Higher Learning with Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay - Exploring the Democratic Narrative With Governor Gavin Newsom! Plus, Ryan Grim Explains the Ceasefire. | Higher Learning | The Ringer
Episode Date: October 10, 2025Rachel and Van start the show by giving their reactions to the return of ‘Verzuz’ and their opinion of Cash Money versus No Limit Records. Then, they are joined by California Governor Gavin Newsom... to talk about the current Democratic Party, Trump, and who could be in the running to lead the Democratic Party. Later, Ryan Grim stops by to talk about the Gaza ceasefire and what it actually means. 00:00 - Welcome! 02:19 - Governor Gavin Newsom joins us! 1:10:34 - Ryan Grim joins us! 1:34:25 - ‘Verzuz’ returns 1:46:01 - Ubisoft cancels Civil War–era 'Assassin's Creed' game 1:48:13 - Thanks for watching! Hosts: Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay Guests: Governor Gavin Newsom and Ryan Grim Producers: Donnie Beacham and Ashleigh Smith Video Supervision: Chris Thomas Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Yo, yo, thought warriors.
What is up?
Her learning is on as I've been late for junior.
And it's me, Rachel and Lindsay.
Gavin Newsom on the show.
Gavin News is on the show.
You said it.
We let you guys on social kind of say what you wanted to hear.
He's here today.
And, um...
What did you think?
I thought it was a good interview.
I thought you didn't think so.
I did.
Okay.
I, look.
Interview rating.
I do apology ratings.
One to 10.
Interview rating.
How do you think?
seven.
Like the
as a whole.
Well, I'll tell you what.
You guys are,
are going to see.
Kevin Samuels would never let you use seven by the way.
Because that's what everybody uses.
Well, look,
I guess a 10 would be, you know what?
As an interview, I'm going to go 9.
Because obviously you want to,
if Gavin and I agreed on everything,
oh my God, it's a 10 interview.
You know why it should be above a 7?
Because one, I'm just going to put this out here.
we had a limited amount of time
and he gave us more.
There's only so many questions you could ask.
We could have, I mean, we need a day
to like really sit down.
And he engaged with every single thing, sat here,
never pressed us on time, never pressed us on time,
never, like truly and was open to things that we had to say.
Right.
Yeah, I mean, I think it was as good of an interview as it can go.
It was, because it was an interview, it was a conversation,
it wasn't full on debate, even though we did press him.
on issues.
We did challenge.
We didn't sit here the whole time
and just take everything that was said.
If you guys are interesting,
on what interested in whether or not
Gavin Newsom thinks America is a racist country,
you're going to find out in this interview.
It's a lot of stuff that happened.
If you want to know about how and why
he talked to Charlie Kurt, Steve Bannon,
Michael Savage, all that,
you're going to find out in this interview.
We asked him the questions that we wanted to...
We asked him about the party.
We asked him about people within the party.
Ask him about 80s,
A-PAC. Ask him about A-PAC, yeah.
Oh, my God. Ask him about Israel. All of the stuff. And the governor sat right there,
answered the questions. And when he got his dandruff, when he wanted to get his shit off, he got his shit off.
Yeah. No further ado, you guys decide for yourself. Gavin News on higher learning.
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Okay.
Big moment here.
We have somebody that you guys might recognize joining us on higher learning today.
Governor of California.
And who knows what else after that?
Ex-governor of California?
Ex-governor of California.
The future ex-Governor of California.
But future, maybe some other things.
We'll talk about that.
Gavin Newsom joins us today on higher learning.
How are you doing?
Good to be with you.
Good to be.
Before we've been getting to it, I want to start with some mess.
Oh, gee, we're going right.
That's how to it, governor.
You're in the belly of the beach right here.
Just like, you know, how is your day?
How is breakfast?
Don't have time.
It's too high level.
We're jumping right in.
The sentiment's there.
You get it.
You get it.
I want to get your response.
Now, I saw that you responded to Twitter,
but I want to give you on Twitter.
I want to give you a chance to respond on video
to something that's been making around.
Donnie cue up Joe Rogan's thoughts on Gavin Newsom.
Which ones?
Yeah.
Jesus.
They don't have any faith in Gavin Newsom.
Oh, yeah.
It's kind of funny because he wants to be president so bad.
That's true what it looks like.
You can't ruin a city and then go on to ruin a state and say, guys, that was just practice.
I know.
Once I get it as a president, I'm going to fix it.
I fix it all.
I mean, it's so crazy, but he's such a great politician.
I mean, he's so smooth.
Do you think so?
No.
No.
terrible. How's he remained in power for so long?
Low competition.
There's no one who's good is competing against
him. There's no sincerity. I should say he's not a good
I should say he's smooth. I mean he's a good
bullshit artist. Yeah, that's what I mean.
But it's like what the things that he says
when he gets confronted. Why are you making me watch this?
Turn it off. Turn it off.
I don't watch this stuff.
Look, look, he's been attacking me for years and years and
years and won't have me on the show. Joe, why
won't you have me on the show? He won't
have me on the show. It's one way. And he has guests
coming and attacking and bashing, but he will not have me on the show, period, full stop.
He should have me on the show.
Let's have it.
Let's do it, Joe.
Or you should have him on your podcast.
Come on my show, Joe.
Yeah, no, I'm just, but it's, it's interesting.
So I've never had a beef.
I have no issues with him, but he has developed deep issues and animus with me.
In fact, I did an interesting.
Just show you how much I'm in his head.
I went on Sean Ryan's podcast.
Sean's a rock star, incredible guy.
He was a three plus hour, almost four hour.
a podcast and he did a he the first question was from his friend he said well i got to you know
call a friend type thing and it was joe rogan and taken that was the opening question on the
song i'm like jesus this this rogan guy uh he's got you know he's definitely in his head so
anyway uh jo bring it on let's go i mean i you know again i got no beef with him it's got a
beef with me uh tack my state then i got you know i got a different sort of sensibility uh in
terms of my desire to protect, preserve, and promote.
If I was asking you to get in his head, the things that he was saying there,
what do you think he's talking about?
I don't know.
I didn't even, I barely watched what you know.
The perception of it, the perception of California, the perception of some of the problems
that face the state and maybe how some of the people around the country might think that
those problems.
I think there's a California derangement syndrome.
And he's part of it.
I mean, I think people are obsessed with focusing on what's wrong with the state and not
what's right with the state.
I mean, you have more scientists, engineers, more researchers, more
Nobel laureates in the state than any other state in the nation. We're the fourth largest economy
in the world, $4.1 trillion. We're the finest system of higher education that addresses the issue of
equity better than any other public education system in the world. We dominate in every category,
name it. We're the biggest manufacturing state, biggest farming state, ranchers and hunting jobs,
which is interesting. We dominate in AI and quantum and fusion in every key category. The quality
of life here consistently, and you look at the top 10 cities in the United States,
America consistently, the top five are identified in the state of California, and we invent
the future.
It happens here first, where America's coming attraction.
What I think doesn't attract people that tend to be on the spectrum of his politics is our
diversity.
We're the most diverse state and the world's most diverse democracy.
We're a majority-minority state.
27% of this state is foreign-born, and that offends a lot of people.
You think Joe Rogan has a problem.
I don't know.
I said of his, you know, they tend to align sometimes with him.
I didn't say him.
But some folks in the far right, the primetime lineup at Fox, for example,
that's almost made a living out of trying to tear down California.
And it makes sense because everything they're promoting runs contrary to what California
is doing and how we're succeeding.
How do we continue to thrive despite all of their,
rhetoric. I mean, look at the gut, I mean, look at across the board, productivity, wages in the
state of California dominate compared to other red states. The biggest murder states in America are red
states, eight of the top ten. Dependency. You talk about dependency. Texas is a taker state.
California in 2023, $83.83.1 billion. We gave more to the federal government than we received.
Texas took $71.1 billion. I mean, so you could go down the list as it relates to deaths of
despair as it relates to loneliness, lower wages, a higher death rates, higher infant mortality,
maternal mortality, lower life expectancy, all in these red states compared to the blue states.
And their state of mind is just dominantly criticizing the most vibrant and dynamic state
in America. I find that rather curious, honestly.
Well, how do you feel about the fact that right now we're in the middle of a massive affordability
problem and California is the tip of the spear for that.
15% of California residents right now can afford the average home.
In that way for decades.
It's a major crisis.
So, I mean, when you hear the things that Joe Rogan is saying, and we on this podcast
battle back and forth with Joe Rogan and that type of politic and that thinking all
the time.
But when you hear that, there is a cohort of people that feel like the state is too expensive
for them.
They can't live the American dream here.
They can't afford a home.
here. And that could have explained some of the exodus that you saw the places like Austin or
Florida or other places like that where things might. Well, we, per capita, more Floridians moving
to California than Californians moving to Florida. Our population's been growing over year to year to year.
