Hidden Brain - You 2.0: Did That Really Happen?

Episode Date: August 24, 2021

Our memories are easily contaminated. We can be made to believe we rode in a hot air balloon or kissed a magnifying glass — even if those things never happened. So how do we know which of our memories are most accurate? This week, psychologist Ayanna Thomas explains how we remember, why we forget, and the simple tools we all can use to sharpen our memories. If you like our work, please consider supporting it! See how you can help at support.hiddenbrain.org. And to learn more about human behavior and ideas that can improve your life, subscribe to our newsletter at news.hiddenbrain.org.

This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam. Memory is the diary we all carry about with us. Oscar Wilde wrote those lines in his play, the importance of being earnest. There's something deeply comforting about this idea that memory is like a diary we can open and review. But is this really how our minds work? More than a century ago a young German philosopher named Herman Ebinghaus wanted to figure out how we retain information. He really wanted to understand memory at its most basic core.

How quickly can we learn? New information that we've never been exposed to, and how quickly does that information degrade. Psychologist Ayanna Thomas. She says Herman Ebinghaus decided to run an experiment on himself. First, he needed something to memorize. He came up with the idea of nonsense syllables. Three random letters strung together. He put them on some cards.

So more than 2000 of these. Then he shuffled the cards, divided them into groups, and said about learning them in a variety of controlled conditions. Sometimes he read the cards aloud. Like, move, walk, dial, send, cap, not suke. Forcing himself to read them in the exact same rate in the same soft tone of voice, keeping time to a ticking metronome. Dal sen cap, not suke, caks, leg, move.

Every time he made a mistake, he would stop, note it in his records and start over. He repeated this process periodically to see how much he could remember 20 minutes later, an hour later, nine hours, a day, and so on. Stopping, starting over, stopping, starting over for more than six months. And you might ask why would anyone want to do that? Well his motivation was he wanted to see what information was remembered, but also how much information was forgotten. This week on Hidden Brain, we bring you the latest in our annual U2.0 series

as we explore the science of memory from the early ideas of Herman Ebinghaus to the latest discoveries of modern psychologists. How do our minds hold on to the events of the past? Can we ever really know for sure that our memories are telling us the truth? How we remember, why we forget, and the simple lessons we can all learn to make our memories sharp and vivid. Herman Ebbighalz remember thousands of three-letter strings and then try to see how many he remembered the same day, the next week, the next year. He discovered something that many of us experienced. Over time, he started to forget things.

But since he was running an experiment, it allowed him to actually measure how much he was forgetting and how quickly. It led him to discover something that is today called the forgetting curve. That forgetting curve, if you look at it, you see an exponential decline in what he can accurately remember as time passes. This again is Ayanna Thomas, a psychologist at Tufts University who studies memory. You see a really quick drop-off, so by the time you get out to a week and then a month, there's a lot of information that's been lost. But I also think what's really neat is, a month later, there's quite a bit of information that still has been retained.

What I find really interesting about this story, Iana, is that it reveals two things that at some level feel intuitively true to us. All of us have this experience of remembering something and then finding a week later we can't remember what we remembered. And also realizing that if we try and relearn what it is that we have forgotten, it is quicker the second time around than the first. So at one level, he is telling us things that we all experience in our life. But was he also in some ways putting on the map the idea that you can actually study these things empirically that there was a science to memory

that it was amenable to to measurement and to precision? Indeed, he was the first to bring this into a laboratory where he has a hypothesis about how memory is going to operate. And he operationalizes the constructive memory. So I think about memory as a really broad, a really broad term. And that term can encompass so many different things. Right now, I'm using memory to communicate with you, right? I'm bringing things up from my long-term memory

and I'm using my working memory to communicate that information. But that's not how Ebbinghaus operationalized it. So he thinks about, okay, well, we all have this experience of learning information and forgetting information. How can I study that? And in order to study memory, what Eminghouse introduced us to was that we have to figure out what our construct is, we have to define that construct,

and then we have to develop tasks that are appropriate to the definition of that construct. You can think about memory in a whole host of different ways. I know how to write a bike, but I can't tell you exactly how to do it. I just know how to do it. That's still an element of memory and not the one that Abinghouse was studying. After home and Abinghouse, other researchers came along and said, okay, we can study memory systematically.

