Here's Where It Gets Interesting - Secrets of the Civil War: Propaganda in Tune
Episode Date: March 22, 2023During the Civil War, the Union used a whole slew of propaganda to win over Northerners: pamphlets, posters, poetry, clothing, cartoons… and music. Performed at rallies where in front of huge crowds... about the cause, Civil War songs were specifically written to stir up patriotism and pride. Lyrics praised the bravery of volunteers, and had the dual purpose of encouraging more young men to enlist while boosting the morale of existing troops. Listen in, there’s no doubt you’ll recognize the tunes. Hosted by: Sharon McMahon Executive Producer: Heather Jackson Audio Producer: Jenny Snyder Written and researched by: Heather Jackson, Valerie Hoback, Amy Watkin, and Mandy Reid Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Hello, everyone. Welcome. Welcome to Episode 5 of Secrets of the Civil War. When the Civil
War began in 1861, one of the things the Confederacy wanted was formal recognition by world powers
that they were a legitimate new country. European nations like Britain and France
decided to label the Confederacy as an organized belligerent, which meant that they were a party
to war, not their own country. And Lincoln and the Union could not afford to concede to the Confederacy any more international support than that.
Luckily, a few traveling men, music, and a newspaper campaign gave them the upper hand.
I'm Sharon McMahon, and here's where it gets interesting.
I'm Sharon McMahon, and here's where it gets interesting.
When the Confederacy formed and began fighting the Union, its leaders made the assumption that Britain and France would side with them in order to maintain their cotton supply from
the southern states of America.
France, too, had growing interests in Mexico, and a formal diplomatic relationship with the Confederacy could give France an advantage.
France, in turn, encouraged Britain to recognize the Confederacy, but then the Union stepped in.
both countries that any official siding with the organized belligerent, aka the Confederacy,
was tantamount to a declaration of war with the Union. He must have been holding his breath and crossing all of his fingers and toes as he gave that warning because Lincoln knew that his
goal to preserve the Union was not likely to withstand a world war.
A U.S. Civil War doesn't seem like it would affect countries across the ocean,
but England's economy was tightly wrapped up with American trade.
One might say that the two countries were woven together by the cotton industry.
Almost 4 million people in England, that's one out of
every six people, worked in the cotton trade or industry, and the U.S. supplied 80% of Britain's
raw cotton. But Britain had stopped their trade of enslaved people in 1807 and abolished slavery altogether in 1833, which created a problem for the Confederacy.
As I mentioned, the Confederacy counted on Europe's reliance on their raw cotton,
and they sent envoys to Europe to convince leaders to support their secession.
and they sent envoys to Europe to convince leaders to support their secession.
Though a few European leaders were sympathetic,
none were willing to go against the strong abolitionist sentiments of their citizens.
We know that the Confederacy suffered through the Civil War as the Union Navy blocked their ports and prevented goods from coming or going.
But Europe also paid a price.
Remember when I said that the U.S. supplied
80% of Britain's raw cotton? During the war, that number fell to 0-3%. And the sharp decline left
areas of England and France with high unemployment rates since so many people depended on the cotton
industry for their livelihoods. Still, England and France held back their support
from the Confederacy. It seems like a clear win for the Union, but they actually were struggling
to gain support from Europe, and Lincoln worried their neutrality would begin to waver. He had to
do something to get the foreign policy situation back under his control, so he formed his own
special envoy to head overseas. He first chose Archbishop John Hughes, a vibrant speaker as a
priest and domineering political leader who had special influence among Irish Americans in New
York City. Archbishop Hughes insisted he would go only if he
was accompanied by his longtime friend, newspaper editor, Thurlow Weed. Weed founded five political
newspapers in New York, and his opinion writing was influential to the presidential nominations
of William Henry Harrison, Henry Clay, Zachary Taylor,
and Abraham Lincoln. To give you a little insight about the confident, forceful nature of Archbishop
Hughes, he wrote to Weed about the trip and said, I do hereby appoint you, with or without the consent of the Senate, to be my friend, as you have always been, and my companion in our brief visit to Europe.
And that was it. The plan was made.
Joining the formidable duo was Bishop Charles McElvain, a well-known, politically well-connected author.
a well-known, politically well-connected author. McIlvain had chaplain residencies in the U.S.
Senate and at West Point, where his students had included people like Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis. The trio traveled around Europe and met with foreign ministers,
divine clerics, influential journalists, and even Napoleon's nephew and the Pope.
influential journalists, and even Napoleon's nephew and the Pope.
They were the Union's brand ambassadors, there to spread goodwill and to gain support for the Union.
But the British weren't seeing much difference between the rebels who fought them to establish the United States in 1776 and the rebels who had just formed the Confederate States in 1861.
