Here's Where It Gets Interesting - Mayhem: The 1970s You Never Knew, Episode 2

Episode Date: October 16, 2023

Secret Police, CIA operatives, The Pentagon Papers, and The Most Dangerous Man in America. There was a time in the not-so-distant past, when the nightly news changed the game in how Americans felt about the war in Vietnam, the first “television war.” What was more of a shock to some though, was the realization that the American public had been lied to for decades by the U.S. government, spanning four presidential administrations. How did this influence the Watergate scandal? And how did the lavish “gathering of the Century” in Iran, attended by Vice President Agnew, tie into future allegations of broad political corruption? Writer, Host, and Executive Producer: Sharon McMahon Audio Producer: Jenny Snyder Writers and Researchers: Amy Watkin, Mandy Reid, and Kari Anton Production Coordinator: Andrea Champoux Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

As a Fizz member, you can look forward to free data, big savings on plans, and having your unused data roll over to the following month. Every month at Fizz, you always get more for your money. Terms and conditions for our different programs and policies apply. Details at fizz.ca. Hello, friends. Welcome. Welcome to episode two of our new documentary series about the 1970s. Today, we are revisiting 1971, and it was definitely one for the records. From astronauts to a billion-dollar feast, the passage of the 26th Amendment to the Pentagon Papers, Amendment to the Pentagon Papers. 1971 ushered in political and cultural shifts that still reverberate today. And stay tuned until the end of the episode where I have some facts that didn't make it in to today's story. Let's dive in. I'm Sharon McMahon,

and here's where it gets interesting. The year was 1970, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had an idea. An idea to throw a lavish three-day, no-expense-spaired celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire. In the desert, with no infrastructure, and scorpions and serpents everywhere. He started by rounding up all of the undesirables, which were the creepy crawly animals he had poisoned, along with students, activists, and dissidents he imprisoned. He closed the borders and shuttered all schools and universities. He created the image of Iran he wanted to project, a perfect image, one of lavish wealth, no poverty, and definitely no human rights violations. He wanted to connect his leadership with that of Cyrus the Great, the first ruler of

the Persian Empire. And for those who may have missed it in history class, the Persian Empire lasted roughly from 539 BCE until it was conquered by Alexander the Great in 334 BCE. It encompassed modern-day Egypt, Iran, Turkey, and sections of Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Shah was all about reform. Reform that some considered progressive and others blasphemous. His goal was to aggressively modernize, even westernize, Iran with freedoms for women's dress and education, urbanization, and redistribution of landowners and clerics' wealth. Such wide-scale change so quickly led to a great sense of unease among some people in what was already a politically turbulent time. The Shah came to power in 1953 following Operation Ajax. Two years earlier, the Prime Minister had nationalized Iran's oil supply, stripping foreign countries like Great Britain from

profiting off the claims they had to Iranian petroleum. The Shah was paid $1 million to head a coup orchestrated by the CIA and British intelligence that overthrew the Prime Minister and installed him as Iran's supreme leader. The thinking was that the Shah would have policies that benefited the West, unlike the policies enacted by the prime minister before him. And listen, I am telling you all of this for a good reason. It is going to be important later in the series. In order to create the impression of a flourishing country due to his leadership, the Shah had to create an oasis in the middle of a literal desert. He chose Persepolis as the site of his festivities, as it was the original capital city

founded under King Darius in 518 BCE. It's near modern day Shiraz, and it's important archaeologically, and it's protected as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. So in October 1971, the transformation of a desert into an ostentatious destination involved importing thousands of trees, plants, and European songbirds, most of which perished in the desert heat. The Shah built a golf course, an airport, and two hotels, and arranged for 250 bulletproof Mercedes-Benz limousines to shuttle guests to and from the airport and the elaborate tent city he had erected. Constructed in the shape of a star with a fountain at the end and five points radiating from it,

symbolizing the five continents from which he invited world leaders and heads of state, the amenities for guests were unlike anything the world had seen. Designed by Maison Jensen and flown in from Paris, each tent was covered in traditional Persian cloth and included air conditioning, special telecommunication systems that linked each leader to their home countries, two bedrooms and bathrooms, a sitting room, a kitchen, and two servants available around the clock. This was not camping. It was not even glamping. All of this, though, was in a custom-designed tent. In total, the tent city occupied over 160 acres of land. But that wasn't all. There was also a banquet tent where the feast was held, and there were other tents that connected to it, and those tents had things like pastry and entree kitchens. There was also a secret gambling room and a tent

