Guerrilla History - COP26 Dispatch w/ Vijay Prashad and Chris Saltmarsh
Episode Date: November 18, 2021In this episode of Guerrilla History, Adnan facilitates a discussion about the recently wrapped up COP26 climate conference, its failures, and what we should look to do going forward! We are calling... this a "Dispatch" as it's a shorter, more "in the moment" episode to ground us for current events. Our guests are Vijay Prashad, Executive Director of the Tricontinental Institute for Social Research, who was at COP26, and Chris Saltmarsh, co-founder of Labour for a Green New Deal, climate activist, and writer. Vijay Prashad is the author of many books, including The Darker Nations, The Poorer Nations, and Washington Bullets. He was also the first guest on Guerrilla History, so be sure to go back and check out the episode we did with him on Washington Bullets! Follow him on twitter @vijayprashad. Chris Saltmarsh is the author of the new book Burnt: Fighting for Climate Justice, and regularly writes about the climate. His two newest articles in Tribune are 2.4 Degrees Is a Disaster-But COP Won't Stop It, and COP26 Can Learn From West Papua's Green Resistance. You can follow Chris on twitter @Chris_Saltmarsh. Guerrilla History is the podcast that acts as a reconnaissance report of global proletarian history, and aims to use the lessons of history to analyze the present. If you have any questions or guest/topic suggestions, email them to us at guerrillahistorypod@gmail.com. Your hosts are immunobiologist Henry Hakamaki, Professor Adnan Husain, historian and Director of the School of Religion at Queens University, and Revolutionary Left Radio's Breht O'Shea. Follow us on social media! Our podcast can be found on twitter @guerrilla_pod, and can be supported on patreon at https://www.patreon.com/guerrillahistory. Your contributions will make the show possible to continue and succeed! To follow the hosts, Henry can be found on twitter @huck1995, and also has a patreon to help support himself through the pandemic where he breaks down science and public health research and news at https://www.patreon.com/huck1995. Adnan can be followed on twitter @adnanahusain, and also runs The Majlis Podcast, which can be found at https://anchor.fm/the-majlis, and the Muslim Societies-Global Perspectives group at Queens University, https://www.facebook.com/MSGPQU/. Breht is the host of Revolutionary Left Radio, which can be followed on twitter @RevLeftRadio and cohost of The Red Menace Podcast, which can be followed on twitter @Red_Menace_Pod. Follow and support these shows on patreon, and find them at https://www.revolutionaryleftradio.com/. Thanks to Ryan Hakamaki, who designed and created the podcast's artwork, and Kevin MacLeod, who creates royalty-free music.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
You don't remember den, Ben, boo?
No!
The same thing happened in Algeria, in Africa.
They didn't have anything but a rank.
The French had all these highly mechanized instruments of warfare.
But they put some guerrilla action on.
Hello, and what?
Welcome to Gorilla History, the podcast that acts as a reconnaissance report of global proletarian
history and aims to use the lessons of history to analyze the present.
I'm one of the co-hosts of Gorilla History, Henry Huck and Mackie, but what you're
going to be hearing today is a little bit different than usual.
This will be one of our dispatches.
For those of you who have listened to the show before, dispatches are shorter, more contemporary
accounts of things that are happening in the world that we think that we can bring a little
bit of historical analysis on. And because of the timeliness of these dispatches, in many cases,
not all of the co-hosts are going to be present. And in this case, despite the fact that we were
all preparing for it, because of the timing of our guests, only Adnan was able to conduct the
interview. And so therefore, you'll only be hearing Adnan during this episode. But I will do
the introduction in any case. You will be hearing from Professor Adnan Hussein, his
historian and director of the School of Religion at Queens University in Ontario, Canada.
Our guests today are the excellent Vijay Prashad, who, of course, as many of our listeners know,
is executive director of Tri-Continental Institute for Social Research.
He's the author of many books, including The Darker Nations, The Porer Nations,
Red Star Over the Third World, and, of course, the first episode of guerrilla history,
or the first full episode of guerrilla history, was focused on his newest book,
Washington Bullets, the history of the CIA coups and assassinations.
Highly recommend you check out that book and check out the episode that we did with VJ
just over a year ago at this point.
The other guest is one of my friends and comrades, Chris Saltmarsh.
Chris is co-founder of Labor for a Green New Deal.
He just published his first book, Burnt, Fighting for Climate Justice,
which came out about two months ago from Pluto Press,
and he regularly writes for magazines and journals, including Tribune.
His two most recent articles for Tribune are 2.4 degrees is a disaster, but COP won't stop it.
And COP26 can learn from West Papua's Green Resistance.