Through careful observation and measurement, we can see how memory works and when it fails. In the 1930s, Frederick Bartlett set up an experiment that revealed a very interesting aspect of memory. The experiment revolved around a story, a Native American legend called the War of the Ghosts. One night, two young men from Egulac went down to the river to hunt seals, and while they were there, it became foggy and calm. Then they heard war cries and they thought, maybe this is a warparsie, they escaped to the shore and hid behind a log.

Now canoes came up and they heard the noise of paddles and saw one canoe coming up to them. Frederick Bartlett tested the volunteers on what they remembered of the story, sometimes hours later, sometimes days, even months and years later. And what he found was there were these systematic changes to the way these individuals were recalling. They forgot details that were foreign to them. So it was a native story about these ghosts warring during dreams. And so many of the subjects just didn't remember some of these elements that were foreign to their cultural

understanding. Many of the subjects also made systematic changes where a word like canoe was changed to boat. And so what he found was that the subjects when they were retelling the story, they were changing the story so that it aligned with their prior experiences because those prior experiences help us generally to remember information from our autobiography. But what those prior experiences are doing is they are putting those new experiences into a just like story, where we have an idea of how things unfold,

but we don't remember the specific details. In other words, the forgetting wasn't just random. Herman Ebinghaus had suggested that memory was like a sieve. You put stuff in and it falls out gradually over time. Frederick Bartlett said, no, there are certain things that get remembered and certain things that get forgotten. What you already know, what you're familiar with, that shapes what you remember, what you can recall, and what gets forgotten. Effectively, what the experiment showed is that when we recalled something, what we remember is only partly about the thing we are remembering.

Our memories are also shaped by all the other things we know. Things that are similar to what we already know are more likely to stick. Things that are less similar are likely to drop off or get modified, so they fit better with what we already remember. Memory in other words is not a simple process of opening a mental file drawer and taking things out. It involves a process of reconstruction. And I always think about it like a paleontologist, where a paleontologist

uncovers a fossil, just as we have uncovered a memory. We remember a piece of an element and we have a piece of the puzzle that we start putting together with other fossil pieces that have been uncovered. And we reconstruct a, you know, from the paleontologist perspective, maybe a skeleton of a dinosaur. From our perspective, we reconstruct a memory of a past event. But that paleontologist doesn't have all of the pieces. And what that individual has to do is fill in the gaps with best guesses and prior experience, with that person's expertise on what could go there,

just as we fill in the gaps of, are these memory holes with our best guess of what could go there. I mean, that is both wonderful and terrifying at the same time, I had. with our best guest of what could go there. I mean, that is both wonderful and terrifying at the same time, Ayanna. Yeah, I think it's really interesting. I think it's really interesting to think about why we do these things, why we mis-recollect our past, how those kinds of reconstruction errors occur. And I think about it in my own personal life,

I share my memories with my partner. And many of us who have partners, we have these sort of collaborative ways in which we recollect. But those collaborations often result in my incorporating information into my memories that were suggested by this individual, but I never experienced. And so I might have this vivid recollection of something that only my partner experienced because we've shared that information so often.

And so that's how we can distort memories in the laboratory. We can just get individuals who try and reconstruct events over and over again. And with each reconstructive process, they become more and more confident that that event has occurred. So I want to look at this process of mental paleontology a little more carefully, and there will be a number of experiments that have been conducted along these lines which ask people in some ways to place themselves emotionally in events and these experiments find that we change what we remember as a result of these interventions. Yes, there have been so many experiments now, I guess we're talking about 25 years worth of research.

Looking at how people come to believe in things that never occurred. And so we see that people can come to believe that they were lost or that they took a hot air balloon ride or spilled punch on the parents of a bride at a wedding when they were young. And generally the way that these studies work is we get some sort of information about kind of events that had happened to them or had not happened to them before the age of let's say 10. And then that individual goes through

some sort of suggestion procedure. Researchers wanted to see if they could induce volunteers to develop false memories. In several studies, they described events to volunteers and then told them that they had drawn these accounts from conversations with their parents or siblings. Another study used a more high-tech method. on these accounts from conversations with their parents or siblings. Another study used a more high-tech method.

