. This is my third beer. To support Pierre Polyev. I'm kind of surprised myself that I've actually switched to the Conservative Party. But I actually align with what they say more. Now, Pierre Polyev, I like what he says. I like the fact he's talking about giving more freedoms, reducing tax burdens. And so those would probably be my reasons why

I am more in alignment with Pierre and happy that he won. I thought that speaking to the truckers and going and speaking with the people who were there, who were upset about these mandates, which affected their ability to work, to live, to make decisions on their own bodily autonomy, I was very impressed with that. Speaking of truckers, we also spoke to Jean-Pierre Robitaille, who said he's been a truck driver for over 40 years. I've been following this man since he started in politics, and I knew since the beginning he was the guy to keep our freedoms. Because my worst fear is not to die, it's to lose my freedom,

to live under communism like Trudeau's trying to instill in this country. Pierre Poiliev, if you listen, if you follow him, the guy, he knows about history, psychology. Go and see the interview of Jordan Peterson with Pierre Poiliev for an hour and a half. You see the real Pierre Poiliev. Once you read that or you see that interview, you will see the capacity, mental capacity of that man.

And he's one in a million. The difference between a socialist and a communist, you know what that is? The communist has an AK-47. The socialist don't have it yet. Because it's the government that runs everybody's life. And I don't even tie my dog. He's free. I don't believe in controlling or I don't control my wife.

So I see that's Pierre Poiliev's main idea, to be free. We'll get more into Polyev's relationship with the so-called freedom movement trucker convoy tomorrow. But it probably won't surprise you that this idea of freedom, it came up more than once. Abram Gunther told us that's why he supports Polyev as well. Freedom, the one thing he's been, you know, the one thing he's been uh you know the one thing he's been uh proclaiming um for me i feel like i've definitely seen and experienced the liberal government try to take our freedom away in many different aspects but covid uh vaccine passport was one of them that and then the firearms bill that trudeau announced in 2020, 2022, 2020, sorry. So I definitely got behind Pierre after feeling the effects of the Liberal government trying to

take some of our freedoms away. I'm a new Conservative member as of this year because of Pierre. This is all new to me, for sure. Yeah, I'm thrilled about it. You know, I'm in the Conservative Party for the long haul. You'll hear more from some of these people at the end of today's episode and tomorrow as well, when we'll also spend more time talking about Polyev's campaign, its tone and where he might take the Conservative Party. But now let's get to the first part of our conversation with Shannon about Polyev's backstory and how it informs who he is today. Shannon, hey, thank you. Thank you very much for doing this with us.

Hi, thanks for having me. you. Thank you very much for doing this with us. Hi, thanks for having me. To help us understand who Pierre Polyev is today, maybe we could go back to his early life. And where does he come from? So he grows up in Preston Manning's writing, Calgary Southwest. So kind of the heart, both geographically and in terms of time of the Reform Party. Later, that writing is represented by an MP we all might know and remember called Stephen Harper. So he's kind of growing up in the heartland of sort of that form of politics in Canada. He's born in 1979. So he comes of age in his own telling in an Alberta that he saw as he used the word ravaged by Pierre Trudeau's national energy program.

So he remembers this policy from the 80s, which which aimed to regulate the price of oil and gas and enrage the Western provinces. He saw that as as really making a huge impact on his friends and neighbors. He sort of conceded that he was too young to understand politics at the time, which coming from Polyev is actually quite a concession, I would say. at the time, which coming from Polyev is actually quite a concession, I would say. But he saw sort of the economy going down the tank and his diagnosis, both as a young kid, a teenager and later was that it was the federal government in Ottawa intervening too much and that even his own family had to move because interest rates were so high, they couldn't afford to keep their house.

So that is sort of the place and time he's growing up in. And you can very much draw a straight line from there to his politics and preoccupations for kind of the rest of his public life, I think. And just talking about his family, he's adopted as well. He is. So this came up in our conversation. I asked him, you know, I said, to me, most of our really deeply held political beliefs come from somewhere in our own stories, our biographies. And so he's adopted. He was born of a 16-year-old unwed mother whose mother had just died. And so she was in no position to raise a child.