You can imagine the drama of the British aristocracy's eye roll when the secession
situation looked like proof that the great American experiment of popular government was failing. No doubt, King George was laughing from his grave.
Enslavement had already been outlawed in Britain and France, and even though the countries continued
to benefit from slavery in some of their trade agreements, they were not impressed that the
Union was not more vocal against the institution of slavery. Almost half a million
people in England had recently boycotted sugar produced through enslaved labor. Although to be
fair, the same attention was not paid to other goods produced through enslaved labor like tobacco,
coffee, and of course, cotton. But Bishop McIlvain was a fierce abolitionist, and he worked hard to convince
England that the Union was evolving into an army of liberation and not just of national
self-preservation. Britain finally agreed to invest in cotton imports from Egypt and India
instead of the southern United States. In turn, the northern U.S. became a major consumer of British iron, ships, woolen
uniforms, and blankets. In the end, and due in large part to the success of this visiting envoy,
Britain, France, and numerous other European nations chose to remain neutral in the American
Civil War, and they never officially recognized the Confederacy.
The war of persuasion against the Confederacy had been hard won abroad, but the Union still
had a problem of support on their own continent, both on the home front and to the north.
Yes, Canada became involved, although probably not the way that
you're thinking. Parts of Canada actually were not at all shy about choosing a side during the
Civil War, even though they officially were neutral. Confederate Secret Service operatives
had taken up refuge in Montreal, where they were provided with a safe haven, and they began causing all sorts of trouble
for the Union. On October 19, 1864, 22 Confederate soldiers crossed from Quebec, Canada into Vermont,
and they robbed three banks to steal a total of $200,000 and forced people to take an oath of loyalty to the Confederate States of America.
They also attempted to burn down the village, but the citizens of northern Vermont were not having
it. Half of the sneaky Confederate group was captured and turned over to the Union, while the
other half escaped back into Canada where they were arrested.
But later, the Canadian authorities released them, which frustrated Americans.
Many townspeople along the American-Canadian border spent the winter afraid of raids
from other pockets of Confederates who might have snuck north into Canada
and were lying in wait to attack.
They didn't feel safe, and the absence of safety
can make even the most stalwart re-evaluate their beliefs. In general, the northern states which
spread from Maine to Minnesota, and all the way across the country in California, Oregon, and
Nevada, were a mishmash of citizens who didn't all share the same opinions.
Not everyone was convinced that the mission of preserving the country was worthwhile.
Some people needed some serious persuading. I'm Jenna Fisher. And I'm Angela Kinsey.
We are best friends.
And together we have the podcast Office Ladies,
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Propaganda is strongly associated with war since it encourages a united stand towards a common goal.
The more people are willing to sacrifice for a singular cause, the quicker that cause can find
success. During the Civil War, the Union used a whole slew of propaganda to win over Northerners. Pamphlets, posters, poetry,
clothing, cartoons, and music. Often performed at rallies where representatives would give speeches
in front of huge crowds about the cause, songs were specifically written to stir up patriotism
and pride. Lyrics praised the bravery of volunteers and had the
dual purpose of encouraging more young men to enlist while boosting the morale of existing
troops. Perhaps the most famous of these patriotic propaganda songs was written by poet Julia Ward Howe. His truth is marching on.
Glory, glory, hallelujah.
Glory, glory, hallelujah.
Glory, glory, hallelujah.
His truth is marching on
I have seen him in the watchfires of a hundred circling camps
They have builded him an altar in the evening news and dance
I can read his righteous sentence by the dim and flaring lamps
His day is marching on The song came from pretty humble beginnings, and even in its very first iteration, it served as propaganda.
Union soldiers in the Massachusetts 12th Regiment spent time teasing each other when they weren't fighting.
weren't fighting. And a soldier in their regiment, Scottish immigrant Sergeant John Brown, got a ribbing because he shared a name with the infamous abolitionist John Brown, who led attacks against
enslavers, and a raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia in 1859 that he hoped would start a liberation
movement among enslaved people. John Brown was arrested at Harper's Ferry
and would be the first person executed for treason in the United States. So, you know,
just the lighthearted things Union soldiers talked about around their campfires.
The soldiers already knew a song by William Steffi called either Say Brothers Will You Meet Us or Glory Hallelujah, so they kept its melody and changed the words.
Let's take a listen to the version sung by civil rights activist Paul Robeson. The Massachusetts 12th Regiment marched from one battle to another, singing their version of the
song. And what started as a joke evolved into a rallying cry that built fervor
around the abolitionist spirit of the original John Brown. The song amplified the battle against
enslavement and helped to solidify abolition as a motivation for the union. Remember, we talked in
previous episodes that the union's initial motivation was not the
eradication of enslavement. It was to preserve the union. If there's such a thing as accidental
propaganda, the song John Brown's Body would certainly be an early example. And the song
wasn't done catching on. Julia Ward Howe was a wealthy poet from New York. When she visited Washington,
D.C. in 1861, she heard Union soldiers singing John Brown's Body as they marched.