One of my colleagues went as far as distorting pictures using Photoshop and inserting participants into the picture of a hot air balloon. And finding that resulted in, of course, creating this whole false memory of an event that never took place. And that's quite a distinct event, right? It's taking a hot air balloon ride. Even you would think you would remember that, and if you didn't remember that, you would think you would, and that probably never happened. So the fact that this was Kim Wade and colleagues, the fact that she was able to distort individuals with this technique

really demonstrates the suggestive nature of pictures. And so personally, I have this experience when I look at old photo albums that my parents have collected, that I go back and I'll look at these old pictures of myself back and I'll look at these old pictures of myself and you know I'm a five graduating from kindergarten and I'll see these pictures and I have no memory of these events but you've had this experience we've all had this experience where you see a picture and you start to think oh yeah kind of remember that it's like you're with your wife and she's suggesting something pictures are even more distorting from that perspective because we can mentally generate

that image. And that mental generation is a big cue to us. And in some ways stories function the same way. I remember my parents telling me a story. I don't have any personal recollection of this, but it tell me a story when I was a very small child. And there was a family gathering at our home. And many people had come over.

And as with many Asian households, people left their footwear at the door or at the entrance to the house before coming in. And apparently, I sort of wandered off from this gathering. And I essentially stole everyone's left shoe or left slipper and basically took all the left shoes and left slippers and basically moved them to a new location. And I have obviously no recollection whatsoever of doing this but I've heard the story so many times that to me I can actually

sort of vaguely see myself doing this. And I feel also vaguely proud that even at the age of two I could pick out just the left slippers from the right ones. I think they're making that up. I don't see how a two-year-old could have really done that. I think that you might have stolen a few shoes and this story has changed so much over the years. Can you imagine? So that's very sad, Ayanna, you know, ruining one of my precious childhood memories. Well, if it really did happen, that's pretty much the thing. I'm gonna go with that version. I'm gonna go with that version. What Ayanna and other researchers have found over and over again

is that our memories are fallible. And the implications of this extend far beyond how we think about our own childhoods. They extend into serious settings like the criminal justice system where we constantly ask people to make recollections or remember things under oath. Do people remember things accurately? In the early 1970s Elizabeth Laftus and John Palmer ran an experiment to find out. What they were really interested in was how people recollect a witnessed event and how the way in which questions are phrased influenced our recollection.

The researchers showed their volunteers short films of car accidents. Then they asked the volunteers some questions about what they had just seen. And there was a critical manipulation in the first experiment. What they did between groups of participants was they changed one word in the question. Some people were asked how fast were the cars going when they contacted each other. Others were asked the question with a more vivid verb like how fast were the cars going when they bumped into each other, smashed into each other or hit each other. The people who heard the word smashed or collided

recall that the cars were going faster than the people who heard the word bumped. So changing just one word in the question changed people's memory of the speed of the cars. Then there was something else, the volunteers were asked whether there was broken glass at the scene of the accident. The researchers found that volunteers were much more likely to remember seeing broken glass if the words smashed or hit had been used. And I think it's really important to note that there was no broken glass in any of the images that participants were shown in the study.

So not only did it change their estimates of speed, which is subjective in and of itself, but participants distorted their recollection in the act of recalling because of the word that was used. And so with no broken glass being present, participants remembered broken glass because that question was posed in a particularly suggestive way. So this has really important implications for criminal justice and how we question witnesses, how we get information about investigations from witnesses, the way in which officers at the scene of a crime, investigators during the context of interviews, the ways in which officers at the scene of a crime, investigators, during the context of interviews,

the ways in which they question witnesses, whether witnesses are questioned together, whether witnesses talk to one another after the fact, and now in the age of social media, now witnesses being able to do their own online investigations. All of these elements are serving to introduce factors that can distort the recollection of witnesses. I'm wondering if it can affect jurors as well because jurors often are hearing about these stories and the media in some ways are, you know, I was taught when I was a young journalist that if you're describing a car crash, you don't say bump, you say collided because it's a more active, it's using more active language, it brings the scene to life more vividly, but something that happens routinely in the