So you can sort of imagine a certain level of trauma and upheaval there. And he was adopted by two schoolteachers from Saskatchewan. trauma and upheaval there. And he was adopted by two school teachers from Saskatchewan. And he said what he drew from that was that he called it voluntary generosity is sort of our most powerful social safety net. That his kind of thinking from his own story of his own life was that you don't need a government safety net or a bigger thing stepping in to help you, that you can have just members of the community who can step in and help. And that is how he saw his own story, which I found really interesting. I mean, even as a political kind of artifact, you could draw a very different political message from that same life story, right? Either if you had a different set of circumstances or a different kind of

framing in your own head, you could think about that origin story as, you know, what kind of social safety nets would have enabled my birth mother's life to be different or what sorts of things enabled those school teachers to be able to raise me and give me a good life in the first place. But that's his family story. He kind of grew up with a very sort of classic, I don't know, I guess, middle-class childhood. He dove competitively. He played hockey, later got into perhaps very unsurprisingly like debate clubs and things like that, that become very much the Pierre Polyev we all know later on as an adult and a politician. Tell me a little bit more about how he, how does he begin to express his politics as a teenager?

Yeah, so I found this kind of amazing. Maybe this is more a reflection of the kind of teenager I was. I kind of can't imagine not even being able to drive yet and being so preoccupied by politics. He, when he was about 16 or 17, he went to the Reform Party Convention in Vancouver. And I dug up an old newspaper article where of course, he's like the lead in the story, because you and I know if you're a journalist, and you go to a political convention, you find a kid who's not even old enough to vote, but is fired up enough to be there, you're interviewing that kid. And Pierre Polyev was that kid. And already at that point in time, he was sort of obsessed with the financial health of the country. And the idea at the time, it was in the liberal government in Ottawa that he saw them very much like he sees

today, just spending, just like throwing money out the door and sort of signing up future generations for a bunch of debt. And so that was what he said was his driving force in being there. He wrote a letter to the editor of the Calgary Herald when he was, again, still in high school. And there he was screaming about the Liberal government's increase to Canada pension plan premiums. So I've sort of joked that you could accuse Pierre Polyam of a lot of things, but inconsistency is probably not one because like the dude's been screaming about the same stuff for like 25 years. It's wild to think of a kid in high school writing his paper to complain about pension plan premiums. I know, like you're 17.

Even later, a little bit later, once he becomes a student at the University of Calgary, he enters this essay contest that was sort of all the rage amongst a certain young subset of smarty pants like 10 or 15 or 20 years ago. This essay contest was called As Prime Minister. It was sponsored by Magna International. And he becomes a top 10 finalist. And he writes this essay where he basically laid out his vision for the country. And what I found absolutely amazing about this is the excerpts, the kind of top line excerpts from this essay, were nearly verbatim what he said 20 years later when he released that video during the Freedom Convoy, saying that he was running for prime

minister. That's why I'm running for prime minister, to put you back in charge of your life. Together, we will make Canadians the freest people on earth. The whole theme of the essay was that our rights and the goodness of our lives as Canadians rest on freedom, which is now 100% sort of the brand he is building his run for prime minister on. So I find the symmetry there quite remarkable. I would say verging on freaky, the consistency there. Yeah, yeah. Just for our listeners, here's a quote from that essay. He writes, although we Canadians seldom recognize it, the most important guardian of living standards

is freedom. The freedom to earn a living and share the fruits of our labor with loved ones, the freedom to build personal prosperity through risk-taking and its strong work ethic, the freedom of thought and speech, the freedom to make personal choices, and the collective freedom of citizens to govern their own affairs democratically. With freedom to build a business without red tape or heavy tax.

Freedom to keep the fruits of your labor and share them with loved ones and neighbors. It sounds so much like his campaign launch video, which would come out, you know, like more than 20 years later. I mean, you can see him sort of from his very early days, very much constructing a sort of almost quasi-libertarian version of conservatism, right? That you should be free to live your life unfettered by the federal government. And now that has turned into his gatekeepers thing, firing the gatekeepers. But it's kind of amazing to see that manifested in a much, much younger man who's just sort of

figuring out the world, but has still decided that freedom is the ultimate goal. Going back to his early years, our producer Imogen spoke with one of the co-winners of that essay that we were just talking about. Oh, interesting. Peter Lowen, yeah. He's now the director of the Munk School. Yeah, of course. And the pair of them ended up interning at Magna International together and living together. And he described Polyev as so ambitious, so into politics, that he made himself like a briefing binder every day full of articles that he'd read in his spare moments.