for the ladies that housed four makeup stylists and 16 prefabricated hair salons staffed by Parisian, not Persian, Parisian hair stylists. The food was prepared by the staff of Maxim's in Paris, which was then considered the best restaurant in the world. Maxim's closed for a full two weeks in order to prepare for this party. In addition to flying out the restaurant's entire staff, the Shah also had flown in daily blocks of ice said to be the size of garages, enough to keep 4,500 bottles of champagne cool, along with thousands of pounds of meat, caviar, and booze. caviar, and booze. In total, the three-day event required over 18 tons of food and drink. The menu of delicacies included quail eggs, stuffed peacocks, the country's national symbol, complete with restored tail feathers, although guests really just ate the quails surrounding them. We included a photo of this in our show notes, by the way.

Lambs, figs with cream, cognac, coffee, and more. It was served on a seamless, hand-sewn tablecloth that took 150 artisans well over half a year to complete, atop a 187-foot table so that all 60 heads of state could see each other. For a celebration of the Persian Empire, it's remarkable that almost all of the elements were outsourced from European artisans, particularly from France, from the handcrafted plates to the food to the landscaping. The attendees were royalty and leaders from around the globe. It's actually easier to name the people who didn't attend than those who did.

Noticeably, Queen Elizabeth, not there. She was not interested in bowing down to the King of Kings, which is the title that Shaw gave himself. Pope Paul VI declined, likely for the same reason. President Nixon wanted to go, but security concerns kept him back in the United States. So he sent the vice president, Spiro Agnew, and the vice president's wife, Judy. There ended up being a bunch of controversy about Judy spending too much money on her outfits. And also absent was most of the Iranian government. The procession of guests from 60 countries greeting the Shah was televised in America and hosted by Barbara Walters in a primetime special. Newspapers from all over the world sent reporters, and the Shah, ever interested in preserving history, hired Orson Welles to narrate a documentary of the festivities.

narrate a documentary of the festivities. With so many dignitaries in one place, security was, as you can imagine, a top concern. The Shah deployed 65,000 soldiers and secret police to protect the tent city and ensure that nobody got in who wasn't supposed to be there. Only the restaurant staff was allowed in the banquet hall prior to the feast as a means of preventing mass poisoning. A fireworks display following the feast, however, frightened surprise guests into thinking that they were under attack. But no, but no, it was just the Shah being extra. The second day of festivities, I've only told you about the first day. The second day of festivities, October 14th, 1971, featured a celebration of Persian culture. About 17,000 soldiers reenacted major historical moments complete with camels and replicas of centuries-old musical instruments recreated on the Shah's orders.

Life-size replicas of boats were put on wheels because, again, it's the desert, and historically accurate down to the tiniest detail costumes brought Persian history alive. This all sounds like a sight to behold, and it was. But the ramifications of the party of the century created a history of their own. of the century created a history of their own. Back in the United States, while President Nixon was trying to work out if he could attend the party to beat all parties, a man named Jennings Randolph kept on trying and trying and trying. Jennings Randolph was a Democrat from West Virginia, and what he believed passionately in was lowering the voting age in the United States from 21 to 18. Congress didn't appear hip to the idea immediately because it took him nine tries before he succeeded. Nine.

it took him nine tries before he succeeded. Nine. Prior to President Nixon signing into law the 26th Amendment on July 5th, 1971, both states and the federal government had their own rules about young adults voting. Georgia was the first in the nation to lower the voting age to 18 back in 1943. But throughout the 1940s, Jim Crow laws restricted the rights of Black Americans. The drafting of 18-year-old men during World War II was a catalyst for increased rights, and the slogan, old enough to fight, old enough to vote, appeared on buttons and advertisements across the nation. President Eisenhower was a former general who spent most of his life in the military, and he voiced support for a constitutional amendment to change the voting age in his 1954 State of the Union speech when he said, For years, our citizens between the ages of 18 and 21 have, in times of peril, been summoned to fight for America.

They should participate in the political process that produces this fateful summons. But nothing happened. In the 1960s, disenfranchised youth who wanted to use the power of the ballot to effect change were dismayed that it was not an available avenue, especially as it became clear that the United States would soon involve itself in Vietnam. So the slogan, old enough to fight, old enough to vote, gained traction again. In April of 1970, Congress voted to lower the voting age. But a few months later in December, the Supreme Court ruled that Congress didn't have the authority to do that.