media of sort of dramatizing how stories work, what you're saying is that that can have the unintended effect of basically creating effectively false memories in people's heads. Indeed, and you said it in your description of using the word collided, it creates a more dramatic and vivid scene. Creating that vivid scene is what is going to be remembered. And so that post-event information, that jurors are maybe hearing or reading in the newspapers and so on and so forth, that information is what's going to be recalled as opposed to maybe their original experience

or what they heard in the context of testimony. So it's quite problematic from the perspective of thinking about how investigations unfold because clearly witnesses to criminal activities, crimes are extraordinarily important in directing the investigation and leading to success, in closing an investigation. But I think that you have to understand, jurors have to understand, that their memories are susceptible, and that witnesses' memories are susceptible to these systematic errors. What is especially dangerous about this is that when people think back, they can't actually

tell which of those memories is real and which was made up. After some time, I can't distinguish between the things I actually remember and the things that I've reconstructed they both feel exactly the same. And I think you're hitting on one of the issues, right? You think that some memories that you have are, as you say, actually remembered, but they're all reconstructed. The question is, which reconstructed memories are more accurate? And can you learn to monitor that process? And I think people can.

Coming up, we delve more deeply into Ayanah's research to understand the many ways our memories can fail us. I'm Shankar Vedantam and you're listening to Hidden Brain. This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam. The stories we tell ourselves about past events can also change the way we remember the past. Ayana once brought volunteers into the lab and asked them to imagine doing both ordinary things, like bouncing a ball, and bizarre things, like kissing a magnifying glass. I asked her why she did this and what she found. We were really interested in whether people could accurately distinguish between what they

imagined versus what they actually did. And we compared performance on very simple, common kinds of activities that people would do in their daily lives, that they could easily think, of course I did that, as compared to things that they would easily think, of course I did that, as compared to things that they would never do. We had kissing and magnifying glasses and rubbing lotion on the chair. Very strange things that people generally would not do in their daily lives.

And so they did some of these things and they imagined some of these things, but critically what we did was we brought them back in on a second session, and we just had them imagine a bunch of some of these activities over and over and over and over again. And what we found when we tested them two weeks later was that when people imagined these actions, whether they were sort of usual common kinds of actions like bouncing the ball or unusual actions, like kissing,

the magnifying glass. It regardless of the bizarnas of the act, the more times people imagined it, the more likely they were to say that actually they performed it on that first day. So we were able to get people to believe that they did these strange things when they only imagined them repeatedly. And so, you can extrapolate and say, wow, can you get people to believe they've done very strange things in their lives that they would never have done? And I think the answer is yes, you can.

Now, you did find that people were less likely to remember doing the bizarre things than the ordinary things. So it was easier to say, I remember bouncing the ball the first time I came in, rather than I kissed the magnifying glass the first time I came in. But there were errors on both counts. Indeed. So it's easier to distort people's memories if the information is plausible. The more common, the more usual, the more easy it is for people to imagine themselves in this activity, and maybe pull from their prior experience to distort their memory. And so the more unusual, the less plausible something is, the less likely it is for people to come to believe that these events took place or that they engaged in some particular

activity. So it's interesting when I think back to that childhood memory of my taking everyone's left slippers, one of the things that I realized my brain is doing is that in my mental image of that scene, I'm painting a picture of myself dressed in the clothes that I've seen myself wear in a childhood photograph. And of course, I have no idea whether I was wearing those clothes on the day that this particular event happened. And as you say, it might never have happened.

But it's interesting that I'm fleshing out things that actually I have no idea about using different elements of what I know about the past in a way to create essentially this picture that makes sense of a past event that I don't actually remember. And those pictures of our when we were children are highly suggestive of the way that we construct our childhood memories. I've seen myself in I think one or two outfits in pictures. And those are, that's pretty much how I imagine prior events. I must have been wearing this dress. Obviously, I had more than two dresses, or maybe I didn't, but I don't know. In fact, I remember very little

from those, those early days. So yeah, we use our pictures, we use those stories. Your family has embellished and you stole all the left shoes. And those all serve to create a really fun story to tell, but maybe not an accurate depiction of what actually took place. of what actually took place. The fact that memory often is not an accurate depiction of what took place can help us understand how two people can have very different recollections of the same event. A warning that this next section includes a description of sexual assault. If you affirm that the testimony you're about to give before the committee will be the truth,