The topic for the episode today is going to be COP 26.
Adnan Brett and I had all been planning on doing a dispatch on COP 26 with these guests,
but because of the timing that they were both available after the conference ended,
only Adnan was able to conduct the interview.
But we have excellent guests for you.
It's a great interview.
Chris Salt Marsh is a longtime climate activist and climate journalist,
so he brings that perspective to it.
And Vijay Prashad, of course, is anti-imperialist extraordinaire who was at COP 26,
so we can get that perspective from Vijay as well.
So the last thing that I'm going to mention before I turn it over to Adnan is that you can follow
guerrilla history on Twitter at Gorilla underscore pod.
That's G-U-E-R-R-I-L-A underscore pod.
And you can support the show on Patreon at patreon.
At patreon.com forward slash guerrilla history.
That's G-U-E-R-R-I-L-A history.
And now, without further ado, let me turn it over to my co-host, Professor Adnan Hussein,
to interview Vijay Prashad and Chris Sultmarsh about COP 26.
I'm delighted to be joined today by VJ Prashad and Chris Saltmarch for this guerrilla history
dispatch on the recent COP 26. Thank you both for being here.
Great, thanks.
Yeah, I'm telling us.
Well, Viji, I know you were in attendance for at least part of the conference, and so I wanted to start with you to get any sort of grassroots impressions of the proceedings as it was taking place.
Well, Adnan, the first thing is there is no single cop. There were at least two cops, and I think that's important.
If you've ever been to Glasgow, Glasgow is a beautiful city.
It used to be the second most important city on the British Isles during the time of the British Empire.
And the docks of Glasgow on the River Clyde were the docks where the great jute bales that came from Bengal used to be offloaded to be taken to Dundee,
which was the main city of the jute manufacturing.
also where a lot of the goods from the Americas produced, of course, by, you know, the people captured in Africa.
You know, the slave trade furnished the wealth of a place like Glasgow.
And when you walk around Glasgow, you can see the beautiful buildings and so on.
Very interestingly, the dock area, the Queen's dock, was reclaimed some decades ago.
And it was made into the Scotland Enterprise Center, which,
housed the official cop where the people of the leaders of countries and a lot of corporations,
a lot of corporate leaders and lobbyists gathered.
So they gathered essentially on the area where the wealth from the colonies used to come.
You know, it could not have been a more perfect image.
That was one cop where they were so-called discussing the future of humankind, you know, as the head
of the European Commission said that so few have in their hands our future. And you wonder,
she said that without irony, you know, is that a good thing that such a, you know, small number
of people, corporate executives and heads of governments are deliberating on these things by
themselves on top of the old docklands. That was one cop. The second cop took place in, you know,
daycare centers at abandoned churches in,
trade union halls and that was the People's Summit.
That's where, you know, people who represented environmental movements, NGOs of various kinds, political parties, youth movements and so on came.
And we had our own cop, you know, where we had our own deliberation and discussion.
And I was, for instance, on the jury of the People's Tribunal, where we found the UN framework on climate change guilty of basically negligence and violating the UN Charter.
In other words, we found the other cop guilty of not doing its job.
So when you say, you know, what's going on?
Well, there were two cops.
There were 150,000 people who marched in a people's march.
And we were yelling and screaming, but we were too far from the convention center to actually be heard.
So, in fact, the Joe Bidens and the Boris Johnson's and the Emmanuel Macron's and so on,
they didn't even know we existed.
But we knew they existed, and that's the fundamental democratic asymmetry.
I'm so glad you mentioned both that history, since this is a history podcast, and we will, of course, be talking, however, about the present and the future, but to at least invoke that historic circumstance.
But I think even when we're talking about climate, we have to talk about the history of imperialism, of a kind of carbon imperialism, those, you know, emitters historically.
So maybe when we analyze that one cop that you found guilty in your people's tribunal,
if we turn to Chris,
what are the inadequacies of the structure of this conference of the parties
and these state-oriented kinds of agreements?
Where do you fit this cop into previous cops to give us a better sense of what was achieved,
what needs to be achieved?
Yeah, absolutely.
I mean, I guess the first thing I'd say,
is, you know, obviously, I think for most of us, top 26 has failed on any kind of metric of
climate justice, international solidarity, decarbonization. But actually, you know, the UNF
Triple C has its own kind of metrics of success. And for me, you know, what I've been telling
people is, you know, climate action, if you like, it's a secondary aim for the UNF triple C.