Her friend told her that she should write new lyrics to the melody, something that was a little
more family-friendly, perhaps. So she did. And here's how Julia described what happened next. She said,
I awoke the next morning in the gray of the early dawn, and to my astonishment found that the wished
for lines were arranging themselves in my brain. I lay quite still until the last verse had completed itself in my thoughts, then hastily arose, saying to myself, I shall lose this if I don't write it down immediately.
I began to scroll the lines almost without looking. Having completed this, I lay down again and fell asleep, but not before feeling that something of importance had happened to me. The Atlantic
Monthly paid Julia around $4, a modest sum of about $118 today, to print the lyrics in February
of 1862. People all over the North began singing this song. It helped to unite them in the fight,
and like its predecessor, John Brown's body, it reminded people that they were fighting to
abolish slavery, and it was a righteous endeavor. Black Union soldiers sang the song as well,
and Captain Lindley Miller of the 1st Arkansas Regiment personalized the lyrics
for his troops while marching. We can hit a rebel further than a white man ever saw as we go marching on.
Sojourner Truth, the formerly enslaved abolitionists, sang very similar lyrics after the war, and even now, the song continues to endure in its popularity.
Julia Ward Howe's song was played at the funerals of dignitaries like President Ronald
Reagan and Prime Minister Winston Churchill. Johnny Cash belted out a particularly famous
rendition of it. You can regularly hear it sung in the stands of baseball fields and in church pews
across America. The Battle Hymn of the Republic was one of the songs used often by the Union League,
widely considered to be the most influential propaganda organization in the North.
It began in Philadelphia in late 1862 and recruited soldiers, published and distributed
persuasive pamphlets, and raised money for Union Army supplies.
Similar movements sprang up in Baltimore, Boston, New York, Washington, D.C., and even San Francisco,
and another one of their adopted anthems was The Battle Cry of Freedom. Composed in response to a
call for 300,000 volunteers from President Lincoln in July of 1862. The song gained
incredible popularity at war rallies. You may recognize this one too. Thank you. Singing to the call of our brothers gone before. Shouting the battle cry of freedom.
And we'll build a vacant race with a million freed and more.
Shouting the battle cry of freedom.
The song was wildly popular, and almost 700,000 copies of the sheet music were produced in the 1860s because it was a bop. A Miley Cyrus
level bop. It was catchy with an easy melody and lyrics that fired up anyone who sang it or
listened. Both the Union and the Confederacy used music as propaganda during the Civil War to help
recruit soldiers and sway public opinion in their favor. So while
the battle cry of freedom may have been written by a northern abolitionist as a rallying song for
the Union, it was repurposed by the South, who wrote their own lyrics. Stay forever, she's never at a loss Down with the eagle and up with the cross
We will rally round the funny flag, we'll rally once again
Shout, shout, the battle cry of freedom
They have laid down their hearts on the muddy battlefield
Shout, shout, the battle cry of freedom
Their motto is resistance to the tyrants never yield
Shout, shout, the battle cry of freedom
While music was an accessible way for both sides to create widespread support,
other forms of propaganda were just as powerful,
especially the influence of the press.
Shout, shout, the the influence of the press. It will likely not come as a shock to you that most newspaper periodicals in 19th century America
were owned and run by white men and served white audiences. The first Black-owned and operated newspaper called
Freedom's Journal was printed weekly in New York City from 1827 to 1829. Freedom's Journal was
edited by Samuel Cornish and John Brown Russworm. No relation to the two previous John Browns in
this episode. Russworm and Cornish founded Freedom's Journal because,
in their words, too long have others spoken for us. Too long has the public been deceived by
misrepresentations in things which concern us dearly. Two years isn't a long time for a
publication to exist, but through its short life, Freedom's Journal paved the way for other Black businessmen, including Frederick Douglass, to publish more newspapers.
By the time the Civil War began in 1861, there were about three dozen Black-owned newspapers in the country who tailored their stories specifically for Black audiences.
The invention of the telegraph machine in 1837 completely revolutionized the dissemination of news, similar to the way that the internet changed the speed of information for us at the end of the 20th century. pitched dial-up like sound. Oh my God, that was such a great impression. You probably have great
hair now, right? Right? Like at least a couple, you might be coloring them. Instead of news and
stories being communicated through letters and word of mouth, the details of an event in New York
City could be shared via telegram and reach journalists in New Orleans at the speed of an electrical current,
which is to say, mere moments. This meant that newspapers around the country and the world
began reporting on the same stories within a day or two of its happening. Steam engines powered
large presses that could print thousands of copies per hour, and trains carried newspapers
to towns and communities all over the United States. So when individual publications all
began to report the same national stories, each one developed their own reporting style in order
to appear unique. The Union and the Confederacy competed for influence and the ability to use particular newspapers as their mouthpieces.