the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so I'll help you, God. I do. Yeah. And one of the things I wanted to ask you is when you see stories breaking in the news that revolve around people's recollections of events, I'm wondering how you as a memory researcher process these stories. And the story that springs to mind is the one that occurred some time ago where Christine Blasie Ford accused now Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh of sexually assaulting her when they were both

teenagers. I don't have all the answers and I don't remember as much as I would like to. But the details about that night that bring me here today are the ones I will never forget. She said she had a very vivid memory of this happening. Brett and Mark came into the bedroom and locked the door behind them. There was music playing in the bedroom. He said that it did not happen. It categorically and unequivocally denied the allegation against me by Dr. Ford. I never had any sexual or physical encounter of any kind with Dr. Ford. I never attended a gathering. And in some ways the country was divided over these dueling memories. What would you have

said if you were on the expert witness stand about how to understand these two very different recollections about an event? Well, I think that it's important to note that both individuals could be recalling that night as accurately as they could. But the interpretation of saying that this couldn't have happened because I would have remembered it is an inappropriate interpretation of how memory works. Of course it could have happened, and you have forgotten it. Because often, we will remember things that are particularly salient to us.

And so sometimes we forget things that maybe are really important to other people because they weren't that big of a deal to us. And so I use the analogy of my brother and I, my brother and I have lots of shared childhood memories, he's three years younger than me. And he will tell me stories that he remembers very well, and I have no recollection. And it's because it wasn't that big of a deal to me, but it was a big deal to him. And so I think the important thing in the Blassey Ford and Kavanaugh cases, they both, neither are necessarily relying about that past. It's just that memories are going to differentially degrade and differentially be distorted for

different individuals. Do I know who was accurate in that retelling? I don't. Could both have been distorted? Most definitely. What was interesting to me based on what you've told me for the last several minutes is that I think many of us believe that the more vividly we recall something, the more it must have happened.

And I think when a lot of people watch the disagreement unfold on national television, we said, well, she clearly believes it did happen, and he clearly believes it didn't happen. And only one of them, therefore, must be true, and the other one must be lying. Because if they both vividly recalled this, clearly they both would have remembered something as astonishing as this happening, or something as out of the ordinary as this happening. And in some ways, what you're suggesting is actually more difficult to stop up, which is that they both could have been telling the truth, or they both could in some ways have been making up something without actually realizing it. Exactly. You know, you hear these people say, oh, I believe this individual, or I believe this other individual. And the question's not about belief. both have their own versions of the truth. And what people have to understand is that there's no getting at exactly what happened

a night, 30 years ago, 40 years ago. There's just no way to get at that information. Unless there was some video recording, we do not know. I always think back to, have you ever seen that movie, Rashomon? Yeah. I was thinking about it. I was thinking about it. I was thinking about it.

Rashomon's a great movie to think about from this context, because you have a retelling of an eyewitnessed event. And, you know, some of the witnesses to this crime have motivation to lie. But some don't. And they just tell a different version from their own perspective. And something, you know, this is really what's going on.

Generally, when we are telling about a past event, even if it's traumatic, we're telling it from our perspective, and that perspective alters our recollection. Just as we are sometimes too confident about our memories, Ayanna says there are other times when we're too insecure. When we jump to the conclusion our memories are failing us. Take for example the experience that many older people report in forgetting where they left their keys or where they parked their car.

And I used to think that older adults actually are demonstrating more of these memory failures than their younger counterparts. And to some extent that's true. There is age-related decline in attention processes and memory encoding processes that likely result in these kinds of errors and will increase the frequency of these errors. But I also think that older adults are just more sensitive to these kinds of errors and are more likely to remember the error than their younger counterparts. Because many individuals, as they get older, become more sensitive to potential problems

with their cognition and their aging, whenever they have these kinds of failures, those failures are more salient, and so they remember them more. So I think there's also a bias in reporting, where there's under-reporting for younger people and over-reporting for older people. And you and others have also found that if you, in some ways, frame challenges as being about declining memory, you're more likely to see errors among older people in a phenomenon that sometimes call stereotype threat.