Actually, its primary aim is maintaining the wealth and power of the global north and of its
capitalist class. And it's done that effectively. It did it this year. It did it effectively in
Paris. And it's done it right throughout its history. And, you know, we can go right the way back
to the beginning of this framework in the Rio Earth Summit. And, you know, this was where it all
kind of began. And I mean, that was a pivotal moment because, you know, it was up for debate,
you know, what this structure of kind of international climate diplomacy would look like. But, you know,
George H.W. Bush, the president of the U.S. at the time, made very clear that,
that the US would have no part of it if the American way of life, as he put it, was up for debate.
And, you know, as we know, that for him was a euphemism for American capitalism.
And so from the very beginning, American capital has been the midwife, I guess, of this process.
And since then, you know, we had the Kyoto Protocol, which produced carbon markets,
which I'm sure we'll talk about later.
We then had Copenhagen cop in 2009, which was a serious failure after the,
the wealthiest countries tried to bounce poor countries into an inadequate agreement and that was
that was rejected and then we have the Paris agreement which has been widely lauded by our kind
of ruling classes particularly here in the west but it's one again that kind of signs a death
warrant for the many millions of people around the world um you know they baked in um a trajectory
to to really unsafe levels of warming um and you know and again the the lineage that we see in this
couple of weeks at COP 26 is, you know, it was much reported that if you added all of the kind
of targets that countries have made together, that takes us to about 2.4 degrees of warming.
And I don't like to dwell too much on the kind of abstract, you know, figures and temperature
rises of it. But put simply, you know, if you look at the extreme weather we're experiencing
today at 1.1 degrees, 2.4 is for many millions of people, seriously catastrophic and deadly.
And it's actually, you know, I'm not optimistic that we would even meet that 2.4 degrees target because there's no, so little enforcement mechanisms, so little finance afforded to support countries through the UNF triple C. And so really that kind of quite dire situation would be an optimistic, I think, assessment. So, so yeah, I think that's where we are. And I think it's been tough because, you know, if you look at it from, you know, if you're asking the question of all how, how, like, we're.
are we to achieve anything that looks like climate justice, you know, through this framework,
it's looking close to impossible.
And, you know, the whole kind of mantra was that's keep 1.5 alive.
But really, this idea of achieving 1.5 degrees of warming, you know, has always been pie in the
sky through the UNF triple C because, you know, that would require levels of transformation
and disempowering of, you know, the global north and its capital that it just could not possibly
abide.
Yeah, Vijay, I'm wondering if you have any thoughts.
on these outcomes and the limitations of the COP framework?
Well, you know, going into the COP, it looked like the fix was already in,
which is to say that at the G20 meeting, which preceded the COP,
this is the 20, well, self-styled largest economies in the world.
I'm not sure exactly how you should measure economies.
Remember, the government of Bhutan measures the economy by happiness.
So if we measured our economies by happiness, I don't think these 20 necessarily would all make the grade, you know, where are your suicide rates high and so on.
But anyway, these G20 countries met in Rome and they had a summit where you could already tell what was coming in the final so-called Glasgow Pact, you know, that emerged.
What was that?
Well, it was clear that the Western countries were going to point fingers at coal.
They wanted to make this the coal summit.
Now, this is a very problematic issue because you immediately come into the great north-south divide with coal.
You know, let's take India.
When the British arrived in India, India was not a coal-spewing country.
The British imposed a coal economy on India.
It was the British that, you know, basically decided
that the whole of Jharkand had to be a coal mine.
The people who lived in Jharkand didn't know there was coal under their feet.
You know, they lived their lives.
British basically said, ah, we found coal here and coal it's going to be.
And when they left India, that was the principal form of energy.
Meanwhile, in many parts of the world, in Europe, in North America and so on,
there was a move to oil and natural gas as the principal energy source.
These are equally fossil fuels and equally dirty and equally.
creating carbon emissions. You know, the United States is per capita the largest carbon
emitter today. Chinese carbon emitter per capita only emits 42% of what a US carbon
emitter emits. Indian carbon emitter today only emits 12% of what a US carbon emitter
makes. But yet the fix was on because they walked into Glasgow saying the issue is coal and we
want coal zero. We're not really interested in net zero emissions. And by the way, this net zero
was itself a branding exercise. That doesn't mean zero emissions. It means near zero. You know,
it's supposed to be a slope that goes downward. But it's not really zero. You can brand anything
these days, but leave that aside. They wanted this summit to be carbon, to coal zero. Now, coal zero is
a problem. How do you take, make coal zero in India overnight? You know, that means that
that billions of people around the world, in India, in China, but in most of the global south,
will have no access to power. They will lose electricity. Right now, if we decided to shut all
coal-fired plants, most of the planet will go dark. Let's just face it. The Western countries
have moved to other forms of heating. France has nuclear. They have a big investment in nuclear power.
other countries natural gas. India just does not have access to natural gas.