And he's just making that stuff up. That's why he don't want me on the show. Right. Specifically to
affordability of homes and things like that. What, what way you about? Now, on the issue of affordability,
it explains more things and more ways on more days about problems in California. Issues of
housing. Supply demand imbalance. It's been that case for decades now.
We're as dumb as we want to be.
We've got to get out of our own way.
We've got to build more damn housing.
That's why I literally tied my budget last year to the most significant housing reforms in California history.
That's why I'm about to sign one of the most significant housing bills in, you know, years in California as it relates to density bonuses around transit corridors.
We're moving from a nimbie mindset, not in my backyard, to this yimbi mindset.
And we're being very aggressive.
Let me be more specific.
not only are we promoting reforms in terms of the regulatory system that's slowing down development of more housing to address the affordability challenge, but I also created a housing accountability unit where we're quite literally suing cities that are not producing enough housing. The state of California has a state of mind that is completely aligned with that critique. And that's why we've been very aggressive because at the end of the day, forgive the vernacular, localism is determinative, meaning state's vision is realized locally.
We don't build the housing.
We create the conditions.
And so cities like Huntington Beach refuse to even zone housing, let alone build housing, so we suit them.
This affordability framework is not complicated.
It's econ 101.
And we have been more robust in the reforms with this abundance mindset, as Rekline talking a lot about that.
And we're aligned with that.
And so it is the issue that explains the big critique.
that is completely legitimate.
As it relates to the state of California,
and has been for decades and decades.
And it's the one issue that I'm most proud
that we've tackled in terms of policy changes head on.
But the rationalization of those policies
need to be promoted and realized ultimately locally.
And that's something that needs to take shape.
And that's why we're being very aggressive,
and it hasn't yet.
And it's also something taking shape all across the country.
Sure.
there's affordability issue is the issue that defines, I think, the greatest stress for people 30 and younger in this country.
And why they are increasingly tapped out of both political parties and pissed off because we're not delivering for them.
And so housing, amen, man, is the legitimate claim of critique in this state.
Do you think this affordability issue, even in northern California, San Francisco where used to be the mayor, just so people know, you have an $18 minimum wage there.
And the average one-bedroom home is one-bedroom apartment shop says $3,000 a month.
Do you think that this issue is a broader issue that has to do with maybe a critique and controls on American capitalism?
California, for example, has, you know, hosted and been very giving and loving and nurturing to a lot of the Silicon Valley companies that have come here and called Northern California home.
and that has resulted in breathtaking income inequality and affordability issues for the regular people of California, the average people.
And that's something that we've seen explode across the country as Americans seem to be left behind by their government in favor of the richest 1% of the country.
How do we deal with that in a more broad sense than just looking at it?
So that's a foundational question about free enterprise and capital.
And that's an issue for a 30-year trend line that's now a headline as it relates to wealth,
not just income, inequality.
Well, I actually meant to say wealth.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And look, that's underscored by the fact that you have quite literally two-thirds the wealth in the hands
of just 10% of the population.
That same 10% by the way, that's about 50% of consumer spending in this country.
And so it's increasingly in the hands of fewer and few people.
And that's why people like Bernie Sanders are so resonant and so popular and have
such a strong base.
Zora Lombani as well.
And yeah, people like that, that understand that fundamentally and foundationally.
Now, to understand is not to achieve any outcome, meaning one, then to find a problem is one
thing, actually, what you do to promote it.
So our philosophy, my philosophy, and the work we've done here in the state, is about, yes,
growth, we promote it.
It's a point of pride, innovation, entrepreneurialism.
I don't want to stifle that.
I'm one of those Democrats, with all due respect, not, I don't begrudge other people,
I admire the hell out of it. I'm someone that comes from a private sector background. I open a small
restaurant and wine store right out of college. One part-time employee, Pat Kelly, and she passed
away a year and a half ago. God bless her, started with pen to paper, $7,500 and got 13 investors
and built that to 21 small businesses, about 1,000 employees. And I'm not saying that to impress
you, but to impress upon you, my passion for entrepreneurialism. So I want to make that clear. But I'm
also not naive that businesses can't thrive in a world that's failing. And that's what you've just
described. And that's why this notion of growth has to also be attached to inclusion. And so our
framework goes like this. You mentioned the $18 minimum wage. I want to have, I have a thing or two
that I can say about this because I've got some receipts as a former mayor that promoted that
minimum wage back then, 118, but it's adjusted for inflation that promoted a minimum wage in the state
of California. Let me be even more specific. I am the,
only governor that can claim this. I got a lot of shit for this and continue to get a lot of
shit for this. I love that you didn't ask if you could curse. No, sorry. You can. You can.
Well, you start with Joe Rogan. I'm going to start cursing. Right. $20 minimum wage for fast food
workers. You know, and I work my ass off with SCIU to get that done. And by the way, they're not
even members of that union, but their cause of social and racial justice because that is about
economic, social, and racial justice. Disproportionate number of women work in fast food.
And they're not just young kids now working summer jobs there. They're working full time.
And why the hell should someone be working full time in a major corporation that ends up on
damn welfare, ends up on the public dole? I also promoted and supported a $25 minimum wage for
health care workers. That doesn't exist anywhere in the United States. Not just the baseline minimum wage,
the largest earning income tax credit in the United States of America, and we extended it for
I-10 holders. And I know that offends people like that and others as it relates to those without
immigration status. Points of pride. I also believe that our interventions come too late, so we're having
a systemic conversation. People are not left behind. They start behind. And that's why I have
focused effort on prenatal care, which is underfocused and under-resourced on pre-head start,
not just head start.
And I literally just came, no bullshit,
just came from a press conference
with the Unified School District,
superintendent here in L.A.,
promoting the fact that we just saw
significant increases in test scores
that disproportionately outperform the nation
for black and Latino students
in every subject matter
and every grade and every cohort.
But I also promoted our interventions
where we created a brand new grade pre-K for all
and how important pre-K is for everyone.
after school for all, $4.4 billion this year, nine hours of enrichment, including 30 days of summer school.
I'm giving you a long answer because there's no flippant response to the systemic issues that you highlight
that need to be addressed in this country. And I'm proud of that work, proud of the work with 200,000 new
slots for child care and subsidizing child care in the state. And the work we're trying to do across
the spectrum of affordability, including the largest tax rebate in U.S. history, $18.6 billion, which
Rogan not even aware of and doesn't give a damn about. And so all those things matter,
but I'll conclude on this. What also matters is tax policy, which goes to the core of your
question and sort of the appeal of people like Mandani and that extent people like Bernie.
California has a progressive tax structure. That's the real reason these, a lot of these folks
left. Come on. Let's have this conversation. They don't like progressive tax. They like regressive
tax policy. Where's rogreens?
live in one of the most regressive tax states in America that tax poor people, more poor people
are taxed more than the richest 1% in Texas, places like Florida.
That's what they celebrate.
They promote.
They are high tax states, but not for them.
You can't claim California is a high tax state.
High tax for who?
The 1% progressive tax state.
Regressive taxes persist in these redsons.
states, particularly these large red states. And I think that is a state of mind that also
is something that I believe in and needs to be promoted in relationship to your question
around wealth and income inequality. And I'll tell you, it was interesting. I had on my
podcast, Steve Bannon, who was making a case. He didn't say the word California, but he sure
as hell sounded like someone making the case for California's tax policy. Again, the same policy
that Elon Musk and Rogan and all these guys to cry and criticize.
Do you see California as a model for a more populous Democratic Party?
And do you think that the Democrats need a clear economic populist message?
100%.
Look, the issue of our time is cost of living.
Period.
Full stop.
Period.
Full stop.
And this is, I talked about 30 and younger, but with intention, 30-year-olds are the first,
the first generation in history of this country where 30-year-olds are not doing better than their parents.
And they're pissed.
I mean, I was, you know, I'm doing these gaming podcast platforms just listening to young folks call and they're pissed.
They're like, you know, they're, they had some sensibility.
Maybe Trump was the real deal and they want to change.
And some, you know, we saw the numbers reflect.
They kind of came on board multiculturally, not just white dudes.
Mostly white dudes.
But, yeah, but, you know, that's right.
But young men, you know, broadly that just feel, by the way, that are in crisis in terms of, you know, drop out rates and suicide rates that are 4X, girls, the issues around, you know, just achievement gaps and even just college going young men versus women.
I mean, this is a crisis what's happening, young men.
And the Republican Party, at least, attached themselves, that Rogan, to his credit, sort of attached himself to that manosphere.
But they've kind of exploited it.
And they haven't done anything to address the underlying issues.
The Democratic Party hasn't either.
But we didn't even talk about it.