Right. And so, and I do this work in collaboration with my colleague Marie Mezzroil and we've been really interested in how when you either activate or alleviate threat in older adults, how that influences memory and other cognitive processes. And so what I mean by that is there is a negative stereotype associated with getting older and implicit in that negative stereotype is that you are going to demonstrate these cognitive deficits. And in fact, the majority of time I bring people into the lab that are, let's say over the age of 65, they're coming into the cognitive aging and memory lab. And the first thing they say to me or the researchers who are testing them as well, you

know, I have a terrible memory or I'm really worried about my memory. They're already feeling threatened about their memory. And that psychological experience of just worrying about one's memory tends to negatively impact performance on memory tests. And so when you reduce that anxiety and you alleviate that threat older individuals do better. When we come back, how all of us can improve our ability to remember things. Because memory works in predictable ways, it turns out there are specific things you can do to make your own memory better.

I'm Shankar Vedantam and you're listening to Hidden Brain. This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam. What you're hearing is the voice of a man named Nelson Delis. He's what's known as a memory athlete. 5 of the states, eight of the states, seven of the clubs. Memory athletes memorize huge quantities of information, like strings of numbers, lists of words, and decks of cards. This is Nelson at a memory championship in 2014. I really love watching memory competitions and watching these memory athletes be able to rehearse back long strings of numbers

and recite back long passages from books. They are just like us and we could do what they do and what they're doing is they're using memory like a skill that can be honed and perfected. So how do memory athletes imprint all this information in their minds? One of the most popular techniques is called a memory palace. You create a mental image of a familiar location like your house or the street where you grew up. Then you plan out a path through that space,

creating conspicuous stops along the way. Once you've done that, place all the items you want to remember at each of those stops. This mental image, the location, the path, the stops with the items on it, this becomes your memory palace. Here's an example. Let's say you want to remember four things on a list.

First pick a location like your house. Now make a path with four stops along the way. You might start at the front door, then stop at your coat closet, followed by the kitchen, then the bedroom. Now go back and mentally place the four things you want to remember at each of those locations. Once you've done this, remembering your list gets easier. Just walk through your house in your mind and look at the four things along the path. The memory palace is based on the idea that to remember things that are unfamiliar, you

want to hook them onto things that are familiar. It's an ancient technique going back to Greek and Roman orators who often had to learn long speeches by heart. What individuals would be doing when they were giving speeches is they would associate elements of the speech to different individuals seated in the room. If people were sitting in the same place in specific rooms, they would be able to associate, let's say, the first line of the speech with a person sitting in the first row on the right and so on and so forth. And so all these speakers would have to do is look across the room to be able to

remember the different elements of the speech. What's so fascinating about what you're saying, Ayanna, in some ways is that the very same processes that in some ways can contaminate memory, which is our past experiences, the things that we know well can contaminate the things that we learn, the things that happen to us because memory is reconstructed, you can actually use this now to actually improve your memory, you can actually use it to remember things that happen by associating them with other things in your past that you're familiar with. Yes, so we talked about how prior experience can distort memory, but prior experience can also scaffold memory, and we can use it to learn

new information. I'm wondering if I can give you a list of five things to try and remember and have you essentially put them on a familiar path and have you do this sort of live so we can see how this works. Would you be game to do that? We can try. I will maybe fail miserably. Well, we remember the stereotype threat research though, you shouldn't tell yourself that you

want to fail miserably. Yes. Alright, so the five items I want you to try and remember are milk, eggs, olive oil, garlic, and pink cake frosting. So can you build a memory palace or one of these walks where you're familiar with where you place these five items that I can tell you them I can tell each of them to you as you go along the path so that you will remember them in the future again milk eggs olive oil garlic and pink cake frosting. Okay I will try. Do you want to try and tell us what you are doing in your head so that we

can follow along with you whatever the path is that you're setting up? Well for me actually I'm thinking about what I would cook with these elements. So I'm making all of these elements interact and you through a little curve ball in there with garlic, but fortunately garlic is a distinctive element in that list. Because I can make a cake with most of what you've, what you are already talking about. That helps. Because now the four elements that were potentially unassociated are now associated into one unit.

So I've made something distinctive. Pink frosted garlic cake. Sounds terrible. It does sound terrible. But what's so interesting here in some ways is you're employing imagination to boost memory. And we talked earlier about how imagination can undermine memory. Isn't it fascinating that it can play these these dual roles? fascinating that it can play these dual roles. Yeah, our imaginations are highly effective in allowing us to remember these disparate pieces of information.