So with an eye on the upcoming presidential election, Congress wrote and passed a constitutional amendment lowering the voting age to 18. And it took three quarters of the states only four months to ratify it, making it the fastest ratification of an amendment to date in history. Perhaps the biggest story in American politics began with a brilliant man whose conscience about the morality of what was happening in Vietnam and subsequent actions earned him the label the most dangerous man in America. Daniel Ellsberg was academically gifted from a young age and he

remembered everything he read. As a child, he went on a Detroit radio show and recited the entire Gettysburg Address from memory. He studied economics at Harvard and graduated in 1952, after which he, with a scholarship in hand, traveled abroad to study at Cambridge for a year before returning home to enlist in the Marines. There, he climbed the ladder from platoon leader to rifle company commander. Daniel Ellsberg served during the Suez Canal crisis and returned to Harvard for graduate studies in economics, and he then took a job at the RAND Corporation, a California-based think tank used by the Defense Department. As he did in the military, Daniel worked his way up and onto

several important assignments. He became quite an expert on matters of war, and he worked directly with the Secretary of Defense on multiple projects. Daniel wrote reports for Secretary of Defense McNamara about conditions on the ground in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, information he gleaned by traveling to and living in Vietnam for two years where he befriended the locals. When he returned to the United States in 1967, Secretary McNamara directed Daniel Ellsberg to collaborate in the writing of a report. Daniel, along with 35 other employees of RAND and academics, historians, defense analysts, and military personnel, wrote U.S. Decision Making in Vietnam, 1945 to 1968, which was also known as the McNamara Study and was eventually dubbed the Pentagon Papers. A Gallup poll in 1971 asked Americans if they approved of the way Nixon was handling the Vietnam War. 41% did. Yeah, that was one poll, but it reflected

the country's political turmoil. The Vietnam War was the first television war, and people's ability to access information through the nightly news brought light to its horrors. By 1966, 93% of American homes had a TV, by the way. The average age of American casualties in Vietnam was 22. Journalists reported from on-site, and often the news was not good. Yet many Americans wanted to roust out communism and spread democracy. The cost, though, was immeasurably high, and the pressure on Nixon to wind down what became known as an unwinnable war was immense. So Daniel decided to release information to the press. So Daniel decided to release information to the press. And this was not just a like, hey, you know what, the president said one thing and did another.

No, no. It was the very foundation of what we have been told about how imperative our involvement and how noble the sacrifice we're making. It's all a lie. And if you've already forgotten the title of the report, let me contextualize it for you. It covered our involvement in Southeast Asia from the end of World War II until 1968. Ellsberg didn't believe that this was just one lie. It was decades of them, mountains of lies. Initially, the report was a classified document labeled a secret, which indicated that the contents might be embarrassing politically if they were publicized. Daniel knew that what he saw firsthand on the ground did not reflect the information that had been told to the American public. So Daniel and his former colleague at RAND, Anthony Russo,

decided to work together to reveal to the world what was really happening in the White House by releasing the Pentagon Papers, a 7,000-page report. The Pentagon Papers revealed how the White House, going back four presidential administrations, had not given Americans the full truth of what was happening in Vietnam. It dated back to President Truman, who told people there was a connection between the Soviets and the Vietnamese, even though he knew there wasn't. President Eisenhower believed in the domino theory, which argued that if Vietnam became a communist country, the rest of Southeast Asia and beyond would follow. And so they backed an anti-communist South Vietnamese leader, Diem.

Diem turned out to be terrible, as was predicted. And almost a decade later, he was President Kennedy's problem. Guided by Secretary of Defense McNamara, the U.S. backed a coup that killed Diem, although the administration said, no, we definitely didn't have anything to do with that. Shortly thereafter, Kennedy himself was assassinated, and this entire mess landed in President Johnson's lap. Johnson sought congressional approval to fight in Vietnam without officially declaring war. The administration pushed Congress to pass the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which allowed for, quote, resolution, which allowed for, quote, the determination of the president as commander in chief to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression. Months after Johnson won the 1964 election,

he sent troops to Vietnam, but didn't declare war. Instead, the 20,000 troops were called military support forces, and the entire Vietnam War was technically a police action. By 1967, two years later, Secretary of Defense McNamara wrote to the president that the war was unwinnable, and the continued deployment of troops and bombs would not change it. Johnson, however, wouldn't hear of it and authorized sending a total of 550,000 troops, and then he forced McNamara to resign. Nixon won the 1968 election after promising to end the war, yet his invasion of Cambodia expanded it, and it ended up being the catalyst for Daniel Ellsberg's decision to go public. Daniel's conscience demanded that he do something about what he called