And so we need to own that because it goes fundamentally the issue of a populist economic message,
address the issue of cost of living, and address this crisis that's going on with young men,
but also crisis of opportunity that people are feeling in a society of haves and have-nots.
And so, you know, this is the issue.
Right now, we also have the issue of situationally of Donald Trump.
Trump. And so how do you promote solutions in a strategy for a positive alternative Trump and Trump
is in the same time you're dealing with this existential threats of this lawlessness that's occurring
in real time all across this country with Trump, where he wants to replace the rule of law with the
rule of Don. And so that's the sort of dialectic I think we're having as Democrats is how to balance
both because people want us. That's what Mandani's done effectively to be focusing
on those pocketbook issues.
But for me, that tension
in the most untrumped state in America
is how we balance those two.
Yeah, but how do you, like,
it feels like you talked a little bit about messaging,
and it seems like we played Joe Rogan
at the beginning, and, you know,
he said what he said, and he's been saying it for him.
He won't have you on, but it seems like
there's a lot of untruths, there's just a lot of lies,
there's just not a lot of evidence
to really back up the things that he's saying,
but yet it resonates with so many people.
And we talk about this all the time on the podcast,
and you alluded to it a little bit
and talking about the messaging.
Why is it that the Democrats continue,
it seems like they continue to lose the narrative?
Why is it that they can't,
it doesn't resonate with the audience
that you were talking about with the gamers?
What is it that they can do to challenge that?
We see what you're doing on social media, fan of it,
but it's a little bit of kind of playing
similar to the way that they do.
Not a little bit, it is.
Is that what you feel like the Democrats need to do?
Do you feel like they need to get embedded with them a little bit more
and play a little bit more of that to resonate with them?
Like, what is, how do we connect and not lose the narrative anymore
so the messaging can get through?
Because you named all these things that California is doing,
yet people want to hold on to the things.
That's your Rogan saying.
Yeah, including those test scores.
We suck at messaging.
Democrat Party.
You're kidding?
These guys just dominate in the messaging game.
I mean, I was watching, you know, I'm old enough to remember
this guy Ron DeSantis from Florida just four years ago, who was censoring historical facts,
rewriting history, he rewrote the damn history, a social studies book in his state,
taking Rosa Parks race out of the curriculum around civil rights.
Literally, they drafted a social studies book that took Rosa Parks race out of the social
because of the anti-woke act, the don't say gay bill, which was literally gag orders,
not only for teachers, but in private corporate boardrooms.
They were on a banning binge.
You saw just two years ago, 43.
340, I think that's an actual number.
Books were banned in this country, libraries, and schools.
Republicans promoting that bullshit.
CRT, D-E-I, ESG, anything with three letters.
But they all had one thing in common, this sort of anti-woke thing, it's anti-black, period, full stop.
And I say all that to underscore your point, because they were winning, and they continue to win on that message.
Where the hell is my party?
Why aren't we pushing back?
Why aren't we shape-shifting?
Kicking our ass asymmetry on Fox every goddamn night, weaponizing grievance.
othering people, talking down, belittling people, somehow being celebrated for that.
And we're constantly chasing it.
We're on the receiving end of all of this as they shape shift.
CRT, where the hell?
No one even knows what the hell it is.
Where do you find it?
And so I started a process of iterating.
So I wanted not just identify it again, the problem again.
I was trying to sort of figure out how to be accountable.
And I started going on Fox.
You know, I spent an hour and a half with Sean Hannity invited him.
I said, unedited.
I said, the only thing, man, is like,
No editing. Let's just go and you got take as long as you want. And you can bring all your notes,
have all your producers prefer for that. And we had this unedited. And to his credit, they did
multiple segments on that and put all of it out. Then I ended up doing a damn debate with Ron DeSantis.
And, you know, on Fox with Hannity, basically teen everything up for him, shape-shifting how California
sucks and everything and defend yourself Newsome. And started going on One American News and Newsmax and
you know, trying to, and I also start a pack, forgive me, politicians, sorry, but I did it with
intent where I went only to red states because Democrats aren't even showing up in Alabama,
Mississippi, and Arkansas. We've turned our back on our own party and our own people on these states
in order to answer your question. And right now I'm also trying to do that iterating still,
not only having a podcast with Marchaun Lynch called Politicking, which we're about to have our second
season in my own podcast that I'm doing separately where I'm Charlie Kirk on and Bannon and these
folks, you know, Newt Gingrich who's promoted my recall. And we're going to get to it. We're going to
get to all that good. But, you know, and why I have no problem with Rogan, except he apparently
has a problem with me, he doesn't want me on, which is just interesting these guys. I just think
that's a sign of weakness, not strength. And I think that's underpinning in all this. And I say
weakness intentionally. Trump is weakness masquerading his strength. Who threatens to, you know, jail,
officials. All of this about is weakness across this spectrum. And I will underscore the biggest
brand problem with the Democratic Party is we are the ones that appear weak. In the core, you can look
at all the issues at the end of the day what undergirds our toxicity of our brand is the sense
that we are weak. We're not able to achieve our goals. We're not even able to communicate them.
And so I'm just trying to get us back on an offense.
And the social media, again, that I've been up there is putting a mirror to Trump.
And we're going hard.
Rogan doesn't like, who the hell has ever called Rogan a chicken said, why the hell are you?
And people won't touch these guys.
But we're punching.
I'm punching Trump every day.
You hit us.
You hit my state.
You, I'm going back.
We're imperfect.
We got homelessness.
We got problems.
Give me a break.
So does every goddamn state.
You never talk about those states.
pisses me off.
So I love this place.
I love what it represents.
And I also love my party and what it represents and who we stand for.
And the fundamental issues of racial justice,
social justice,
economic justice, man.
That's what this party's about.
But we're not communicating it.
So I'm just trying to get out there.
Hell,
that's why I'm on with you, man.
And just trying to get us back on message
and getting, basically shape-shifting the narrative
and not responding to their,
narrative is the point. You talked a little bit about CRT, you talked a little bit about DEI,
the way that race has been weaponized on the right as a rallying cry. I'll ask you a question
that ensnared Kamala Harris, a friend of yours, ensnared Jim Clyburn, but a question that I
never see mainstream white political figures asked. Do you think America is a racist country?
Yeah, that's a tough one. I mean, it's a loaded question in this respect. It's an easy question, right, from your perspective, from many people's perspectives, and it should be an easy question to answer. I think, I mean, racism persists in extraordinary ways. Institutionally, it's certainly enshrined in so many ways, and we've been trying to unpack that in deeply meaningful ways. And we're constantly dealing and battling with racism on a daily basis. And we're seeing the assault and the weaponization of race as it relates to all these anti-woken DEI efforts coming.
I'm on the Trump administration.
So yes, there are deeply racist things that are going on all across the United States of America.
Do I think fundamentally in our core, and that's why it goes to a more loaded and difficult question,
I think the vast, overwhelming majority of people don't believe that they're racist and don't
honestly believe that this is a racist country.
And that's challenging and how we can communicate a more situational awareness.
Are you paying attention what's going on?
What's happening out there?
Who's getting pulled over?
Who's actually being prosecuted and who's not?
What's happening with these laws and how they're implemented and effectuated, who they
advantage and who they disadvantage?
The fact that we never fully come to grips with our past.
And I think that's the balancing act for all of us is how we're able to have that conversation
and bring people over as opposed to point fingers and say,
you are racist, and then we turn people off.
The reason why I ask, Governor, is because I think it's actually a really important,
a really important conversation.
I'll tell you why.
So here in Los Angeles County or in Los Angeles,
you have the median wealth of a black and Latino family at around, I think, $4,000.
The median wealth of a,
white family is around $388,000.
If not for a fundamental systemic racial issue, these disparities exist everywhere.
I can point them out.
We've talked about them on here on the podcast.
In Boston, it's $8 to $285,000.
In Baltimore, it's $80,000 to $0 worth of wealth for black people.
if not for intense, prolonged, systemic racism
where a system in a country picks, winners and losers,
how do you explain that disparity?
No, that's why I was out there signing the Bruce's Beach law.
That's why I signed the first reparations bill in the United States of America.
You're talking to the governor that literally led that.
I just created it.
Just signed a bill two days ago with the Black Caucus
as it relates to creating a new office to address these systemic issues
and try, have been very progressive in terms of the bills that I've promoted,
not just signed to start to unpack all of those issues.
I couldn't agree more.
That's why I referenced a moment ago, these systemic issues that are real,
and the fact that we fundamentally have not come to grips with that past.
And that's why I took my kids to the South for spring break two years ago
to get them to understand the world they're living in that persists to this day.
And that's why I highlighted the assault that Donald Trump and guys like Ron DeSantis
have advanced in this country, continue to advance,
which, again, is a war.
on black folks disproportionately again.
That's why I said anti-woke is nothing more than anti-black.