Just that in those days, we drive up to Magna every day, 45 minutes each way. And he'd start each day with a binder full of articles that he printed out just about politics and about things he was trying to learn about. So he's got this full time job. But every minute he's got of spare time in that job was just spent reading that stuff. And he'd fill that thing up every day, read it over coffee, read it over lunch, sometimes read it on the drive back.

People can say whatever they want about politicians, but they're looking at a guy who's been serious about this job for 16 hours a day for 20 years, and it shows. That's unsurprising to me. It just has a feel of hunger, right? You look back on when he was younger, or even once he enters the House of Commons, to me, maybe the preeminent adjective I would assign to him is hungry, like just kind of

vibrating with ambition, with desire to be heard, with desire to make a mark. He's clearly very smart and a very bookish sort of smarts, I would say. I think he really excels at really studying up, but making it sound off the cuff. And that to me fits perfectly with someone who would have been precociously smart in his early 20s, but still kind of working his butt off to make sure he looked smart. Do you know what I mean? So that's a really interesting insight from an earlier chapter for sure. How does he become an MP? So he runs in 2004 in the first election where the Conservative Party of Canada, the newly united party under the leadership of Stephen Harper is contesting. And he runs in Nepean Carlton, which is this sprawling sort of suburban,

but heavily rural riding outside of Ottawa. And he actually was running against a Liberal cabinet minister, Defence Minister David Pratt at the time, and he managed to unseat him. It was close. It was like 30, I think it was 3700 votes or something like that. But he's a brand new 25 year old running to be an MP for the first time manages to unseat a Liberal cabinet minister and sort of from that moment is set up as a bit of a giant killer. And he's never lost in that riding since I think he's contested seven other elections there and has won every time with varying margins, sometimes just by the skin of his teeth, but he's managed to hang on in that same area. The day after he won in 2004, he goes on the CPAC panel that I want to talk to you about,

because I feel like it's illustrative. Oh, it's amazing. It's one of my favorite finds in reporting this story. Describe the scene for me when things started to heat up on this panel. Yeah. So if you can picture it, this is the day after the election. Everyone must have been exhausted because they'd been at victory parties the night before. They'd just run a really long campaign. Of course, in every election campaign, there are lots of individual stories. Three of last night's winners are already getting lots of attention for their victories. And so it's Pierre Polyev, who's the new Conservative MP, David McGinty, who is a newly elected Liberal MP, but of course, is the brother of Dalton McGinty, the Premier of Ontario at the time. His dad was also an MP. So he's sort of like Ontario political royalty, if we're going to kind of stretch that idea a little bit. And Ed Broadb it has just come back he was the longtime leader of the federal ndp uh took a bit of a hiatus and

had just come back and won again so the point is pierre polyev is 25 and he's on a panel with these two if not experienced politicians very established names and he looked a bit nervous at first like you could see him kind of like just sort of like a dog like kind of lunging on his leash wanting to get out his lines because the whole thing is the Martin liberal government at the time had been reduced to a minority this new conservative party of Canada holds the balance of power. But he's going at the host, trying to build the idea that the Conservatives actually won. I'm quite pleased, actually, with the results that our party experienced in this election. In fact, it's the

best result of any right of centre party in 20 years, going back to 1988, I should say 16 years. But he still looked a bit nervous and chippy. And then once the back and forth started going, at one point, he goes at Ed Broadbent, who again, has like a 25, 30 year political career under his belt at this point. And Polyev has like a day. You'll see some cooperation from us. But you will also see a vigorous defender of taxpayers in the Conservative Party. Okay, just in a little bit of time. Well, who's against that? And he's not afraid to mix it up with them.

So he goes at Ed Broadbent and he said, well, Ed, it looks like you're setting up that you're going to prop up the Liberal government. I find it very interesting that this coalition is already forming before it's being made public. I wonder if some of the machinations are already working, because it looks as though Ed Broadbent, a great hero of the parliamentary tradition, is already stepping up to the plate to defend the prime minister. No, I mean. And Ed Broadbent, you can see his eyes sort of widen and Polyev looks like he's having just a grand old time. So in the space of like a 10 minute TV segment, you can kind of watch him before your very eyes.

