Here's Where It Gets Interesting - Den of Spies with Craig Unger
Episode Date: December 23, 2024Was there a secret conspiracy between Ronald Reagan’s campaign and Iran to help him win the 1980 election? NYT bestselling author Craig Unger unpacks the plot in his most recent book, “Den of Spie...s,” a story he worked on for 30 years. The Iran hostage crisis had plagued Jimmy Carter’s presidency, and was seen as one of his biggest failures. Reagan’s campaign worried that an October hostage release would give Carter a boost to win reelection. So, Unger explains, Reagan’s team hatched a plan to get Iran to hold the hostages until Reagan was president, trading weapons for their cooperation. It’s a real-life spy thriller filled with CIA operatives, code names, and countless people who tried to stop Unger from uncovering the truth. Credits: Host and Executive Producer: Sharon McMahon Supervising Producer: Melanie Buck Parks Audio Producer: Craig Thompson To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Hey friends, welcome.
Delighted that you're with me today.
You are going to need to buckle up for this episode.
My guest is Craig Unger, who has written a book called Den of Spies.
Reagan Carter and the secret history of the treason that stole the White House. Now this is not about election conspiracy theories,
but it is about the secret effort to undermine
the release of the American hostages being held
in the Iranian embassy,
something that ultimately cost Jimmy Carter the election.
You are gonna wanna stick around for this conversation,
so let's dive
in. I'm Sharon McMahon and here's where it gets interesting.
Thank you so much for being here.
Well thanks for having me.
First of all, let's set the stage for what the Den of Spies actually is.
It's a spy thriller, but it's a real life spy thriller, and it's about a covert operation
that took place in 1980 during the presidential election. And it's been controversial for
many, many years. I've been on and off the story for more than three decades, and I believe
I've finally really put together a spy story of how it happened. This is a secret, treasonous covert operation that sabotaged an American presidential election.
And it was the foundation of the birth of modern conservatism.
This is the birth of the Reagan era in 1980, just after Iran had seized 52 American hostages.
Okay.
So to give the listeners a little bit more context,
we have the Iranian hostage crisis
at the tail end of the Jimmy Carter presidency.
And this occupies all of Jimmy Carter's time.
He's obviously like so focused
on trying to get these hostages released
that he doesn't even feel good about going out
and hitting the
campaign trail, right? He's like, I got to stay here. I got to focus on getting these people out.
Doesn't matter if I win again, if they're still being held hostage in Iran. Tell us a little bit
more, just because not everybody is super up on their 20th century history. Tell us a little bit
more, like set the stage. What is the context for this spy story? And then I want to get into it a little bit more, but what
is the backdrop against which all of this is happening?
Well, this is the elemental issue in the 1980 presidential campaign. If Carter can bring
the hostages home, he'll be seen as a hero just before the election. And presumably that
would push him over the top.
The Republicans know that they're going to do
everything they can to stop it,
but they can't appear to stop it.
What I report is what was really going on behind the scenes,
and that the campaign manager for
Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush was running as vice president,
the campaign manager was Bill Casey.
To my mind, he's one of the greatest master spies in American history.
He's dazzlingly brilliant.
He's a fabulous character.
I describe him as sort of a cross between James Bond and Mr. Magoo.
He is known for mumbling.
The joke was when he became head of the CIA that all the other top guys had to have scramblers
on their phone, but not Bill Casey.
No one could understand what he said anyway.
His table manners were embarrassing.
It's Bill food all over himself.
It spit on people when he talked.
It seemed to be going a dozen different directions at once.
And yet secretly, he was incredibly effective and had a real secret intelligence team that could sell weapons
to Iran, a hostile foreign power that was embargoed, while on the other hand, he was
running a winning presidential campaign.
So the thrust of the Den of Spies is this secret plan to make sure that the hostages would not get released during the Carter presidency,
right?
And the motivation is to get Ronald Reagan elected.
Am I understanding that correctly?
Absolutely.
And I want you to think about it.
One is Iran has just had the Iranian revolution.
Before that, the Shah was in
control and he was basically an American puppet. And thanks to the Shah, who had been installed by
the CIA, we had powerful allies in the Middle East. And even more important, we had access to
lots of cheap oil from 1953 to 79. Suddenly, the Shah is toppled. And you have these theocratic Islamic fundamentalists who are taking charge.
And the whole world is agog.
In Iran, they're chanting, Death to America.