And so it is associations that allow us to remember information. And when we are able to make associations, and when we're able to rely on interactive, unusual imagery, we're able to remember unrelated lists of items. So the analogy that's bringing to my mind is that to think of memories, individual memories are like islands, we consolidate those memories, but also potentially contaminate them by essentially building bridges to those islands from other islands that we are

more familiar with. Some people talk about this as the difference between learning somebody's name is Baker and that someone's profession is Baker. If you ask that person to remember, do you remember the person's name or do you remember the person's profession, it's usually easier to remember the person's profession two weeks later than to remember that somebody had a name, a baker. Talk about this idea that in some ways the context that matters enormously in terms of what it is that we're remembering and something's just come with more context than others. I really like the analogy of thinking about memory as islands. We think about it as memories as nodes, right? So you have a particular

concept like Baker. And when I say Baker, a number of related concepts that are connected to those nodes are connected to those islands, those associated bridges that you're talking about are activated. So you think about bread and you think about maybe the time of day that you might go to the bakery. You think about your time in France, which I just got back from, so I'm not only thinking about France. And you think about all of these contextual elements that allow you to strengthen that memory representation. But those notes and those associations can also lead to error. IANA has also studied ways in which students can get better at retaining information.

One of the most effective methods, taking practice tests. Closing your books and forcing yourself to recall information turns out to be a powerful way to remember things you've learned. Another insight, space out learning and avoid trying to cram everything the last night before an exam. Also, try to get some sleep. Memory consolidation occurs during sleep and you have to have specific high quality sleep in order to consolidate these kinds of memories.

It's interesting, I just read a recent article about sleep and consolidation and how during the context of sleep cycles, we actually select particularly salient memories and that gets preferential consolidation treatment while we're sleeping. And in some ways, there is an analogy here with physical activity as well, right? Physical, your trainers will tell you, yes, you know, try and come in more than once a week,

but they will also tell you if you try and do four hours of physical activity on one day, rather than, you know, half and come in more than once a week, but they will also tell you if you try and do four hours of physical activity on one day rather than you know half an hour every day You're not giving your body time to rest and actually build up strength and stamina and everything else It actually the rest is actually part of what makes the physical activity pay off Right So it's it seems that our body requires a balance in order to engage in the variety of interconnected processes that are going to result in physical change.

And a memory and memory formation is a physical change in the brain. And memory retrieval is the act of reconstructing some of those changes and bringing them back together to make a conscious experience of a recalled event. Alright so I am going to try and see if you remember that list of things and let's see if you can use your recipe technique Iana to remember the five items on that grocery list. Yeah I'll tell you I actually thought you were gonna ask me this pretty soon and so I mentally retrieved it right about the time we were talking. And I was like, do I have it?

I think I do. So is milk eggs, olive oil, garlic, and pink cake frosting. That's spectacular. And I'm sure in years to come, we will both remember the time that you made some delicious garlic cake for us both. I'm very happy with myself. Iana Thomas is a psychologist who studies memory. Why are recollections do not always reflect reality, how memories degrade, and what we can do to retain things better.

Iana thanks for joining me today on Hidden Brain. Thank you. It was a pleasure. Hidden Brain is produced by Hidden Brain Media. Our audio production team includes Bridget McCarthy, Laura Quarelle, Kristen Wong, Ryan Katz, Autumn Barnes and Andrew Chadwick. Tara Boyle is our executive producer. I'm Hidden Brain's executive editor. Special thanks to Jonathan Burley and Jonas Harnow for their voice acting. Our unsung hero is Yap Mura, a theoretical neuropsychologist at the University of Amsterdam. Yap conducted a replication of the Herman Ebinghaus study from the 1800s.

He generously shared his time to help us understand how the first study was run and his own research. Thank you, yeah. Next week in our YouTube.O series, the Emotion of Regret. We consider why regret isn't just about what happened in the past. It's also about where we're headed. Regret is actually a very hopeful emotion. It's something that is helping us learn from our mistakes and do better in the future. So it's actually, I think, a really positive thing to get to study. I'm Sean Carvedantham. See you next week. Thank you. you