You know, the only natural gas it might have had would have come from Iran through Pakistan in the pipeline.
You know, you may remember Enron Corporation, my God, that takes us back, built a natural gas plant on the coastline of Maharashtra where they were going to bring liquefied natural gas into such a waste of resources to liquefy natural gas and then bring it on ships.
The carbon footprint on each ton, cubic ton of liquefied natural gas was enormous.
So anyway, set that aside.
They wanted this to be a coal summit and they in a way got it because they so-called shamed these countries into coal.
Now, pay attention to something interesting.
A few days before the final Glasgow Pact was announced to great fanfare where, you know,
the British representative pretended to cry and so on.
It's all crocodile tears.
But a few days before, the United States and China signed a bilateral piece of paper.
In that bilateral piece of paper, a phrase was already used called phase down coal.
They already used the phrase phase down coal.
John Kerry, the climate envoy, said you, this is what he said.
You have to phase down before you phase out.
He already said that before the final day when the Indian representative environment minister changed the wording of the
final text from phase out coal to face down coal and everybody said this is the plot by
India and China they are refusing the Swiss the representative from Switzerland was
so condescending saying that oh you have sabotaged the whole thing and so on
in plain sight the United States and China had just a few days before said we should
face down coal why face down because India China and the United States are the
three largest countries that rely on coal per capita
It's not the case that the United States per capita relies on coal more than others.
But the United States is per capita the largest carbon emitters.
So two problems are there.
One, that everybody colluded in this business of saying let's allow coal for now.
One of the reasons is it's humanitarian.
You can't just shut the lights off in India and say no coal.
That it's a real issue here.
It should be debated.
But the more fundamental question is hiding behind coal, they basically set aside
the question of turning the lights out on other carbon gases, you know, for instance, oil
and natural gas and they set aside methane. Methane is the second biggest greenhouse
gas. On the day of nature, Saturday, the discussion was nature. There was barely any discussion
about agriculture and agro business. Because, you know, it's countries in the West that have
massive factory farms that generate enormous amounts of methane. They don't want any conversation
about that. So that's why I say the fix was in, you know, it was much easier to blame India and
China and walk away, you know, brush your hands and say, hey, listen, Greta, we in the Western
countries, we solved everything, you know, but India and China, the scofflaws. I mean,
for God's sake, that's exactly the opposite of what happened. And yeah, if I could just, I guess,
chip in really briefly on that as well. I think that, you know, what VJ says about really focusing on
coal is really interesting. And for me, you know, I've spent a lot of time in, you know,
the British climate movement, working with NGOs and the like. And I think what I also really
recognise and what is interesting is that, you know, this, you know, focus on coal, you know,
it almost obfuscate from Europe's like reliance on oil and gas, isn't just driven by those
governments, but also, you know, there's a kind of complicity with the wider liberal NGO sector
or civil society. And again, there's been this really strong, you know, push to single out coal
is the dirtiest, the worst fossil fuel,
and maybe you can come up with some metrics to prove that,
but I think VJ is right to say that,
realistically, these fossil fuels were on a level.
And so, yeah, I think it's just, you know,
it's important to implicate the civil society,
which very often has a revolving door
with these governments in this, yeah,
in this inequality that's being pushed across.
Well, it sounds like from what you're both are describing,
particularly VJ, with this point you're making,
that your analysis of the COP suggests that it has to be inextricable with really understanding
the inequalities in the global economy between the global north and south. And that's something I know
Chris has written recently about in his latest article for the Tribune magazine about how 2.4%
looks like this is what could realistically happen as a result. And that this framework is really
about achieving, you know, the advantages that the global north already has.
So I'm wondering from both of you, if you might want to reflect even more broadly,
you know, what it means to have climate justice.
Something that we talk about frequently, the climate justice movement.
And many people just think of it in these abstract terms of reducing carbon emissions
overall in order to avoid the worst effects of, you know, climate change and global warming.
But it seems like your analysis, both of you, seems to suggest a much broader meaning
and set of implications and consequences when we talk about climate justice.
D.J, I wonder if you had any thoughts on what you are meaning by and envisioning by climate
justice.
Well, look, Adnan, let's not talk about what I think. Let's talk about what the, what
the countries, the member states of the United Nations have agreed to. You know, what I think
is not germane, there's 7.9 billion of us, but the countries that belong to the UN actually
signed pieces of paper, they signed a treaty, they signed, they made an obligation. There are at least
two things that should be on the table for the discussion. The first is in 1992, before the
UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was formed, that was set up in 1994, there
There was a very important UN conference on environment and development at Rio de Janeiro.