So I don't disagree with all that.
And so we have to own a response to that.
Is there a way to say to answer yes to that question,
but then also because sometimes I'll tell you how I really feel.
And you know what?
I appreciate you being here and I appreciate you not wearing a suit.
And it feels like we can talk.
Like we're talking.
We're talking.
We're trying to figure out what we're doing in the future.
We're talking.
The reason why for a lot of people is important for them,
that for someone to say yes to that question.
I understand what the situation that Vice President Harris was in,
that Congress.
Remind me, what did she say exactly that question?
She honestly don't remember.
She said no.
She said no.
She said no.
And I think for a lot of the, when I was trying to impact the response,
for many of those reasons, right?
But if I may.
No, forgive me.
Yeah, but the reason why it's important is because we know that it is.
Right?
Like, we know that it is.
it is. We know that the foundation of the country was racism in America is older than America.
Like my ancestors were enslaved here before the English expatriates here decided to start their own country.
And our utility in America has never, ever, ever been about our genius, about our perseverance,
about our ability to achieve in the country. We've done all of that in spite of, in spite of an effort.
on the soil where we exist to minimize us and kill us.
And it seems as if we can't quite reconcile that
if we don't agree that is a thing.
So sometimes when we're having conversations,
and I know it's a fiery thing and it's an incendiary deal,
but sometimes we just want to be like, yeah, it is,
but it doesn't always have to be.
But if we can't do the first part,
it doesn't seem like we can do the same.
No, I hear you.
No, I mean, I think, you know, my response reflects that deeper understanding of the structural
issues and the institutional issues that we're trying to unwind in real time.
And so I think it's an active effort to sort of unpack that and also find some responsibility
and accountability in the process.
And that I think, look, we're hardly perfect, but I'm really proud of what we've been able to
achieve in California in that respect.
And we've led the country in that respect, trying to own up to that past.
and the sins of the past and present and fight the war
and the assault on the black community
and the racist policies that are being emanated
out of this White House, including the Supreme Court
that said you can racially profile people
on the streets and goddamn sidewalks
and the basis of their skin color
in the shadow docket.
Literally, that just happened in 2025.
So it's not just 1825.
To your point.
So no, I hear you deeply.
And I don't want to suggest
that I'm walking away from that,
quite the contrary.
I'm taking responsibility.
and ownership to try to address those issues
in a meaningful and substantive way
and, you know, as imperfect
and is inadequate often as we are
or I am certainly to the task.
You talked about your podcast
and you talked about having Charlie Kirk on there, Steve Bannon,
and there were a lot of people who were critical
about the decision to have them on your podcast,
specifically the first guest being Charlie Kurt.
And I think a lot of the criticism was kind of like,
okay, there's this line of, are you platforming right-wing voices or are they on there for you to
challenge some of the things that they promote or they fight for? And I guess the question I would
ask you is, where we are right now, I've heard you talk about it, our democracy is at stake.
That's how we feel. We feel hopeless. We feel desperate. Is it the right time to platform
those voices if you're not particularly challenged them? And the reason I say that is because when you just
spoke about DEI with us and CRT.
There was a passion there.
You know, you laid out exactly how you feel about it.
But when I listened to that podcast with Charlie Kirk, it was more of a he was talking.
There wasn't necessarily a challenging or a pushback.
What would you say to people who were critical about having voices like that on your
podcast if you're not going to necessarily challenge them or speak about it in the way
that you just did with us?
We should say that we are those voices, by the way.
Yeah.
Well, I mean, I'd say that was not the point of the podcast.
I opened the podcast and this.
If you're tuning in to tune up the back and forth, watch primetime cable.
That's not why I did the platform.
That's not why I did the podcast.
But to suggest the platform, I had zero viewers, zero.
Who's platforming whom?
When I had Charlie on.
By the way, he was the one who said yes and flew out first.
It wasn't my intent to have back to back to back,
sort of hardcore right. But divorce, I've said this, divorce is not an option. We define the terms of our
future. He exists. I could turn my back and act like he doesn't exist, but he, you know, until the
tragic, I mean, the unacceptable tragic assassination, his, he was promoting, what he was promoting was
making real inroads with young folks and college campuses. He was here at USC right before.
In fact, I think the day or two before he came up for the podcast, he was down here.
and I saw these unbelievable crowds.
I mean, that was real.
In the work that he was putting out
and what he was able to achieve for Donald Trump
was real.
And you could deny it.
We could dismiss it.
But I thought it was important to understand it.
And I'll tell you,
overwhelmed majority people didn't even know who the hell he was.
Who's this guy you have on there?
Yeah, now everyone knows.
But I'm just, I'm honestly, you know,
I'm trying to be a civil guy.
I still work, not I mean this sincerely, I still work with Donald Trump.
I've been working Donald Trump longer than most as a Democratic governor back in COVID days,
was out there on the tarmac with him, the phone calls.
I just, I'm hardwired like that.
And the purpose of my podcast is not to get in debates.
I have no energy for that.
That's what I do 24-7 the rest of the damn week.
I want to create a space where I can start to understand.
And also, I think success leaves clues.
There is power of emulation.
Where's my party on college campuses?
Where the hell is a Democratic party?
Where's our equivalent of Turning Point USA?
Nowhere to be found.
And that was the point of that podcast.
Why is it when you're listening to Steve Banner?
It was how you have Steve Bannon on there?
Why don't you talk about January 6?
Because everyone's talked about January 6 and he's full of shit on this.
But not everybody understood the populist message that he had that sounded a lot like Bernie.
It's not a I don't mean to offend Bernie.
But you listen to some of that.
And you're like, whoa, that's interesting.
Interesting. I had more people say, I didn't know that about Bannon.
That's the issue. When you, when I listen to you go back and forth with Steve Bannon,
you were Gavin Newsom and he put on the costume. And it seems as if what has to happen when you're on there is that you have to take his costume off so that people know this is the guy that's talking to.
And that's the question. Is it now the time to be doing that? Because I wonder, if you did have Joe Rogan on your podcast, would you let him say some of the things that he said without any type of pushback or debate?
Guys, I'm not, we all have our role to play.
And I just told you, I'm not afraid to go.
I'm punching Joe Rogan, okay?
That son of a bitch not used to that.
And he's going to dismiss it.
He's going to laugh it off.
I mean, you know, tough guy, all that.
But he's going to have me on.
I don't know.
Certainly punching back and Trump, everyone else.
I'm debating these sons of bitches.
I'm out there on these right-wing shows.
So I'm not scared to do that.
That's not what I want to do with my podcast.
I'm sorry.
I mean, everyone else, that's what, everybody else, you go do that.
I'm trying to literally understand the world I'm living in because this isn't working.
Things are fucked up.
And people are scared.
And they don't know that their lives are going to get better.
And I could light flame and just continue to sort of put that.
Or I could create an opportunity to say, man, you love your kids too.
shit, yeah, you care about your community.
Yeah, you want to be connected to something bigger and yourself.
God, I feel the same way.
You know, we all want to be loved.
We all need to be loved.
And I'd like to find that common humanity as opposed to a damn litmus test of every single
person I talked to and say, what were you 10 years ago on this?
Why am I sitting down with you, you piece of shit?
You weren't there with gay marriage when I was doing it 2004.
Fuck you, you son of you anti this or that.
I mean, I could go through that list of everyone in my party.
Isn't there like a middle ground though?
Yeah.
kind of like a middle. You don't have to go that extreme, but you also don't have to like
maybe have a conversation where it seems like it's like watering down. I'm not trying to be Joe Rogan
on my podcast. I'm just trying to honestly explore and understand the world I'm living in. And if you
think I'm not being aggressive enough in my day job. Not that. I mean, well, that's, but that's,
you know, I mean, I don't know that anyone's punching as hard as I am as a politician. And maybe
they are, but we're also punching above our weight. I mean, we prop 50 on the
damn ballot. They didn't expect that. I've raised $100 million in six weeks. We're not screwing
around. This is not just style. It's substance. We're trying to bring to the fight. But I'm going to
have a podcast and forgive me, the good news is no one has to listen. You don't have to listen.
Don't, don't tune in. If you don't like Newt Gingrich, don't tune in. If you don't like Frank
Luntz, don't tune in. If you don't like this guy, Michael Savage, who's the OG of all this,
language borders, right? Yeah. I mean, don't listen. And, you know, you don't listen. And you
You know, if you don't want to listen to Pritzker and Kotech, who I'm having on in a few hours,
you don't have to listen to that either.
But I just, I'm married in a big Republican family.
I love these guys, man.
I love my father-in-law.
I love him.
He's an amazing human being, an amazing father.
Man, I'm proud.
I get teary-eyed.
What a goddamn example.
He's an amazing father.
And we totally disagree in politics, you know?
Why should I not?