They'd refer to America as the great Satan and Israel as the little Satan.
And on the same time, the Republicans are making jokes about how when Reagan gets elected,
they will burn Iran to the ground.
And those are the jokes during the campaign.
What's red and flat and glows in the dark, Tehran after Reagan is elected.
So the idea that this was going on behind the scenes is just unimaginable.
And yet what William Casey is doing is he is aligning with the hardline theocracy, not
the moderate secular Democrats in Iran, but he's aligning with them.
He's giving them weapons, even though they're holding American hostages.
And in return for giving those weapons, what does he want?
He wants Iran not to release the hostages, at least not before the election.
And that's exactly what happens.
How does a political operative who's running a campaign,
how does he traffic weapons to a foreign country?
Well, that's a wonderful question and speaks to who Bill Casey is.
And it is quite extraordinary.
During World War II, he was a key member of the OSS,
the Office of Strategic Services, which was a key member of the OSS, the Office of Strategic
Services, which was the precursor of the CIA, and he did brilliant work against the Nazis,
and more power to him for that. But he also did it against the Democrats nearly 40 years later.
And even though he was not officially in the CIA during this period, later during Reagan,
he became head of the CIA,
but not at this time.
What I discovered was,
even though he was a private citizen,
he'd had private meetings with the head of
Israeli military intelligence on a regular basis.
He had meetings with South African arms dealers
who sold weapons to Iran.
He had this secret team of cutouts and operatives who were able to set up meetings
with Iranian officials in Madrid, Paris, and elsewhere.
And it took me more than three decades, but I finally got into Iran, I went to Israel,
I went to Paris to find research to support all these allegations.
AMT.
SIEGEL It's really quite extraordinary, Craig, what
you have managed to not just hint at.
This is something that's been hinted at or gossiped about for a very long time, but to
actually do the work to definitively prove it, including all of this big international
travel, it's quite remarkable.
Talk a little bit more about what it took to gather the evidence, the hard evidence
where you feel like, I can now say without question that this is what happened.
Well, this book was very different for me.
And I've done six books about major malfeasance in one way or another during elections.
And this book was very different for me because it was personal.
And when you start investigative reporting, one of the things they say is, it's not about
you.
Don't write about yourself.
And I kind of followed that credo for more than 50 years.
This time I decided to make a break and make a much more personal book because it was a
real journey for me.
And I started out in 1991.
I first started investigating this. I did a big
10,000 word piece for Esquire magazine in which I sort of laid out the narrative.
And then Newsweek magazine, I mean the media was very very different back 30
years ago too and Newsweek was a very powerful organ that played a major role
in shaping the national conversation. It's not like it is now, but it had over three million subscribers and it was the
kind of publication that could break major stories and do major investigations.
But when I went to Newsweek, something extraordinary happened. All the material
I've been collecting and the whole narrative surrounding the October
surprise took a 180.
And I saw it suddenly became gospel that anyone who was stupid enough to investigate this
was a gullible and was being taken in by frauds and phony arms dealers and people like that.
And it was all a big hoax and people like me had been taken. And the whole issue was sort of whitewashed really.
The congressional investigation came up with nothing and the conventional wisdom became
that the October surprise was a hoax. But for me, who had actually been investigating it,
I had sources all in and off the record who were giving me very
Explosive information and I kept following it for decades afterwards
So you felt like this was just like a story you could not let go
You know, like there was like a personal element of like man. I need to button this up
I need to write a book about it. People need to know the truth
This was one of those things that you just felt like there's an element here that like my personal reputation or my personal feelings
about this have to play a part in writing this story. Is that true?
Well, one of my major sources was Elliot Richardson, who was the former attorney general. And he
to me was sort of the hero of Watergate, but he refused to fire the special prosecutor.
And he was sort of the man of great moral courage.
And he was one of my sources on this.
And he said, look, Watergate was nothing compared to what really went on here.
And he had a lot of information that he gave me.
So I kept following for many reasons.
Over the years, I got to Israel where the head of military intelligence told me that
he had been talking to Casey on a regular basis.
He also verified that some of the arms dealers I'd been talking to had been trading arms
to Iran on behalf of the Republicans.
And this material is really explosive if you think about it.
Israel was an active partner in a covert operation that sabotaged an American presidential
election. America is Israel's biggest supporter. They're not supposed to be doing that to us.
This is our sovereignty.