evidence of a quarter century of aggression, broken treaties, deceptions, stolen elections, lies, and murder. Daniel said in 2021, I'd been lied to, the country had been lied to, the Congress had been lied to as to what the situation in Vietnam actually was. However decent they may have been in other contexts, these smart men, generally as smart as any men we have today, managed to lie to the public every day of the war, and in bad faith actually pursue a war that they saw had very little likelihood of helping anyone, but leading just to an escalating stalemate, which is what actually happened for the next 15 years or so, from 1961 to 75. As you might imagine, in the days before the internet, getting 7,000 pages out to the public was a daunting undertaking.

Copying one page at a time, it took Ellsberg months to complete this task. Beginning on October 1st, 1969, Daniel started sneaking out every night as many pages as he could fit in his briefcase and taking them to an advertising agency owned by the girlfriend of a friend because she had a copy machine. There, they made copies, often with the assistance of Daniel's three kids. One copied, one collated, and the third child cut off the top secret that was stamped on the copied pages. One night, the cops showed up because of a misset alarm, and the Ellsberg family pretended they were just, you know, making copies of some homework. Daniel recalled, the first time I was at the Xerox machine, I looked up at the glass door.

There's knocking on it and two police outside. I thought, wow, these guys are good. How did they get onto this? how did they get onto this? But I remember covering the top secret pages with a magazine and I closed the Xerox cover where I was copying these things and opened the doors and said, can I do for you? But there were a few seconds of thinking, well, this is over. The reason my children were there was that I expected to be in prison very shortly. I'd hoped to get the papers out quickly, and I wanted them to know that their father was doing something in a business-like way, a calm, sober way that I thought had to be done. And I did let my older son, who was at the time 13, know in particular that it might, in fact, would probably result in my going to prison.

On March 2nd, 1971, Daniel met with Neil Sheehan, a reporter for the New York Times. Daniel was frank. What he was doing was illegal, but he believed it was imperative that the public know the truth about Vietnam. Once the newspaper's legal department cleared it, Sheehan and another reporter were put up in a hotel suite and directed to write their story. Their first article on the Pentagon Papers was published on June 13, 1971. Now, Nixon, we know, secretly recorded his phone calls in the White House. And in the one I'm about to play for you, we'll hear his response when he first learns of the leak of the Pentagon papers. He's talking here to General Alexander Haig. Nothing else of interest in the world?

Yes, sir. Very significant, this New York Times expose of the most highly classified documents of the war. Oh, that. I see. I didn't read the story, but... You mean that was leaked out of the Pentagon? Sir, the whole study that was done for McNamara and then carried on after McNamara left by Clifford and the Peaceniks over there. This is a devastating security breach of the greatest magnitude of anything I've ever seen. Well, what's being done about it then? I mean, I didn't... Did we know this was coming out?

No, we did not, sir. Yeah. There are just a few copies of this. But what about the... Volume report. But what about the... Let me ask you this, though. What about Laird? What's he going to do about it?

Now, I'd just start right at the top and fire some people. I mean, whatever department it came out of, I'd fire the top guy. Yes, well, I'm sure it came from defense, and I'm sure it was stolen at the time of the turnover of the administration. Oh, it's two years old. I'm sure it is, and they've been holding it for a juicy time, and I think they've thrown it out to affect Hatfield McGovern. That's my own estimate.

But it's something that is a mixed bag. It's a tough attack on Kennedy. It shows that the genesis of the war really occurred during 61. That's Clifford. I see. And it's brutal on President Johnson. They're going to end up in a massive gut fight in the Democratic Party on this thing. Are they?