I know, it's funny.
You know, I'm glad we're having this conversation.
And because this is what you're talking to a black woman.
And you're talking to a black man.
And we're having these.
So you love your father-in-law.
That's beautiful.
I grew up in South Louisiana.
I'm from Baton, right?
From a capital city.
I know what it's like to be a capital city.
And like, look, I can imagine Sacramento looking at L.A.
and going, where the capital city?
because that's how we're doing Baton Rouge.
Like, where to see?
Not New Orleans.
But for me, the fear that people have now,
you've always been afraid.
It's part of who you are.
And what we want sometimes is for the people that we are in
and lockstep with that we caucus with
to be like, yeah, you know, my cousin,
my father-in-law, my uncle, all of these people,
we have these deep, deep political,
disagreements with. And some of those disagreements are non-negotiable. Like the history of black
Americans that we were talking about, non-negotiable. The country can't be told without my history.
And if it is told without my history, it is an intentional thing that is done to minimize and
dehumanize me. We just have to say no to that. We just have to say no to ICE. We just have to say no.
We have to say no. And we want to know that people are saying no when we're not around. And we want to
know that people are at the
Thanksgiving table when
someone is saying, oh, you know,
you talked about Charlie Kirk
and, you know, while the
assassination of Charlie Kirk
was a terrible thing,
the Charlie Kirk that I heard
was impugning black
women. Pretty disgraceful, disgusting
things, he said. Right. So that
to me, while we
are having conversation, has to be
challenged and the entire world
has to know that's a lot.
Yeah, I get it.
Look, I mean, I gave you specific examples of me challenging,
including social studies books and these specific actions that others have taken
and the censoring of historical fact and the rewriting of history.
And you can't go a day without seeing me attacking those goddamn things
and standing up for the black and brown community in this state.
You can't go a day.
Take a look at my feed.
Look at my social media.
Look at me in these press conferences and what I'm doing and saying,
Look at the bills I'm signing in this respect.
Again, with respect, my podcast is a place where I'm just trying to mind the other side
and understand what's going on.
For one reason, I want to understand those I disagree with because I want to get better
and I want to be smarter and I want to win.
These guys won.
They kicked our ass and we're dealing with the tyranny of this administration every goddamn day.
And so for me, it's about power, taking back our power.
It's not about punditry and bullshit.
It's not about having a goddamn candlelight visual.
I'm not interested in a white paper on this show.
I'm a practitioner.
We've got to get out there.
We've got to win.
I care about winning.
That's what Prop 50's about.
It's about power.
This son of a bitch is going to not only rewrite history.
It's over the history of this country.
We won't have a country in a year if this guy is successful.
or the 250th anniversary of the founding fathers, that's next year.
There might not be another free and fair election unless we win back to this House of Representatives.
It's that serious.
And so I want to understand their game.
I want to understand how they're operating because we got our ass kicked.
We got our ass kicked in the last election.
Why do we lose?
For all these reasons that we're too timid, that we don't have a message, that we're not on the offense,
that we're not standing with clarity and conviction.
And sometimes, this is not suggesting the two of you,
sometimes I think we're a little judgmental.
Sometimes I do think we look down to people.
Oh.
Sometimes I think we talk past people.
Talk to me.
And I don't like that.
Democrats do.
Everybody does.
I clarify.
We definitely do.
And I don't like that.
And that's why I want to engage people civilly.
I'm sorry.
That's just my approach.
I understand why you do it.
And I understand why you're upset.
Yeah.
And I do.
And by the way, the way, the way, mad respect for the way you said it.
You know what?
You know what?
You hit me in a way that I just want to respect and I want to acknowledge.
You said, when you ask that question as a black woman,
Charlie Kirk means something very fucking different.
I get it.
And I appreciate that.
And I just want you to know I appreciate that.
And when I walk away, I'm going to think about that a little bit more deeply.
And I just want to express that.
I am.
Thank you.
By the way, look, to me, it would be weird of us.
to criticize you and not have these conversations with you,
particularly when we want the side that doesn't want to put people in vans.
We want the side that doesn't want to send kinetic strikes on nondescript boats in the middle of the ocean
and they just say, hey, they were bad people.
We want the side that doesn't want to erase our history to be in power.
But we also want it done with a sense of truth and a sense of dedication to people.
and I would say this about the Democratic Party
and the Democratic establishment,
there is a messaging problem,
but there is also a problem, problem.
And that problem is there are far too many people in this country
who, over the last X amount of years,
did not feel like their lives were changing
because they were in lockstep with the Democrats.
They didn't feel like we can look at any number of issues,
healthcare, housing, affordability, all of these things.
I know that you're running for president,
and we know that you're going to announce it right here
to this camera on the higher learning podcast that you are in for 2028.
What are the answers to these as as,
but I agree with you and I disagree with you.
I'm just say there's mad with love and respect.
I mean,
Obamacare is meaningful, man.
What Joe Biden did extend the subsidies,
that's the whole debate on the shutdown.
Certainly.
It's about what Biden Democrats did to extend the subsidies.
Otherwise,
you're going to see the doubling of your damn health care.
That's the Democratic Party.
So I'm proud of that.
We did do more on health care.
We did do more in terms of jobs.
You had the lowest black unemployment in history
under the Biden administration,
lowest unemployment for women in history
under the Biden administration,
lowest unemployment rate in 60 years
on the Biden administration.
We're in the fast-scrowing economies in the world
and we had inflation cooling
when this son of a bitch got in.
That said, we also had an industrial policy
that was worker-centered,
that talked about child care,
that was not centered on politics and division,
that also was supporting rural parts
of this country and red states.
I was very proud of that.
And I was proud of the policy
making of Joe Biden, 400 bipartisan bills, the chips and science acts, the IRA, the work he was doing
on low-carbon green growth and clean energy that this son of a bitch is getting rid of. That was
the Democratic Party. That was folks like Jeffries and others that delivered that and Clyburn that
deliver that. I don't know. I didn't think it was all shit. I thought it was kind of meaningful.
That said, I do think there's these systemic trend lines. And again, Bernie connects to that in a
profoundly deep way that also has to be addressed. But I don't think we were full of shit in the last
few years. And that's why I was proud to be out there for Biden and Harris. I really was.
And I wasn't, and I don't say that timidly. I say that as a guy who's been critical of my party.
But, you know, the party did a lot of goddamn good things. I think it just not good enough.
We have more work to do. So I know Vance trying to get you to answer a question. But if not you,
who do you look at?
Like who who do you look at in the Democratic Party
who fights the way that you do,
who believes in the things that you do,
who's willing to punch down as you talk about?
Who in the party do you look at or punch up?
Yeah, because you said we're out of,
we're not in the weight is above us.
Who is it that you look at that could say they could lead?
They could step up.
Look, and forgive the response.
It's not,
Hey, here's the politician such bullshit.
When I walk out, you can say,
oh, see, yeah, it's so predictable.
Kevin, don't predict the future.
We don't do that.
We don't do that.
We don't do that.
What do you think?
I didn't like his answer to this.
Don't predict the future.
No.
You know, it was inadequate.
I just want someone to say, yes.
You know, I get all.
Look, I can't stand the question in this respect.
It's the biggest, it's the biggest mistake our party makes.
I think it's really hurt us this question.
Okay.
We're so consumed with the guy or gal and the white horses to come save the day
that we haven't been doing the hard work.
Why was I in Mississippi, Alabama?
Why wasn't it in Arkansas?
Because they kicked our ass.
You know how they kicked our ass in school boards?
They're kicking our ass in Secretary of State's offices.
They're kicking our ass in assembly in state Senate races.
And we walked away because we're so goddamn consumed with the guy or gal
and the white horse to come save the day.
There's no day to save if we don't get Speaker Jeffries in office next year.
There's no data to say if we're not successful with this goddamn Prop 50 initiative.
I mean, we're just, we're so lazy that we want the easy answer.
We just need the next transcendent leader.
I mean, I get it.
We all fell in love with Obama and everything else, and I love that guy.
And by the way, he's had our back on so many of these issues.
But I think it's harder than that.
Leadership can be found anywhere to your question.
And we have to develop and cultivate that leadership.
And the people that are the most potent and powerful in answer specific to your question,
aren't necessarily elected officials. They're not. I mean, I'm struck by the most powerful
people in our lifetime, people that we admire in our lifetime, that was lives that we never
experienced. People like Gandhi and Mandela and people like Valkav Havel and Gandhi, all these folks,
I mean, they never served a day in elected office. Mandela did, but that wasn't how he was,
that wasn't his power, his power was represented his moral authority, not his formal authority.
And, you know, there's no president King Day.
There's no Cesar Chavez gubernatorial day.
My point is leadership can be found anywhere.
And I think we have to cultivate that.
And that's about movements.
That's about institution building.