I know you were talked about in The Atlantic and basically in The Atlantic they say something
like the obsession that would overtake Craig Unger's life, get him labeled a member of the tin foil hat
brigade, and nearly destroy his career as an investigative reporter took root on
an April morning in 1991. And he talks about how you were just drinking your
coffee reading the New York Times and you came across this piece of information
about this plot that had sabotaged Jimmy Carter's reelection efforts. Tell us a little bit more about that moment when you were
drinking your coffee and you came across this piece of information. What was that
moment like for you? Well it was sort of staggering because this was an op-ed
piece in the New York Times by a man named Gary Sink and Gary had been on the
National Security Council
under Jimmy Carter and before him on President Gerald Ford.
So he was the Iran specialist,
and he was really very much of an intelligence analyst.
He's been a scholar at Columbia University,
a very sober-minded, just the fact fan kind of guy,
the farthest from a conspiracy nutcase that you can imagine.
I remember meeting with him just after he printed that,
and I took his piece and for me it was very much a roadmap.
Because I saw it even though it's supposedly an opinion piece,
its opinions come from facts.
He was an intelligence analyst,
and I used it very much as a roadmap for my first piece in Esquire. It
was very well received when it was published in Esquire. And Newsweek immediately hired
me to pursue the investigation. But a few weeks into that, things took a 180. And it
was sort of horrifying what I saw. And I think it's very much a precursor of what we're going
through now. That is, today it's as if you have two Americas
who don't share the same set of facts at all,
and there's a chasm between them.
And back then it was starting to happen,
but in a much more discreet sort of undercover kind of way.
And this is where I saw it start to happen.
I had a front row seat at Newsweek
when I could see the forces
that were changing the reporting.
And that reporters are sort of addicted to their sources and almost a prisoner of them.
And I think one of the bans of American journalism is what is called access journalism.
That is, back in the 90s, if Henry Kissinger was a big source of yours,
well, wow, your career was golden. You could get story after story and your career was
made, but you would have to carry water for him. You'd have to do as he said. And that
would change the narrative entirely. And to my mind, it often resulted in inaccurate
reporting.
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There was a personal cost for you too,
to pursue this story.
You were sued over investigating this, right?
I was sued, I won the lawsuit,
but even that means you're tied up in court for,
I guess it was about five years,
and it puts a question mark over your reputation.
I did win the lawsuit and I got back on my feet.
I came back to New York and was with Vanity Fair for 15 years.
And I've written, this is my eighth book.
But I never wanted to let go of this.
To me, this was a story, as Elliot Richardson said, that was bigger than Watergate.
And October Surprise is an explosive development
that changes the course of the election.
And that worked out two ways in 1980.
The Republicans were trying to say that Jimmy Carter
was going to stage an October's surprise
by bringing home the hostages.
Secretly, they were manipulating it so he couldn't.
Secretly, they were manipulating it so he couldn't. Whose idea was it to begin negotiating with Tehran and saying, you know what, no matter
what they do, don't release the hostages?
Who came up with this plan?
Well, Casey was the master spy.
And it's really interesting.
What I accomplished most was showing that he'd been putting together a network for many years, even before they ran hostage crisis.
So he had his best friend with a guy named John Shaheen, who was an oil millionaire in New York.
Shaheen was Casey's best friend going back to the days of World War II.
And he was a cutout. That is, he was the middleman in covert operations.
So Casey would talk to Shaheen, and Shaheen
would do the dirty work.
And one of the ways I found a lot of information
is the FBI had wiretaps on Iranian arms dealers,
two brothers named Cyrus and John Sheet Hashemi.
And during the wiretaps, it was clear they were talking
regularly to John Shaheen, and Shaheen was Casey's friend. So that's how the communications
went at least for a major part of this. And the Hashemis went to the Carter administration
and said, oh, we'd love to help you release the hostages. But secretly, they were double
agents working for Bill Casey.
AMT – So in your mind, Bill Casey is the mastermind behind this plan, which he believes
is like sort of the golden ticket to ousting Carter and getting Reagan elected. Was that
his main motivation with partisan politics?
BD – It was party over country, party over country.
And that's what you see in these October surprises.
And there have been different versions of these in 1968,
even earlier, during the Vietnam War, Nixon was running against Hubert Humphrey.
And the Nixon administration sent an intermediary
to make sure the Paris peace talks were disrupted,
which embarrassed the Democrats enormously
and helped put Nixon over the top.