That was a 92 meeting.
At that meeting, a phrase was agreed upon.
You know, even the United States, I mean, agreed to this phrase, which is common and differentiated
responsibilities.
The general idea is that, look, climate, environmental destruction, this is a common impact.
Everybody is impacted by it.
Well, okay, if you're in a low-lying island, you're perhaps you're impacted, you know,
know, much faster, but everybody's impacted. That was the common. The differentiated part is
important. There was agreement that the West had basically, in terms of climate, absorbed
a greater share of the carbon budget. This can be actually forensically accounted for. This is not
a guesstimate, as they say. This is actually something you can forensically estimate what is the
carbon budget, who has used more of it and so on. It's very clear that the Western countries,
United States in the lead, but not by itself, have exhausted their share of the carbon budget.
And therefore, it is the responsibility of these countries to both accelerate their decarbonization.
They need to go faster to reduce their reliance on the carbon budget.
And secondly, provide some means for poorer countries to leapfrog technologies.
That's basically what differentiated means.
Then as a consequence of the various cops, and remember, this is a way.
was COP-26. That means they've been going at this for 26 years. Let's not forget that.
And therefore, as a consequence of that agreement, there was an understanding that the richer
countries had to create a transition fund of some kind. Well, again, they agreed. This is not
my opinion. They agreed to create a climate fund, you know, to have a transition fund.
They also agreed on a number. It's a tiny number, an insignificant number, but they agreed
to put $100 billion a year into the fund.
Now, just for comparison during the pandemic,
central banks created $16 trillion out of nothing.
They created this out of digital numbers.
$16 trillion were created during the pandemic
to basically make sure capitalism wasn't flushed down the toilet.
But they can't come up with $100 billion a year into this fund.
This fund would actually help the transition
because then you could go to S-Com in South Africa.
Africa, big human cry being made about this.
Now we're going to help ESCOM get out of carbon, but you could just go there and say,
look, here's a new technology, we're going to, you're going to go to solar, you're going to
go to this, we're going to provide the array, we're going to provide everything, you know,
because that's the way we're going to do it.
Africa, by the way, as a continent, contributes only 4% of carbon emissions, 54 countries,
only 4%.
So there's a way in which there's already signed agreement.
We agree that there are differential responsibilities.
We agree that we have money which we should transfer and also therefore technologies should be transferred.
This is not on the table anymore.
What I saw at COP, because I also engaged with people in the other COP, that is the official COP,
what I saw was a lot of corporations basically lobbying for public funds to modernize capitalism.
They know that their forms of energy are out of date.
They are anachronistic.
And instead of putting private money, their own money,
which is sitting in tax havens and in you know in in equities of various kinds rather
than risk their own money to modernize their own ventures they are seeking undercover of oh my
god the planet is going to end they are seeking public money to modernize private capitalism this is
a scam in my opinion you know rather than use the money for that let's put the money into the climate
fund let's allow greater renewable energies to technologies to be put in place in port
countries so that they can leapfrog over reliance on coal but that's not happening i mean i'm i'm
telling you something straight what we see is a kind of shell game going on where firms are using
the climate debate to basically get public funds for their own private pecuniary interests
yeah i absolutely agree with all of that i guess just quickly on the finance point uh before i say a
little something about justice i think you know it's really worth saying vj is absolutely right with
100 billion is a tiny amount compared to what's needed. But it's also entirely, you know,
in the kind of medium and long term, you know, it's entirely self-defeating for the global
north to not provide this finance because it's undermining, you know, the possibilities
of any transition. But what it really kind of demonstrates is for, you know, these powerful
countries for the UNF triple C as a process, actually maintaining global inequalities is far more
important to it than it than actually decarbonising. And I guess, you know, brings
onto, you know, the question of justice. And for me, you know, when, when I think about climate
justice, you know, you can kind of summarize it reasonably simply as saying, well, the people
who have caused the crisis, you know, Peter talked about differentiated responsibility, the people
who continue to profit from it, whether it's the governments of the global north or the corporations
of the global north, they will be insulated, you know, the most from its effects. And actually,
it's the people around the world, the ordinary people, working people in any country in the
world that you can think of that have themselves done little to nothing to create this crisis
and they're certainly not making a profit out of it. They're the ones, all of us, who will
be hit first and worse by its impacts. And that's the injustice of it. And I think, you know,
when we talk about climate justice, it's about repairing that as much as possible. And some of that
will be, you know, through financial reparations, between nations. But as well, I think, you know,
we have to understand that the kind of the harm that has already been inflicted for, you know,
a history of colonialism and the imposition of capitalism and the harms that will continue to be
inflicted through the climate prices, you know, there kind of isn't enough money in the world
to pay for that, you know, the loss of life. You can't part a number of it. And so when we think
about justice in that context, I think for me, it has to, we have to think about reparations
that are structural as well. So reorganizing how.