There's some very... But also massive against the war. Against the war. But it's a Pentagon study, huh? Initially, Nixon was delighted that President Johnson came out looking really bad in these Pentagon papers. As the story unfolded in the headlines and front pages of newspapers and led stories on nightly news programs,

Nixon became increasingly paranoid that someone might reveal the first act of his presidency, the secret bombing of Cambodia in 1968. And he wanted to distance himself from the public outrage. He also wanted to deter other would-be whistleblowers by showing them that revealing the nation's military and political secrets would not end well for them. So Nixon used the judicial branch to attempt to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers. His administration filed an injunction and won. The New York Times was prohibited from further publication of the material. So Daniel Ellsberg got the Washington Post to publish the next section. This pattern continued with

injunctions and then new news outlets stepping up to publish the classified information. In all, 17 major newspapers across the country published files. Nixon was determined to see that the thieves who published classified information were first silenced and second punished, and he asked the Supreme Court to weigh in. The Supreme Court was tasked with deciding whether lower court's injunctions against the publication should stand or if it violated the men's First Amendment rights. What Nixon condemned as an act of espionage turned into a major victory for the press and free speech. This was Nixon's response. I just say that we've got to keep our eye on the main ball. The main ball is Ellsberg. We've got to get this son of a... And, you know, I was talking to somebody over here yesterday, I mean, one of our PR types,

and they're saying, well, maybe we ought to drop the case that the Supreme Court doesn't sustain and so forth. And I said, hell no. I mean, you can't do that. You can't be in a position of having, as I said this morning, we can't be in a position of ever allowing, just because some guy's going to be a martyr, of allowing a fellow to get away with this kind of wholesale thievery or otherwise it's going to happen all over the government. For the next six months, President Nixon and Attorney General Mitchell tried to get Ellsberg and Russo put in jail. Nixon ordered the FBI to tap their phones. put in jail. Nixon ordered the FBI to tap their phones. And on September 3rd, a group of men called the Plumbers working for Nixon, and about whom we will learn more in a future episode, burglarized the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist in order to find a confession or other information that they could use to discredit him.

The public was largely against Vietnam by this point, and Ellsberg's revelations led to more widespread disapproval of Nixon and his administration. Nixon authorized CIA operatives to go after Ellsberg, as Ellsberg recounted in a 2017 interview. He said, Bernard Baker, a CIA asset, said that his mission was to break both of my legs. But I don't think that would have shut me up totally in the hospital bed. I think they probably wanted something to happen to my jaw. But they were going to attack me in the course of a rally that I was speaking at on the steps of the Capitol on May 3rd, 1972. And they brought 12 of these CIA assets, mostly Bay of Pigs veterans, who were shown my picture and said I was to be incapacitated totally.

And when their prosecutor told me this later, I said, well, what does that mean? Kill me? He said, the words were to incapacitate you totally. But you have to understand these guys would never use the word kill. They use a lot of euphemisms for assassination. So let's pause here for a moment. Here we have a sitting U.S. president so infuriated and threatened by a whistleblower that he ordered the CIA to silence him. Nixon's response over the leaked documents reveal a man who was desperate for control and power. The bulk of the Pentagon Papers uncovered events that happened before Nixon even took office. So why this reaction?

The leak happened under Nixon's watch, and he considered it an attack on both the nation and his presidency. Fearing a loss of standing at both the personal and national level, Nixon marshaled all available avenues to fight off his enemies. The public's response to the release of the classified information was mixed. The editor of the Washington Post, Ben Bradley, kept two file folders of letters he received. One was named Public Reaction Positive and the other Public Reaction Negative. The positive letters included praise for daring to publish the truth. The file of positive feedback holds 40 letters, not quite as many as the negative file, and the gist of them can be summed up by this excerpt. Thank you for standing up and being

counted when so many people in power positions seem to pass the buck and compromise themselves. Perhaps there's more hope for this country than I realized. I rejoice in your courage and real patriotism. Negative comments included concern for the deployed troops, the risk of national security, and the idea that publishing secrets was unpatriotic. One person wrote, I think both you and the Times are as subversive as you can get. It's a national tragedy and a national scandal.

Legal battles over the Pentagon Papers continued well into 1972. With questions about the ownership of the papers prior to their publication, Ellsberg and Russo were headed to trial in July. Three hours before the jury trial was set to begin on July 27th, a three-judge panel issued a stay and ordered the prosecution to turn over all the documents they had hidden from the defense. Ellsberg and Russo were charged with theft, conspiracy, and violating the Espionage Act. However, by May 1973, the judge declared a mistrial, and the conduct of the government has placed the case in such a posture that it precludes the fair, dispassionate resolution of

these issues by a jury. Basically, the government's illegal phone wiretapping was considered gross misconduct, and the case was dismissed. Reflecting back on his actions, Daniel told the New York Times that the Pentagon Papers didn't shorten the war by a day. But the criminal actions that the White House took against me led to the absolutely unforeseeable downfall of a president, which made the war endable. He said that, in the end, things couldn't have worked out better. By this point, Nixon had other major concerns. What his plumbers might reveal under oath in Senate hearings,