So this has happened in several elections.
And in 1980, you know, it was sort of extraordinary
because the hostages were released literally minutes
after Reagan took the oath of office
when he was inaugurated.
And it was almost comical. And if you
just had logically put two and two together, you knew there had to be a fishy deal somewhere.
That's part of what has always interested me. It's reported that Jimmy Carter, even though he knew
he lost the election, spends the morning of inauguration day kind of like sleepless in his
office and his wife comes downstairs and is like,
you have got to get ready, like shave and brush your teeth
and put on your clothes,
because we got to go do the inauguration.
And of course he's going to give up power.
He knows he's not staying in office,
but he wanted it for his legacy,
that he had been able to help release the hostages.
He didn't want to leave on that moment.
But then when the very first thing Ronald Reagan talks about during his post
inauguration is the fact that these hostages have been released,
how could that not be suspicious?
How did he manage to get them released in the five minutes since he's been
president? You know what I mean?
Like, that's weird.
That's a strange situation.
Who plans that?
And I think that goes back to Casey.
I mean, even, you know, the onion,
the satirical magazine had an end of the century book
for the 20th century.
And for that day, they had a fake headline saying,
Reagan inaugurated urges America
not to put two and two
together. Well he certainly kicked off his presidency on an upward trajectory
certainly was like wow we really did the right thing by electing him it certainly
set the stage for American opinion of him, right? Absolutely.
But I mean, that's why I think it's so important for people
to understand the truth.
I mean, imagine bribing a hostile foreign power
not to release American hostages.
OK.
How much was Reagan involved in this?
How much did he know?
How much did he approve of it?
Because you know that there's going to be people who talk about the negative legacy of Bill Casey, but who feel like this
wasn't Reagan's idea. It wasn't his doing. It wasn't on him. How much did Reagan know
and how involved was he in this?
Richard P. Cotter – Truman's slogan, of course, was the buck stops here. Reagan's
slogan was, I didn't hear that. And Casey was renowned for mumbling.
And Reagan famously said, you know,
I can never understand a word Bill Casey says,
and I can ask him to repeat himself once.
I can ask him a second time,
but you can't ask a third time.
It's just rude.
And so I just nod my head.
And so it's very hard to prove exactly what Reagan knew. He was asked by reporters and
once on the tarmac as he was about to board a plane, he looked back at a reporter and said,
oh, we were doing something the other way, whatever that means. And there was some evidence,
though. There was a letter to Nancy Reagan from the former governor of Texas, John Conley.
And John Conley had taken a trip.
He was another operative of Bill Casey.
And he had a disastrous run for the Republican presidential nomination, but he wanted a cabinet
post and he wanted to stay close to Reagan and Casey.
So on behalf of Casey, he took a trip to the Middle East and he visited various foreign leaders.
I have a photo of him in my book with Anwar Sadat of Egypt.
And he was telling all of them, look,
Iran shouldn't release the hostages.
They should keep them till after the election.
It's very important that Iran's leadership know that and do
that.
And Connolly later wrote a letter to Nancy Reagan. So it's certainly
suggestive that Ronald Reagan may well have known about it, and he certainly knew about
it in broad terms.
LESLIE KENDRICK He had to have known something was going on because it's not like, you know,
his speech moments into his presidency where he's announcing the release. Wouldn't it have
occurred to him, like, how did we do that? How did this happen?
Yeah, I mean, I think he was smart enough not to show his hand like that.
And when it came to the debate between Reagan and Jimmy Carter, Casey had orchestrated the
theft of Jimmy Carter's briefing papers, and he put them on the desk of James Baker, who
was a Reagan aide.
So Reagan had the advantage of preparing with Carter's briefing papers, and that's firmly
established by the congressional investigation.
They also had a sub-part of the campaign called the October Surprise Committee, and they were
on the lookout.
They were hoping, you know, would the Carter administration try and rescue operation?
What would they do?
Any troop movements might tip off
that the hostages were being released early.
So they had a very sophisticated
intelligence operation going.
Why is Bill Casey willing to sacrifice
the wellbeing of Americans,
because for every day that they were in captivity,
their lives were at risk?