the global, you know, political economy works, how geopolitics work, so that we're
re-empowering those nations and those states that have been disempowered through colonialism and
disempowering the likes of the US and the UK. You know, similarly re-empowering
workers' labour and disempowering capital. You know, these are important parts of climate justice
because it's only by giving power back to those from whom it's been taken that we can
create a society and economy of politics that is fair and equitable.
I'm wondering also, Vij, if maybe you also would extend your analysis further to talk a little
bit about the geopolitics. You talked about the corporate, you know, exploitation of the climate
discourse for public funds for private benefit, but also the geopolitical dimension.
and politics of the conference, I've noticed that, of course, this, as you pointed out, this emphasis on coal as the main villain of the piece and a failure to account for history of admissions, that historical analysis is just dispensed with.
So it's as if we're just in this one snapshot moment, a per capita understanding is seldom introduced into the discourse to have a sense of the relative responsibilities.
But I've noticed that there is very much a targeting here of China as the most responsible.
This is how it's being sold increasingly to audiences of the global north.
So I'm wondering if you had any further analysis about the geopolitics of the cop and any assessment of that.
I mean, you know, Adna, this is so brazen and it requires so little analysis.
You know, that's what's heartbreaking about this.
You know, the Chinese have, you know, whatever the, however you understand China,
the Chinese are now the world's largest producer of dot, dot, dot.
Am I to say of pollution?
No, they are the world's largest producer of basically green technology.
And not just manufacturing.
They're developing new forms of technology.
You know, new kinds of, they're actually experimenting with new forms of energy and so on.
It's quite interesting what they are.
up to in these Chinese companies. Now, this is an opportunity for collaboration.
You would imagine that there would be a handout saying let's collaborate, let's figure out
how to do this together and so on, you know. But no, that's not the language. The language is
you are the scofflaw, you are doing something wrong. You are pledging to not build any more
coal-fired plants, but you don't actually mean it. I mean, that's what, that's how the financial
times writes about it. Xi Jinping says, we are going to not, no long
build coal-fired plants outside China and the Western press says, we don't believe you.
Well, why not?
I mean, they've said that, they've pledged that.
You can hold them to it, but why don't you believe them?
There is an element of racism in this, I feel, but I don't want to belabor that.
More than anything else, it's become wrapped into this Cold War mentality that is afflicting
I think so much of what's happening in the world.
You know, I just feel that here.
you have a situation where they could collaborate on technology, you could have a collaboration
on helping other countries, you know, the West could in fact come up with a formula saying
China is the leading producer of green technology. Let's put some of that off patent, you know,
and let's see what Chinese government firms do and so on. Second thing that's important here is
there's a lot of finger pointing China is emitting is the biggest polluter and so on. Well,
Well, it's the biggest polluter because it's producing the things that the West wants to buy.
You know, if the West started to produce its own buckets and its own shovels and pails,
and I don't know why I keep talking about buckets, but, you know, its own cars and everything is made in China.
You've basically outsourced your carbon emissions.
If you were to insource those emissions, your emission numbers will rise.
If in the United States, you had to make paper again, for instance, you know, your emission numbers will rise.
So you've outsourced your carbon emissions.
to China and then you blame China.
I mean, it's extraordinary how facile the debate is.
And even in the respectable press, journalists just, you know,
don't even think about this.
They go to their Walmarts and their targets
and they buy goods that's made in China.
And they don't think about the fact that the Chinese
are basically responsible for carbon emissions
so that they can buy all this stuff at a cheap price.
That's not running through the heads of journalists.
That's the second thing on this that I would like to put on the table.
But linked to that, related to that, I think it's really important for us also to talk about the role of the military.
The Brown University released a note which showed that the United States military is the world's largest institutional polluter of greenhouse gases.
Some of that is just because the U.S. military has bases all over the world and constantly move ships and planes between them.
Half the time, I don't know why they keep moving ships and planes between them, resupplying,
moving troops around and so on. It's the largest institutional polluter. It's larger than the
oil companies as an institutional polluter. We need to think about what this kind of militarism does.
It's choking the planet. Do you really need bases all over the world? I mean, if I had five minutes
with Mr. Biden, I would ask him, Mr. Biden, when are you going to, you're talking about freedom for
the people of Hong Kong and you'll protect the people? What about the liberation for the people of Guam
and the people of Okinawa and the people of Diego Garcia.