It's not the cult of personality.
I agree with you.
And you're not wrong.
I just think that I wouldn't say it's lazy.
I just think that people feel like if perception is reality,
and it's like people feel like they need to see someone.
They don't want to feel like everything is chaotic or it's like they
want to rally behind something. And so I think that's why the question keeps getting brought up.
No, I get it. Not to get you to endorse or anything truly. I know. I'm not attacking you for it.
I just, I'm tacking me. I ask this question too. So I'm, I'm, I'm, I need to practice what I'm preaching.
Because, you know, I'm like, well, who do you think? You know, we all love that conversation.
I think it's that, you know, I don't know. I'm a little, you know, we're L.A.
You know, man in the man, ma'am mirror. You know, I'm serious. I'm just like actually serious about that.
It's like the no kings rally. I always show up. You're the leader. We're the leader. We look.
for, man. You are, you are. Show up. Not only for yourself or each other. So people know that we
have each other's back. Show up with this initiative, Prop 50. I'm sorry to keep going back to. It's so
damn important. But my point is what's most important is what's in front of us. And I just,
we're three, four years ahead. And when I said this, I was not, no bullshit. Free and fair election,
that is a real question in this country.
So it won't matter how extraordinary AOC is,
West Moore is, Shapiro is, Whitmer is, J.B. Pritzker is,
Bashir is, Rochana, how you add on, is whoever fill in the damn blank is,
if you don't have a free and fair election, it doesn't matter.
And that's what we're up against with these guys.
It is real what's happening, the destruction of this.
country in real time and the assault on the Latino community, in particular in the black community.
And that's what I'm focused on. And that's what I'm trying to address in real time.
When you look at someone like Mondani and the success that he's had in New York, I think that
represents a really interesting quagmire for the Democratic Party. He's talking about very
populist ideas that talk directly to people in affordability. If you look at some of the
ideas that we're talking about, it seems like the Democrats, the establishment of the establishment
wing of the Democratic Party is not in lockstep with their constituency as much as they used to be.
Like if you poll single payer health care, if you poll other things that are to the left of the party,
it seems as if people are yearning for something that the Democrats are still unwilling to
deliver to them. And the question is why? Like, why? And why? And why? And, and
we're going to talk about Israel and some of the things that have happened just recently in a second.
But the question is, why does the center wing of the party, the establishment wing of the party,
still seem to be unable to come to terms with populist ideas that people like?
Like, I've watched Mamdani have this incredible success and run a campaign that's based upon lowering the price of halal,
of making New York a place where working people can live.
and I've watched the party drag their feet in supporting someone who seems to be a rock star.
And it makes me wonder if the Democrats really want it.
Yeah.
I have to unpack that and, you know, moving even thousands of miles away from Mundani specific.
I think, and I don't know this is the right answer.
And I'm reflecting on, as you're asking this, trying to answer it in a novel way,
because I'm trying to truly digest the point you're making.
I think it's just the practical application of ideals.
And so you talk about the establishment party.
I assume that mostly is people in office, people in positions of power.
I'll define that for you.
I'm talking about you can respond any way you want, people that seem to be funded by a very specific corporate donor base.
Well, that's a, okay.
And in that respect, that's a separate and above conversation.
But let me try to unpack this.
I have to manifest ideals.
I'm governor.
I have to also work pragmatically with my legislature.
There's certain constraints on my office.
I mean, we talk about Havel I was joking.
He said, you know, as his position as Czechoslovakian president,
he said it degeniused him.
He talked about the constraints of office.
The constraints of office.
The rule of law, courts, court's decision, court of public opinion,
certain practical realities to say is not to do and i i see this this conversation it's interesting how
often i resonate with with obama when i hear him talk about you know you didn't do this or do that
and it's like wow you know i you have certain realities that you're confronted with a campaign is one
thing campaigns are fantastic you know this and that we get then you get into office you have to work
with people to actually make them so. And that is about give and take. And dare I say, the worst
word, compromise sometimes. Not compromising values or principle. I'll give you a specific example.
I've long believed it's inevitable in this country to have single payer. It's just inevitable.
Healthcare costs are devouring too much of our budget, too much of our retirement. It's an inevitability.
I really believe that in the core. I was tasked as governor to try to figure that out.
We ended up with the only state in the United States of America and I get a lot of shit for this.
including from Rogan, that has universal health care,
regardless of pre-existing conditions,
or ability to pay or your immigration status.
Mike Johnson's attacking me almost on a daily basis.
On this point, I delivered that.
But I didn't deliver a single payer.
Newsom's full of shit.
He's not a progressive.
Even though we did more in this space
than any state in U.S. history,
and Obama did more for health care
than any president in modern history.
And so I just, I think little humility
and grace to the establishment.
From us?
Not from you.
Oh.
Because we're the governed.
We can't give you any humiliation.
No, man.
Any grace.
We have to keep on your ass so you can do your job.
That I give those.
Oh, yeah.
Because I've experienced that side of it.
Yeah.
Like the actual, like things I want to get done that didn't get done this year.
And it's, you know, I get, you talk about how.
The reason I tied, we started with that issue.
Man, don't get me started.
I'm the biggest critic of our housing issue.
But I said something you may not have picked up because why the hell would you?
I attached it to the budget because I was unsuccessful in the past years of getting it done
through traditional legislative session.
So I literally said there's no budget unless we get it done.
Because those are the practical tools I had and how we had to leverage this.
I'm just saying the grace and humility is in the practical opportunity.
is in the practical application.
And it will be interesting.
I just think, I think we should also have grace and humility of Bendani's mayor
that he doesn't deliver on every damn one of these things.
And you don't all attack him and say he's a total failure and a fraud.
What a joke.
Once again, the Democrats are all losers and put that.
I mean, I just think that's so that's why I'm a little more defensive about
guys like Obama and people like Biden.
I know everyone wants to dismiss Biden.
I won't.
A pride for what he actually accomplished.
one of the most significant presidents in my lifetime in public policymaking.
That is art and science, but it's also hard-headed pragmatism.
And I think it has to be incorporated in these larger conversations.
But yeah, man, you don't have to express humiliating grace.
Oh, no, no.
Look, look.
So let me tell you, let me tell you how I'll look at this.
I'll tell you how I look at this.
I have grace for people.
I like that.
I have grace for people as people.
I have grace for people as people.
Like if this is the way I look at it, you go to a restaurant, a waiter is supposed to, a server is supposed to bring your food, right?
If you go there and the server says, you know, I'm having a really bad day, I'm sorry that the food is late.
You go, oh, man, what's wrong?
How's it going?
Like, you're okay?
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, cool.
So it's been an hour.
It's like, all right, man, I know you're having a bad day, but I got to go.
So could I get the food?
And then the server goes, nah, it's a really bad.
bad day. You know, I'm a person too. After a while, either you have to say, yo, bring me what I'm
about to pay for or I'm going somewhere else. So I'm going to desperately try to do both with our
elected officials, which is understand that you guys are people with families and all of that.
And then also understand that I'm from a place where the kids drink shitty water and it's got
to change. And there was a cost for President Biden, excuse me, for President Harris, Vice President
here is not being elected. And that price was the DLJ case ending in Alabama, where the black people
there have to drink shitty water, environmental regulations, and things like that, ending all over
the country. There was a cost. But in talking to the leadership on the left, we have to position
them in a way to craft a message that reaches people. And I do not think that, you know,
being non-confrontational or being subjects to them is the way to do that. I'll ask you something
real quick. We've seen just recently what looks like there to be a deal in the Middle East
between Israel and Hamas to there's a hostage deal and then there looks to be some framework of a deal
where Israel at some point will be. Two phases, phase one, which is returning the hostages
and depopulating IDF in Gaza. And then phase two, which is the more stubborn and difficult one,
ultimately, you know, and making sure that Palestinians are governing themselves and Amos is out of the picture.
Okay.
A huge percentage of likely Democratic primary voters favor restricting U.S. military assistance to Israel until civilian concerns and the rights and self-determination,
the rights and humanity of the Palestinian people are sufficiently addressed.
are you in favor of halting military assistance to Israel?
I mean, the timing is a curious one,
and the precipice of a phase one deal
that was announced today in a ceasefire.
Oh, the, that you're talking about.
But I get it.
Yeah.
So look, no, I'm not prepared to say that I would support a blanket exemption
for military support of Israel.
That said, I've been very vocal in my opposition to B.B. Netanyahu.
said he doubled down on stupid on Meet the Press like a year ago.
I'm sitting here on your behalf, you're a taxpayer,
as the only governor in the United States
had sent a field hospital to Gaza
and got it in through third party country
and is disgusted by what's happened in Gaza
as a human being, as a father to see these children
and how this war has been perpetuated by BB Netanyahu.