There was a distinct imbalance, though, given the fact that at the start of the Civil War, there were about 4,000 periodicals in the country and less than 400 of them were in the South.
and less than 400 of them were in the South. The Confederacy had few paper mills and no printing press manufacturers, so it was challenging for them to print at the same rate as the North.
So with the onset of the Civil War, the United States entered into a whole new era of journalism.
We've talked on this podcast in the past about muckraking in the early part of the 1800s,
We've talked on this podcast in the past about muckraking in the early part of the 1800s, but by the 1860s, the media preferred a different tactic.
Fewer facts and more spin.
And if that sounds familiar, I've said it before.
There's not really much happening now that hasn't already happened at some point in history.
The Civil War was, of course,
national news. It affected everyone in the country, and it dominated headlines for every
newspaper in operation. But the stories a person read about the Civil War depended largely on where
they lived and who was writing about it. So let's break it down with an example here.
General Sherman's arrival in Savannah, Georgia on his infamous march to the sea.
If you're already picturing Rhett Butler and Scarlett O'Hara racing their one-horse carriage
through a burning Atlanta, you're on the right track. That was the beginning of Sherman's march.
Here's the official account from the Library of Congress. In December 1864, General Sherman and
his troops completed their march to the sea, which had begun in mid-November with the burning of
Atlanta. Sherman's Savannah campaign was nearing completion. Savannah's destruction would complete
the grim mission. A preliminary step was to force the city's residents to evacuate.
With time on the Union side, the siege did not take long. After Fort McAllister fell and the
Confederate defenders within the city retreated, the mayor, realizing that Savannah was completely vulnerable,
surrendered. Unlike the cities and towns along the path that Sherman pillaged,
Savannah did not burn. Here's how the North reported on Sherman's march in the Pennsylvania
Pittsburgh Daily Commercial. Savannah is remarkably quiet. When troops first
entered, the citizens remained in their houses through fear of personal injury. But these fears
are passed away, and the people now come freely upon the streets. A majority appear delirious to
placing themselves in a loyal position towards our government.
And here is how the South reported the same event in the North Carolina Fayetteville Observer.
Sherman's reported treatment of the people and private property in Savannah naturally suggests an inquiry as to its meaning, since it is directly opposite to his intentions as proclaimed.
Either Sherman repents and is ashamed of his previous vandalism, which we regard as altogether
unlikely, or he is trying to provoke outrage. For the North, it was a story of celebration that
Savannah was conquered benevolently, meaning that, you know, like they just gave up.
And the city citizens were ready to support the Union.
But for the South, they did not report any submission, only outrage and fear at the duplicitous
nature of General Sherman, who had burned so much of Georgia.
They wondered when the other shoe would drop for them. This is just one example
of how differently the North and South reported on the same stories. And since publications were
widely used to sway public opinion, they were ideal vehicles to successfully push the
enslavement or abolition ideologies from both sides of the divide.
Thinking that perhaps some of their fellow Northerners didn't really know what enslavement
was like, Northern almanacs printed paintings and cartoons that depicted its brutality in the
Southern states. It helped sway public opinion to support the abolitionist cause. And for their part,
Southern propaganda spun the enslavement issue into something different. It made emotional
appeals, reminding people that they were fighting for the right of self-determination
out from under the watchful eye of the federal government. But every once in a while,
a piece of propaganda carried a powerful enough message to serve as an anthem for both sides.
Doing one's duty was taken very seriously, and both sides leaned deeply into appeals of patriotism
and protecting the land where they lived and worked. They shared a need to
convince men to join their armies. The song, When Johnny Comes Marching Home, was a comforting
sentiment that appealed to families on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line by offering hope that when
they sent their sons and brothers and fathers off to fight, they would return safely as heroes.
As the Civil War progressed, propaganda evolved with it.
People on both sides had endured long years of scraping by and the loss of family members
and needed to be reminded that the sacrifices were worth it.
They needed to hear that their loved ones would return and that all was not lost.
Next time, we will talk about the people who stayed home,
the women who fought a different kind of fight. I'll see you then.
Thank you for listening to Here's Where It Gets Interesting. This episode is written and
researched by Sharon McMahon, Heather Jackson, Valerie Hoback, Amy Watkin, and Mandy Reed. Our executive producer
is Heather Jackson. Our audio producer is Jenny Snyder, and it's hosted by me, Sharon McMahon.
If you enjoyed this episode, please be sure to hit the follow or subscribe button on the podcast
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