I mean, these are all places held as colonies by the United States.
The Chagosian people of Diego Garcia,
I've been sitting in a courtroom in Britain for years and years and years
trying to get their islands back.
These are the Chagos Islands in the Indian Ocean,
where the United States is one of the world's largest bases.
It's called Diego Garcia.
You know, the Chagosians want their land back.
The U.S. has a big base there.
You know, you're talking about.
Hong Kong and how you're bleeding about democracy and so on. What about democracy for the
Chagosians, the people of Guam, you know, the people of Wauquinawa, even, well, let's not talk
about this too much, but the people of Hawaii and so on. These are all extended military
bases for God's sake. And, you know, where the only political prison is in Cuba, it's on
Guantanamo, run by the United States government. So, you know, that should be on the table.
more you have this militarized language, the more normal it seems to have military bases all
over the world. And the less remarked upon is the fact that the U.S. military is the largest
institutional emitter of greenhouse gases. Well, you've really sketched out how the
consumption, production nexus has to be looked at globally. And then also, you know, the military
imperialist sort of venture. And what we're really talking about is our modern form of
capitalism is really killing the planet.
Chris, in your recent article, you talked about how we need to be more concrete rather
than abstract about these numbers, 2.4% versus 1.5 and so on.
I'm wondering if maybe you want to underscore that and sketch out a little bit.
What you see is the specific consequences for those in the global South in particular who
are going to be suffering the worst of the crisis as it advances even after.
the so-called achievements of COP 26.
Yeah, absolutely.
You know, I think in some ways it can be quite hard to look into the future and say,
well, this is the world we're going to see because often it kind of makes you sound like
a crack because, you know, you kind of sketch out this very apocalyptic kind of world.
And, you know, I think for a lot of people it's quite hard to believe.
And so why I actually find most useful when describing this is pointing to what's already
happening and saying, you know, if what we've seen over the past few years, there's a real
escalation in the extreme weather of wildfires, you know, that, you know, I think what the last
few years have done as well, you know, I'm speaking from the UK, especially for people that I know
in the global north is really underline how this is happening now, not just in a kind of over there
in the global south, but, you know, this is increasingly going to affect so many of us. And so you
have wildfires kind of ravaging for Australia or California, Athens, wherever.
droughts, you know, in Kenya, extreme flooding that will increasingly, you know,
render, you know, large, you know, dense populations, very precarious.
Storms will, you know, rip through cities, you know, I think a few years ago,
Bearer in Mozambique and 90% of infrastructure was destroyed.
Flooding in Bangladesh continues yearly and will get worse and worse.
And, you know, all of these things will disrupt food systems.
You know, I think we've seen large-scale crops fail.
And we'll see that more and more and more.
That will obviously have an impact on food prices around the world.
And with all of this, we'll see people displaced, you know, within the country they're from, within the region.
You know, often we talk about climate refugees.
And I think what's often, you know, little understood is that when people are displaced, they won't, you know, be from
you know Bangladesh to the UK it will be within the same region and actually places that have
been had resources stolen that have been deprived with the resources to deal with this problem
will still you know they'll be vulnerable and lack the resources to to deal with that displacement of
people and so you know this is just a kind of very brief outline of the things we're already seeing
with the climate crisis you know the world at 1.1 degrees um but you know I think what that
really underlines it when, you know, very often when we talk about Paris Agreement, I just
say this Paris Agreement is lauded as this kind of gold standard of, you know, climate
diplomacy. But, you know, it's strongest ambition is 1.5 degrees, which is, you know, can I consider
a considerably worse situation than where we are now. So what we, you know, we want to keep 1.5
alive. Let's be real. 1.5 is serious economic destruction and loss of life for very many people.
um two degrees is even worse 2.4 degrees yeah and i think by the time we're going to 2.4 2.7 3 whatever it is
that's when you kind of get this idea of tipping points and the more warming you get itself
gets more warming um and you kind of get into this runaway situation and so yeah i think i you know
i would be i would be reticent to give a whole lot of detail about you know what the level of
warming that these accords put us on a path to looks like because because as they've said
I think you only need to look at what we're experiencing today to understand that for very many people
climate change, the climate crisis, climate breakdown, climate injustice is already a defining factor of their lives.
It's a significant threat to livelihoods and to life itself and that will only get more these impacts,
these threats will become more frequent, more severe and more geographically spread.
And, you know, not only, I think, as we've shown, not only are we not doing anything
close to what's necessary to limit that or to mitigate for that, we're also not doing
enough to adapt to it and to think about, well, how will we live in in this new reality?