Why is he willing to allow
them to stay in, you know, a prison setting essentially? Why is he willing to
allow them to remain imprisoned in the embassy in an effort to get Ronald
Reagan elected? Yes, we all know that there's people who, you know, would do
nearly anything to get their favorite person elected. But it seems like there needs to be some bigger driving force behind this long-term sort of
operation where you're talking about how he has a den of spies. It's not just like one phone call.
It takes effort to be able to work with a foreign government and to make all these backroom deals
and traffic and arms. And if you do this, we'll do that.
This is not a like overnight emergency development.
This was planned for and worked for.
What is his motivation?
What is he going to get out of it other than getting Ronald Reagan elected?
Why would he be willing to sacrifice Americans to get his preferred candidate elected?
I mean, one is they weren't sacrificed permanently, just for a few hundred extra days.
Yes, yes.
But it's a wonderful question.
And if you look at American foreign policy between the end of World War II and 1975,
the CIA was just ruthless.
I mean, in terms of doing coup d'etats all over the world, they overthrew the government
in Syria, in Guatemala in 1954, in Iran in 1953.
They installed the Shah of Iran.
They later did it in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic.
They were running a foreign policy by themselves in a way.
And there was a big crackdown in the mid-70s from Congress.
The Church Committee investigated for the first time there was real oversight.
And when Jimmy Carter became president, his head of the CIA, Stansfield Turner, immediately
fired 800 agents who were part of the operations directorate.
These are hardcore CIA operatives.
When they saw that we had lost Iran,
that Jimmy Carter being a weak president who had lost one of
the most powerful countries that was an American proxy,
we got huge amounts of oil from Iran and it had
enormous strategic importance in the Middle East.
They were furious and Casey loved those guys.
They were all part of his network.
He was very much a Manichaean man. When it came to the Cold War, he didn't want to just contain
the Russians. He wanted to roll back all their gays. He loved these coup d'etats that the CIA had
been doing. So he got to work and it was essential for the campaign. But I suspect he would rationalize
it that it was really important for American interests
to have power in the Middle East at the same time
when you look at what he actually did.
He installed the same repressive theocracy
that's in Iran today, and they are not friends
of the United States, they're not friends of Israel,
so I think what he did was horrible.
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Follow and listen to Office Ladies on the free Odyssey app and wherever you get your
podcasts. You bring up a really good point that the United States covertly via the CIA had a vested
interest in maintaining our control, so to speak, over a Middle Eastern power and that
they viewed Jimmy Carter as a threat to the operations that they had been running around the world
for decades. And they felt like Ronald Reagan would help them restore this idea of like,
yes, this is an appropriate use of CIA power to have these coups that install leaders that
are failing to the United States. And that is in the United States' best interest. That
was their belief
at the time. And of course, today we might think that seems ridiculous, but in post-World
War II Cold War America, where many of these men like Bill Casey were coming up, that was
not the belief system that they had.
Casey's belief system was forged by the Nazis, really, and one could see it that way. But
he turned the same tactics
on the Democrats. So that, to me, is what is sort of shocking.
LESLIE KENDRICK Yeah, he then begins not just wielding this
power in foreign countries, he begins wielding it against other Americans in America. And
that's like an interesting part of this entire story to me.
GEOFFREY STROHAUER Right. Well, this is, to me, an act of treason and is the sabotage of an American presidential election.
This covert operation is about far more than just getting one president elected, right?
Because the election of Ronald Reagan, who becomes the standard bearer for the American conservative movement,
he is the archetype of conservatism. He is the peace through strength guy.
He's the, we're not afraid of using US military power.
He's the trickle down economics guy.
He is the modern archetype for American conservatism
in many of the same ways that LBJ is the modern archetype
for the American liberal movement.
And the election of Ronald Reagan to eight years in the White House, it's difficult to
overstate how much that changed the course of United States history and consequently
changed the course of world history.
This is not just like a couple of dudes in a back room, like, no, release them on January
20th and not a day before, and
then, you know, he'll be elected.
And yay, the outcome of this covert operation massively affects the history of the world.
Absolutely.
And it's not just two terms of Ronald Reagan.
After that, you had George H.W. Bush, and then you had his son for two terms.
So that's five administrations.
And off the top of my head, I don't know how many Supreme Court justices they appointed, but it's
part of the reason we have this Republican majority in the Supreme Court today. I mean,
it has really changed the nation. What is it that you hope people take away? What do you want them
to have learned from having read this? What are we supposed to do with this information, Craig? You know, like, now that we know it, what are we
supposed to do? So what are the takeaways and what do you hope people do with this?