I also have deep respect for the right of the state
Israel to exist and defend itself. And I thought the attack by Hamas was a terrorist attack,
and we have to be clear about that as well. When it gets into the nuances, and I know there was a
bill in Congress on this, which I was not privy to the details of the bill, where there was an
actual vote on your question. That's one conversation of the specifics that I am not privy to the
nuances of that. My job is governor. But a blanket,
restriction, I would have a difficult time supporting.
I guess the question is, if there's an admission or an understanding that the prime minister
of a country is acting in a way that's either irresponsible, callous, or inhumane,
why will we continue to support that country?
Well, I think that's the executive's role to leverage that.
We do that a lot.
I mean, that's part of the game of leverage.
but to eliminate support across the board is something to me is a bridge too far.
Conditioning in a thoughtful way with a flexibility of criteria, flexibility,
with conditions that are changing on an hourly or daily basis or weekly basis
as it relates to not just what's happening in Gaza,
but what's happening in Lebanon, what's happening in Iran,
what's happening in Syria and other parts of the Middle East
is where I think you have to be careful
and I just don't think there's a clean way of answering that
without the nuance that I think it deserves.
APEC.
I will not vote for a candidate that takes $1 from APEC.
It's interesting. I mean, it's interesting.
I haven't thought about APEC.
And it's interesting, you're like the first to bring up APEC
in yours, which is interesting.
Why did I say that?
not relevant to my day-to-day life.
Okay.
Which is just interesting.
Listen, it's interesting you say that.
J-PAC, perhaps more, but A-PAC, less than less.
Okay, fair enough.
Which is just interesting.
What's interesting about it?
It's just interesting, as you bring up A-PAC,
that it hasn't been part of,
I'm just reflecting quite openly and honestly,
hasn't been part of the day-to-day.
Yeah.
The only reason why I ask is because, with that,
what I'm talking about is
lobbying in it of itself
look let me be honest with you
the first thing that I'm the first thing
were you not honest this whole goddamn
I've been keeping it real with you
I've been keeping it real with you know
just to let you know
they fry my ass
I always say that
I should have said that
just let you know they fry my ass on here
because I was like I was like you know who I like
I like with the way Gavin Newsom talks to these people
and stuff like that I'm trying to figure out
right now who I can
vote for.
Man, why are you so focused on years and years?
He told you.
He told you not focused on.
I'm focused on your city council race.
I'm focused on all of that.
Focus on you getting rid of me as governor.
Focus on that, man.
We've talked about how many years ahead.
The world is radically changing.
Jesus.
Big brain.
You don't have to take a deep breath.
Can I speak to that real quick?
Just real quick.
Just real quick.
I'll be brief.
Everything's real quick.
I'll be brief.
I'll be brief, I'll be concise.
You know what?
Because this is the reason why.
All of the stuff that we've talked about,
focus on it locally.
You've been so generous with your time.
You've answered all the questions, all that.
But also, I look at Chicago and what's happening there.
Yes.
I look at Louisiana.
I look at New York.
I look at Portland.
I look at all of that.
And, Governor, I want it over.
That's right.
I want it stopped.
I want it over.
I want this period.
of fear, this period of panic, this period of dehumanization.
I want it over. And I'm like, how are we going to get it done?
Well, I ain't going to get done in 2029.
There you got to get done now.
I mean, I've been involved in 41 lawsuits.
It hasn't even been 41 weeks of this Trump administration.
Maybe it has.
I mean, we're out there fighting every damn day.
We got a judge's decision on the POSA Comitatis Act, Justice Breyer, saying it's just
blatantly illegal what the President of the United States doing.
We also were the first to file lawsuit against the biggest tax.
increase in modern American history on the middle class and working folks, and that are the
tariffs that the state of California filed. So we're fighting in courts. We're fighting the court
of public opinion in terms of me being aggressive in people's faces with clarity and conviction
every damn day and putting up a mirror to the absurdity of what's going on in this country.
And I'm trying to do it on my day job with policy that we think is some of the most progressive
and pragmatic policies in the United States to solve some of these underlying issues.
and we're trying to do it with Proposition 50.
Right.
Because at the end of the day, if you're not fighting fire with fire,
we will see more fires all across this country beyond just Portland and Illinois
and places Chicago specifically that you just referenced, man,
this guy's just winding up.
He's talking about the Insurrection Act.
The hell is that.
He told Greg Abbott, he's entitled to five seats.
I mean, this is out of control.
and you have the complicity of university selling their souls
and law firms selling their souls in corporations.
It's crony-capitalism today.
We can get into what's wrong with corporate America.
We kind of scratched that surface when it came to the establishment.
Don't even get me started about what Intel just did,
and how NVIDIA and AMD and M-D and material.
Exactly.
A little socialism for it.
Socialism, President Xi, and then they're offended by, you know,
falafels or something and the cost with Mandani.
Yeah.
And these are the same people that are applauding.
the president who's joking about taking over corporate interest of Lockheed.
I mean, it's just, it's insane what's going on to your point.
And that's why I am focused on Prop 50 and neutralizing what happened in Texas.
Because it, again, it's about power.
He tried to rig.
He's trying to rig the election.
He has mass men out there trying to intimidate people on the streets and sidewalk,
black and brown community torn asunder because of the son of a bitch to what you just said.
And that's why I signed the anti-masking bill.
That's why we continue to lead, man.
It's not rhetoric.
It's not bullshit.
It's not a campaign.
We're doing the work every single day.
We're out there and we're trying to be accountable.
Forgive me for getting all ginned up on this stuff, but that's in front of us.
And so I'm with you on 2028, man.
I look forward to whoever the hell this person is.
And I can't wait.
I don't be a damn unicorn.
You know, the most this, the most that, the most electable.
And they can win the seven big swings.
You know, but man, we got work to do.
We do have what to do.
Tomorrow,
election day,
November 4th,
yes on 50.
You're not wrong.
Thank you so much for your time.
You gave us so much time.
I'm glad this was just like a peep-wag.
Just sit back,
do some names and we're going to talk sports.
Like,
talk about the Dodgers,
you know,
the Yankees losing.
It was all that.
And we were going to start talking about real housewives.
Next time.
You don't have to come back.
We're going to talk about Menendez.
What the hell?
You start with Joe Rogan attacking me like,
Jesus Christ.
Come on me, man.
We have to put you, we have to put.
Unbelievable.
That's how this starts.
You guys, this is what you want.
We didn't have time to waste.
We honestly didn't.
We didn't.
This is what you want.
Thank you.
Thank you.
It's up to the task.
We appreciate you.
I appreciate you.
Thank you.
That was Governor Newsome.
I'm sure there'll be a lot.
I hope you guys enjoyed it.
I really do.
There'll be a lot of reaction to it.
Big news of the day, potential ceasefire deal
in Gaza.
We are going to bring back
one of the most favorite guests
that we've had on higher learning,
Ryan Grim over at DropSight News
who's been doing all types of reporting
on this to ask questions
about what this means for the present
and the future of the conflict.
More importantly, how much relief
does this bring to the horrors
that the Palestinian people are going through right now?
Ryan will join us on the other side of this break.
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All right.
There is breaking news.
I guess it's been breaking for a while now.
But more official.
More official now.
About some developments in the ongoing genocide that's happening in Gaza.
It looks like there could possibly be an ease and tensions there.
There could be a deal.
We're trying to make sense out of it.
We have someone who's reporting.
We put a lot of faith and a lot of stock in.
We told you guys we were bringing back when we're not going at each other.
It's Ryan Grimm from breaking points and drop site news.
Ryan, pretend like our audience hasn't read anything or seen anything about what President Trump or anyone else has announced.
What is happening right now?
Where does the war in Gaza stand as we are talking?
Yeah, so yesterday, Trump and Israel and Hamas all announced that they had reached the framework of a ceasefire for the first phase of an agreement.
The Israelis have not yet ratified it through their cabinet and have continued to attack Gaza.
During this time.
During this time, I just got word an hour or so ago from medical sources there of a massive attack.
on a high-rise building, and there could be 40 people inside the building.
So it was still going.
And within the last several hours, apparently an IDF soldier was killed in battle.
Like, so it's not just Palestinians dying.
Like, Israelis continue to die in Gaza as well.
The approval of the ceasefire has been delayed three times now by the cabinet.
I don't know what the hold-up is, and I don't know what the purpose is of bombing one more high-rise building before this is.
before this is over.
Because people do expect that this phase one is going to go into effect,
that the cabinet is going to agree to it and that this will be a done deal.
But as we speak, you have this bizarre situation where Hamas is being asked to go find
all of the captives because they have lost touch with a lot of the brigades
that were holding on to the captives.
As you can imagine, it's a pretty difficult and chaotic environment to be,
to be living in.