And, you know, I think one of the things I've been thinking about recently is, you know,
this idea of this kind of kept net zero targets, you know, the UK net zero by 2050, we kind of
stop thinking what it will be like beyond 2050, you know, is this idea of like, well, we
have done it by then. But in three decades time, I'll be in my 50s and technically still have
a decade or two left to work. And it's like, well, what is it like for me? What is it like for people
who are born today? You will be, you know, in their 30s at 2050. Because I can say, well,
we will have a steady, you know, escalating of this crisis until then, and it will carry on
after that, whether we achieve net zero, whatever that means or not. Yeah. Well, we know that
the official cop is not really equipped to address the real sources of the problem or to achieve
the genuine solutions that would reflect real climate justice and end inequality. BJ, perhaps
by way of conclusion, you can tell us, you know, what was the people's agenda at the
real cop that was taking place and what do you see as the path forward for people who really want
to dedicate themselves to a just world and address this problem?
See, I just would like to admit that a lot of our movements are movements of criticism.
You know, we are critical of what they are doing on the other side of the fence, but we don't know
what we would do if we suddenly were handed everything. You know, suddenly they decide they're going
to board Elon Musk's spacecraft and disappear and they throw the keys in our face, what
will we do?
And I don't think we've actually thought this through.
But there are some things that are obvious and on the table.
Let's firstly stop subsidizing fossil fuels, $5.9 billion, roughly $6 billion a year.
Let's stop using public money to underwrite fossil fuel companies.
immediately transfer money into a climate fund you know scale up renewable energy
all over the world let's seriously consider creating car free zones in very many
parts of the world you know if you can take a train there should be no road going
beside it just have more trains running I'll give you just a simple example I was
I went from London to Glasgow by train and the British train system is so
destroyed by privatization you know as you
leave London, you see all these fancy trains in Houston Station, and as you go north further
and further in England, you see the train stock deteriorate because you are now in areas
where they are just forgotten people living.
When you enter Scotland, the train stock actually improves.
It's so class ridden the whole thing.
You know, you need to have a world of public transportation.
We need to put money into that.
We need to have a world where we're heating buildings in
an effective way. I mean, I would say let's go to dense housing. You know, let's have less
standalone houses. The denser housing, the less you're wasting heat. You know, if every
family lives in one little house with a garden and so on, the energy burden on that family
is enormous. But if you're living in a building, it's compact. You can create heat densities
and cool densities as well. So, I mean, there are some common sense things at none. It's
It's not rocket science.
We have to also learn as a movement not to turn inward and say local is great because local
often doesn't have the solution.
We'll still need international trade.
We'll have to figure out how best to do it.
How do we convert ships, for instance, from being reliant on energies that have produced
carbon to different kinds of energies?
How do we do that?
Let's be creative with things like that.
We don't need to turn inward.
So there are some basic policy things that are on the table, you know, but we'd have
to go up against a car industry.
We'd have to go up against a rubber industry.
You'd have to go up against, you know, the privatization kick that public transport has been
in and so on and so forth.
You know, we'd have to think seriously about what affordable housing means and how to house
people, you know, in a way that is energy, you know, utilizes energy in a proper way.
might have to even consider whether every family should have their own kitchen, you know,
to cook privately or whether we do more communal kind of eating.
It's more efficient use of energy.
And you know, people say all these small things make no difference.
Of course they make a difference when you're multiplying it by 7.9 billion.
If 7.9 billion people are doing X number of things and you can reduce that by a great
quantum of number, you'll have an impact.
So there are at a big scale, small.
scale, there are things we could do in a heartbeat.
I think we could manage it, Adnan.
If they threw the keys at us, I don't think we'll be as clueless as we immediately feel when those keys land in our palm.
Well, those are the keys that we need to get, indeed.
I really appreciate this conversation and the update and analysis you've provided for our listeners on guerrilla history.
How can listeners follow you and your work, Vijay?
Well, I would like them to come to the Tri-Continental.
It's the tricontinental.org and look at our materials and so on.
And follow the work of Globetrotter, where most of my reporting comes through the Globetrotter Wire Service.
And Chris, how can listeners follow you?
Yeah, get me on Twitter at Chris underscore Saltmarsh.
I've been writing for Tribune magazine in the UK.
quite often and I've had a book out recently but fighting for climate justice with Pluto
Press yeah which yeah you're very welcome to crow copy up fantastic again thank you so much
really appreciate this conversation and listeners that's it for this cop update this dispatch
look for our you know episodes coming out very soon on a variety of other topics until then
solidarity.
Thank you.