Watergate, and what his vice president was up to, and whether or not he might be criminally indicted. I mean, his vice president might be criminally indicted. The whole Nixon administration had legal issues. While things weren't looking too great for Vice President Agnew, his political future wasn't the only one that took a nosedive after the party in Iran. Most guests left after the final scheduled day of the festivities on October 16, 1971, though a few decided to extend their stay. By the time all of the people were cleared out, the framework of the tent city, stripped of its glorious Persian coverings, lay in the desert like bones bleached by the sun for decades. They truly were a haunting

spectacle and made even more so by the fallout after the details of the gluttonous gathering were made public. The organizers of the event told the international press that they would donate the luxury tents, but instead, like the trash littering the ground after an outdoor festival, these ghostly monuments became a tribute to a decades-old over-the-top celebration. At the time, a representative claimed that the entire affair cost a mere $16 million, which is like $125 million today. But other calculations were far higher. An outside source put it at $165 million in 1971, or roughly $1.2 billion today. For a party, y'all. A party that lasted two and a half days. While Iran was suffering a drought, the Shah was pumping hundreds of thousands of gallons of water into the desert. A newspaper

reporter covering the event described the Shah and his wife as they greeted their guests. They said the Shah was in full military uniform, his chest covered with medals. The Empress wore a green and white silk ball gown, although it was only 11 o'clock in the morning, and long white gloves. Some of the emeralds in her 10-pound crown were the size of golf balls, crown were the size of golf balls, and her diamonds were only slightly smaller. The entire affair just reeked of excess and self-aggrandizement that ignored the very real needs of Iranian citizens. Conservative Muslims were outraged by the mass consumption of alcohol and gambling. Muslims were outraged by the mass consumption of alcohol and gambling. The citizens who struggled in impoverished conditions were likely shocked by the sheer quantity and quality of food and insulted that the Shah provided it for outsiders, but not his own people.

But by the Shah's account, his party was a tremendous success. Time magazine called it the greatest gathering of the century. The story was published internationally, and photos depicting the glamorous empress and her ostentatious gems created a lot of publicity for Iran. But publicity does not always equate respect. And as we will explore in future episodes in this series, Vice President Agnew faced widespread allegations of political corruption, including taking bribes while in office, as well as federal tax evasion. And guess what? The Shah also does not have a happy ending. If you've heard the saying, if they'll cheat with you, they'll cheat on you. If we put that in a political context, the Shah came to power by participating in a coup,

and that is exactly how he was taken out. Does the name Ayatollah Khomeini ring any bells? he was taken out. Does the name Ayatollah Khomeini ring any bells? Stick around, because it's a complicated, fascinating story we will address in a future episode. And at the top of the podcast, I promised you some additional facts about 1971, and here they are. In 1971, Disney World opened its doors. I know we have a lot of listeners who are Disney fans, and if you haven't heard my episode on Walt Disney, give it a listen. It is episode 18 called Florida Forever with Danielle Koch. I linked it in the podcast notes. Also that year, the first probable cases of HIV or AIDS occurred, and this would lead to a decimation of the gay male population in the 1980s. In 1970, Billy Graham introduced President Nixon and Johnny Cash, which led to an interesting relationship.

The Nixons invited the Cashes to sing at the White House that year. And then in 1971, Johnny Cash visited Nixon at the White House to discuss prison reform in the Oval Office. Johnny Cash was in favor, of course, and he wanted President Nixon and others to get on board too. And Cash and Nixon started up a correspondence that included Cash directing his label to send his latest album to the president with a request for his thoughts. Chances are good you have seen the original Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory starring Gene Wilder, which hit the big screens in June of 1971. And for all of you coffee drinkers, the first Starbucks opened its doors in Seattle.

Join me again next time for a break-in in an office building that changed the course of history. I'll see you again soon. course of history. I'll see you again soon. The show is written and researched by Sharon McMahon, Amy Watkin, Mandy Reed, and Kari Anton. Our audio producer is Jenny Snyder, and it is executive produced and hosted by me, Sharon McMahon. If you enjoyed today's episode, we would love for you to hit the subscribe button, leave us a review, or share this episode on your favorite social media platform. All of those things help podcasters out so much. We'll see you again soon. It's the season for new styles, and you love to shop for jackets and boots. So when you do,

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