It's like a time lapse of like the formation of the Polyev. He goes from being kind of this nervous, like newbie to kind of finding his groove. And that groove is combative. It is absolutely kicking at the shins of anyone who is not on the right team. And how does that combative stance sort of manifest in his role in the Harper government? Yeah, I mean, that's 100% it. That is the infomercial there for what he's going to offer. Because if you think about it, each election, how many 25-year-old backbenchers are elected that we never hear about? But he makes himself visible right away and makes his name, I would argue, in the way

his name continued to be made for the next 15 or 20 years, which is by being an attack dog. He takes on the role that he will say and do and trot out any line of defense or offense that will help his team. So Harper's the PM. It's obvious that he sort of likes this role for Polly Everett. He thinks he's doing a good job because he becomes a parliamentary secretary. Eventually he takes on his own cabinet portfolios, you know, lower level ones, but he gets this reputation and it's sort of coupled with this kind of intemperance of youth, right? That thing when you're like in your late twenties and you're so eager, you're so excited to be part of a team and part of a thing

that you sometimes jam your own foot in your mouth so he has a bunch of controversies where he says um really kind of fired up things he's caught on a live mic saying fuck you guys in a committee meeting and he blames an extremist element of the liberal party for opposing the extension of 9-11 security measures. So you see this tendency over and over that anyone who opposes his team is not just an opponent, but the enemy, and that you should go to the wall to attack them, and that nobody could possibly be critiquing your team or your team's positioning on principle that they must be cynical or on the take in some way, or at least that that's the way he frames it. So I would argue he's a very gifted debater,

but a very ruthless one. There's a certain kind of almost pseudo-adolescent edge to it where he goes too far. Like one of his famous early massive missteps is he goes on live radio on the day when Stephen Harper is to rise in the House of Commons and issue a formal apology to residential school survivors. Mr. Speaker, I stand before you today to offer an apology to former students of Indian residential schools. And a few hours before, Polyev goes on live talk radio and opines that we might not be getting value for this money, is the phrasing he uses, the money that we're giving to survivors. And, you know, he makes some comments about work ethic and, you know, is more money going to solve the problem? My view is that we need to engender the values of hard work and independence and self-reliance. That's the solution in the long run. More money will not solve it. I mean, it's just a gobsmackingly foolish and tone-deaf thing to say.

I rise today to offer a full apology to Aboriginal people, to the House, and to all Canadians. Yesterday, on a day when the House and all Canadians were celebrating a new beginning, I made remarks that were hurtful and wrong. I accept responsibility for them and I apologize. In the Dragon's Den, a simple pitch can lead to a life-changing connection. Watch new episodes of Dragon's Den free on CBC Gem. Brought to you in part by National Angel Capital Organization, empowering Canada's entrepreneurs through angel investment and industry connections. Hi, it's Ramit Sethi here.

You may have seen my money show on Netflix. I've been talking about money for 20 years. I've talked to millions of people, and I have some startling numbers to share with you. Did you know that of the people I speak to, 50% of them do not know their own household income? That's not a typo. 50%. That's because money is confusing. In my new book and podcast, Money for Couples, I help you and your partner create a financial vision together. To listen to this podcast, just search, Money for Couples. I help you and your partner create a financial vision together. To listen to this podcast, just search for Money for Couples. We talked to the former liberal MP Wayne Easter about what it was like being across from Polyev

in the House. And he told us this story from quite a while back about an exchange they had in the House when Polyev was the minister for democratic reform. A young fellow at that time, a little wet behind the ears as a minister. And he was clearly getting under the skin of the liberal opposition. If you go back and look at the record, I believe it went something along those ways. Mr. Speaker, this minister's conduct yesterday was a disgrace to Parliament and to Canadians. Easter says Polyav is like a pigeon. Dealing with this minister is like playing chess with a pigeon. He slaps his wings all over the

place, knocks the pieces off the table, messes all over the table, then struts around like he won the game. Andrew Scheer is a speaker of the House and has to come in and tell everyone to settle down. I don't know what was in the coffee at caucus this morning, but members are getting a little over the top. I've asked members before to hold off on using animal references. I don't think they're helpful. Pauliev then gets his own comeback in. Well, I'd like to give the member some credit for creativity. Although I think he's confused the games, he's playing charades and not chess over there.