Craig S. Luttrell, Ph.D., Ph.D. The bottom line to me is that we have to come terms with our history
and we have to accept it, even the dark parts of our history. And it's the oldest cliché in the book
that those who don't remember the history are doomed to repeat it.
But this became very personal for me and I started thinking about it in terms of how
I'd grown up thinking about history. And when I was just a kid, I think I was 13 years old,
my father took me on my first trip to Europe and I happened to be Jewish.
But we were in Germany and he took me to the concentration camps to Dachau. And
but we were in Germany and he took me to the concentration camps, to Dachau. And going there, I realized that it was a monument honoring the victims.
And that Germany was saying, we did this, we committed these horrible atrocities.
And Germans, I have German friends, they grow up learning that, that Germans were Nazis
and they had the death camps and they killed six million Jews.
And the president of Germany said a few years ago,
to truly love Germany, you have to love it with a broken heart.
After I was in Germany,
I went back to Dallas where I grew up and I was in eighth grade and we went on a Texas history trip,
which of course took us to the Alamo.
And in America, people know about the Alamo.
Everyone does, don't they? to the Alamo. In America, people know about the Alamo. Everyone does, don't they?
I remember the Alamo.
I grew up with Davy Crockett and a Krumskid half and all that stuff.
I went to that and paid homage to the heroes of the Alamo.
It wasn't until decades later until I learned the whole story,
which is at the time,
Texas was a province in Mexico.
Mexico had just abolished slavery. So we were rooting for the slave owners and
That turns everything on its head. Why is it important that we know the truth?
I mean, I totally agree with you that we cannot build pride on a lie that we have to know the truth in order to
Truly love something so I agree with you about the
only way you can love Germany is with a broken heart and that's in many ways
true of America too. You know like we can think of a million reasons why it's
important that we understand our very dark past when it comes to enslaving
other human beings and that we can't just sweep it under the rug and be like
oh the war of northern aggression, states rights, blah blah blah like that's silly
that's silly to do that.
It's important to know exactly what we did.
And when you love something, you wanna make it better.
Right, you want it to be the best it can be.
It's like your own children.
When you have children, you don't want them
to be lazy slobs who get Fs in school
and who never make their bet.
You want them to be the best they can be
in part because you love them.
Right, you want what's best for them.
So I would love to hear you talk a little bit more before we sign off. Why is it important that America grapple with the sort of more dark aspects
of our past? Why is that something that's incumbent upon us to do now? Right. Well, like I say, you
know, it is the oldest cliche, if you will. Those who don't remember the past are doomed to repeat
it. And you see it again and again with the October Surprise that it happened in 1980. It happened before that. We never
acknowledged it. It was swept under the rug. When I was investigating it for
Newsweek, it was quashed. And it never became part of our shared history. And we
don't really acknowledge these things. When I started out in journalism, for
better or worse, when you watch
CBS News, Walter Cronkite was talking to all Americans, or so it seemed. Today, that's not
the case. We're captives of Twitter or X, and we're all in our little silos, and no one talks to each
other. The internet doesn't connect us. I think it divides us quite a lot. And there is such a thing as factual realities.
Things happen.
And when I was reporting this for Newsweek, I knew they happened.
I saw Americans being lied to.
One of the shocking things about that experience back then was Newsweek not only said it didn't
happen, it ran three stories in a row in sequence saying the October surprise didn't happen. It didn't happen. It didn't happen. It ran three stories in a row in sequence saying the October surprise didn't happen, it didn't happen, it didn't happen. And if you're a
journalist you know that news is when something does happen. When something
doesn't happen you don't have to tell people that again and again. And what I
saw was just information happening. You see it enormous amounts of it now and I
think that's why the book is so
relevant today is that we've got to learn from the past. And if we don't, we're going to be in real
trouble.
Well, you have written a very, very compelling book, Den of Spies. Thank you so much for being
here. Thanks for your decades of work chasing down this story. I really enjoyed reading it. I'm not
happy about all the facts in the book, Craig, but I'm glad to know them. Some things, I like to
say that some things are difficult to hear but important to know and I think
this is one of those stories that falls in that category. So I appreciate your
time today. Well thank you very much. I enjoyed it. You can buy Craig's Den of
Spies wherever you get your books.
If you want to support a local bookshop, head to yours or you can go to bookshop.org.
Thanks for being here today.
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