And while Easter appreciated Polyev's cleverness there. You can't put one over on him. You know, he had a good answer in response. And that's one thing about him. He's able to think on his feet. He also told us about what inspired him to make that comment in the first place, which is that he found Polyev stubborn, evasive, even dishonest in his role as minister. It was that you just couldn't get answers from that minister. You'd get anything but answers from Pierre when he was a minister. He would go around the topic. And in government, I found him to be, don't let the facts get in the way of what he believes. And that is actually carried through

to this day. Once he makes his mind up on an issue, that's the answer. It's the absolute answer. And so don't let other facts get in the way of that view of his. The knife's edge that you balance on when you're a super clever debater who is like not afraid to go for the jugular is that you tip over into untruths. And I would argue he's clever enough to do it like someone with less brains at their disposal maybe wouldn't be able to play with the truth so much. But he cherry picks facts, he torques things within an inch of their life to make a point. He does it now, he did it then. And that was one of the things that would enormously frustrate his colleagues in the House of Commons. Someone, I talked to Mark Strahl,

his caucus colleague, he's a big fan of Polyev. And he sort of described him in terms of being a very contemporary politician, like we're in like an Instagram moment. And he sees Polyev as sort of a triumphant Instagram politician, which I think is right. There's lots of room to talk about whether that's a good thing or a bad thing. But he's very good at the little quick turn of phrase. Does the prime minister realize that every time he takes a trip to the central bank, Canadians have to go over to the food bank? Because he has promised to hold seminars now teaching all of us how to follow the rules mr speaker it's kind of like a vampire holding a seminar and becoming a vegetarian

an alliteration a vaccine vendetta the trust fund twins the prime tax to the max and tax the tax kind of branding his opponents it's just inflation it's not your name as a party that was liberal. It was your track record of more debt, higher taxes, and more expensive government that was liberal, Mr. Charest. Normally I would be hurt by those angry words, Mr. Speaker, but the member across the way is just depressed. I would suggest that he put a little spice in his life, but then he'd end up on the NDP's sodium registry. Well, we wanted to hear from the minister responsible, not minister, I don't know, but that's what we got from him. But one of the people I talked to was Charlie Angus, who of course for the NDP, you know, loves, he's a brawler in the house of commons. He loves

it. You can see it just like Polyev. You can see it all over his face that he loves it. But he made a point that I thought was interesting. And when I put it to Polyev, it kind of led to an interesting conversation. He said, like, Polyev's great. He's smart. He's a good debater. He's fun to go up against. Like, it's fun to go toe-to-toe with him. But his sort of take was, but there's a hollowness there. Like, what is the point? He's so good at fighting, but what is he fighting for? What is the next step? And I think that's a particularly relevant question now with Polyev as leader of the opposition, and who knows when we'll head to a general election, but you are so good at fighting, so what is the war for? And when I put that to him, he kind of put

it in almost pseudo-mythological terms. He said, my purpose in politics is to make the commoners, the master and the crown, the servant, which is this very sort of, I don't know, almost like medieval way minister at the top, then the house of commons, and then the people. No, no, no, no, no. It's exactly the opposite. It's an upside down pyramid. It's the people on top and the house of commons underneath that and the prime minister under that. hard to unpack with him what that means, what that looks like on the ground. What is that? I get that as a concept and that's a thing that you are selling. I would argue that all along through his run for the leadership, he has been selling a feeling more than a set of solutions. And that feeling is clearly, clearly he's tapped a vein and a lot of people share that feeling. But there is that sort of sense of a bit of a i don't know just a bit of a brittleness or or i don't emptiness sounds a little too pejorative that's not really what i mean just a bit of a hollowness that he's such a good brawler but where is he going with it like what what does a pierre polyev canada look like i think is a really

interesting question. It's a question we're going to talk more about tomorrow, and a question that we put to the crowd at the convention on Saturday. We'll leave you today with just a snapshot of what we heard in response. Yeah, I think it'll be one of opportunity, a lot more personal freedom. I think Pierre Polyev's Canada will be very free, as he always says. But I also think it will be a very enlightening thing for a lot of people because it's not what individuals

really attribute conservatives to be. I think we are far more open-minded and wanting people to let them be them than people think. Well, I think I have a faith that Mr. Peer is going to replicate what Mr. Stephen Harper did. And I have a feeling Mr. Peer is going to walk into his footsteps or even do better than what Mr. Stephen Harper did for Canada. Prosperity, freedom, accountability. You know, you have to be accountable for every decision you take in your life. And I believe in freedom. Me, I believe that you can do whatever you want with your life or you can do whatever you want in your life

as long as you don't step on other people's toe. So if you commit a crime, you're going to answer for that crime. Not going to be released before your time. Or look at the child abuse. Pedophiles. They get away with nothing but they scrap the life of a kid. It's sad.