They also have to produce around 30, I think 31 bodies of people who died,
presumably under, you know, Israeli shelling over the last, you know,
almost two years and return those.
So they have to go out and find them.
But meanwhile, the bombs continue to default, which, you know,
aside from putting Palestinians at risk, also puts the remaining captives at risk.
So that's where we are at this very moment.
Trump was just asked how, you know,
if he plans to guarantee that this would be a permanent end of the war,
he said, we'll see, which is not exactly what anybody's looking for.
Hamas put out a statement saying that Trump has, and the U.S. have guaranteed
that this will be a permanent end to the war.
And we can talk about, you know, how much credit we can put into that
and why they agree to do it or any other questions you think the audience might have
if they haven't been following it that closely.
Well, why are we calling it a ceasefire deal if it's, if they're still finding?
Right. No, that's a great question.
But once it is finalized, they're supposed to then cease fire.
Now they reached a ceasefire deal with Lebanon that if, you know, publicly, they announced
it. They signed it. It was an agreement.
They have been attacking Lebanon basically every day since that, including just,
recently. So Israel has a very loose interpretation of ceasefire. What are the terms of the ceasefire?
Within 72 hours, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Shahad will release the remaining 20 captives who are alive.
Israel will withdraw to some undetermined portion of Gaza. They will still, they claim that they will at that point effectively control.
52% of Gaza.
They will then open five or six crossings and humanitarian aid medical supplies, food,
will be allowed to surge into Gaza.
And that is an explicit part of the bargain, which when you read it, you're like,
okay, so we're all being honest here.
You were withholding humanitarian aid as a negotiating tactic, which is absolutely a war crime.
separately
Israel will release
22 children
who they captured in Gaza
after October 7th
who they say were not involved
with the October 7th attacks,
which of course raises the question
what you're doing holding 22 children?
What Israel was doing
and they're also releasing 1,700 adults
and all the women that
they're wrapped up in that same
situation taken from
Gaza who they're in administrative detention.
and who they say are not involved in October 7th.
What Israel set up checkpoints all over the northern Gaza and other places
when they would clear an area.
And as people would go through, they were just snatching people
and putting them in what they call administrative detention,
which is six months, no charges, no access to legal support,
basically no rights, you're in a hole for six months.
And then you can extend that six months, just indefinitely.
And so they now have more than 10,000 people in,
in some form of detention.
And so what a lot of
Israeli officials were saying is that the reason
that they were taking these people
is to then exchange them later.
So hostages effectively. So they're going to
return about 1,700 of those people,
including these 22 children.
And then also 250
what they call lifers. These are people who
are serving life sentences and
Israeli prisons and convicted
in Israeli means. And convicted in
Israeli military tribunals of some sort of serious criminal offense, some terrorism, you know,
and so about 250 of those are going to be released.
The key one that still remains to be undecided is Marwan Bargudi, who, and he really matters.
What's so fascinating about him, he's, he's from Fatah, which is the party that is the rival
of Hamas.
Yet he is Hamas's number one request.
over the last, he's been in prison for like 20 years.
He has embraced nonviolence.
He has embraced a two-state solution.
And he is the figure who all Palestinians can rally around.
Even Hamas and Fata hate each other.
They've gone to war with each other.
But everyone and not everyone, but like the majority of people in Hamas respect Marwan Barguti and are urging him to be released.
Israelis are fighting against that because,
It goes back to that old idea that if you have a unified Palestinian nationality,
then you have somebody you have to negotiate with.
And Israel prefers to be able to say, well, look, you got Hamas here.
You've got PA over here in the West Bank.
There's, nope, we don't have a partner for peace.
So there's nothing we can do here.
And so if you don't support releasing Marwan Barguti, you don't support a permanent end to this.
And you don't support coexistence.
You certainly don't support a two-state solution.
and the suit-s-slaut-solution is basically sailed,
but he's willing to put his name behind it and push for it.
So that remains the big wildcard.
Hamas is pushing very hard to have him released
as part of these 250 lifers.
Israel's fighting very hard not to release him.
I'm listening to everything that you're saying about it.
And the question that I keep thinking is,
does this deal in any way consider the Palestinian people?
It considers them in two ways.
ways. One is that they desperately want the bombing to stop.
Right. And they need aid to get in. Like they are literally starving to death.
So that will happen. So that that will happen. Like this, they're saying six crossings would be open and an aid would flood in. And they, and Palestinians and guys that remember very, very deeply in January when there was a ceasefire and aid, aid poured in.
And the bombs did mostly stop for a period of weeks.
And that breathed new life and hope into people.
So a lot of Palestinians have told me that they would basically just take anything,
anything at this point to make the pain stop and in particular to bring aid in.
You know, how think about how awful it is when you're thirsty and you can't like get to your water bottle in a couple,
it takes a couple minutes to get to it.
And it's just an awful feeling.
Now imagine that all the time,
along with all of the sickness
that comes with it.
And then the inability to kind of treat your sickness
to take care of yourself.
So that alone is beneficial for them.
You know, getting the people out of prison,
not all of them, but getting some out is an advantage.
And then separately,
the entire phase two,
that the Israelis thought they had cornered Hamas into accepting,
which is this bizarre Board of Peace that would be.
So Trump announced there would be a Board of Peace that would be,
that would be basically administering Gaza and would run the redevelopment.
Is that the Tony Blair thing?
Yeah, and then Trump would be the chair,
and Tony Blair would basically be the honcho on it.
And, you know, Tony Blair is bankrolled to the tune of more than $350 million by
Larry Ellis and the founder of Oracle.
the guy who's buying TikTok.
And Ellison has this, you know,
Oracle is this software company.
It has these visions for how there should be,
everybody should be surveilled.
Everybody should, you know,
so you could imagine this like weird techno-distopia developing in Gaza occupation
with this dystopian technology layered on top of it.
And Hamas rejected that and said,
and their argument was we're not even weighing in on it.
They said, that's not up to us.
Like, we're just one faction.
like we have the captives so we can negotiate their release.
We are fighting Israel so we can negotiate a ceasefire.
They said we're not the legitimate full voice of the Palestinian nation.
So we can't, we don't have the moral authority to turn it over to Tony Blair.
You want to do that?
There has to be a democratic process that involves all Palestinian factions and the Palestinian people.
And Trump then accepted that.
So, okay, we're moving forward this phase one.
So the huge question is, what happens after the 72 hours?
They release all the hostages.
Does Netanyahu then just restart the war?
And certainly that is a risk.
But that's the risk that Hamas has said that they're willing to take
because all they have at this point is Trump's word.
And there's nothing else that they could in the world.
Like he's the only man in the world who can stop Netanyahu.
And so the question is, will he do it?
And they don't know.
Look, I'm not going to put anything past Netanyahu, Smotris,
and Bearing, Kabir, and that whole wing.
But, you know, restarting that war after those hostages released with,
our release would be a massive, it seems like it would be a massive geopolitical blunder.
It just, just a complete and utter admission.
Right.
Of genocidal intent in Gaza.
For sure.
Do you think there is a chance that that happens, given the pressure that Israel is under internationally?
I think there's a chance that happens because of the structural kind of politics and forces at work in Israel right now,
and particularly with Netanyahu and his coalition and the designs that they have on that area.
But I also completely agree with you that if they wanted to flush the 2% of, you know, 2 or 3% of support that they have around the
globe right down the toilet that they would they would do that because then like wait a minute
thought this was about the hostages right so what what like what is it what is it now besides
just straight up genocide at this point so i so for that reason i think that Hamas's gamble
from their perspective is where and from mine is what it's worth taking because they could always
they could do it but man you're right like how like how do you justify that in the face of the
world. Like, what do you want? Like, what are you, like, literally, what are you, why are you
bombing them at this point if they've just released all the hostages? Like, what do you want, you,
you want all the land and that you're just going to kill everybody in it? Because they have the problem
that it's difficult for, for Palestinians even to get, say, two dozen medical evacuees placed
in another country because there's so much anti-migrant hostility around the world. Like, I've reported
very closely on the people trying to evacuate
and literally like even getting like
South Africa is been really good but they're taking like dozens
Ireland's been great they're taking like
maybe hundreds by the end of it
but like two million people
like there isn't a place for two million people
they've got all these like hairbrain schemes
about like they're going to recognize Somaliland
and exchange Somaliland is going to take two million
Palestinians or South Sudan or like Kenya's going to get
it's like
that's not happening.
And so the only other option then is just killing them.
It's just extermination.
And like you, maybe we're, maybe we're, maybe we're, our hope and faith in humanity is still to this day too high.
But I just can't see that happening.
I guess that's why I'm so skeptical, you know, it hasn't been signed yet.
And I guess I'm skeptical about it even coming to fruition because they have been using the hostages as a really.
to keep doing what they're doing, the genocide, the bombing, the all, like keeping, holding
food back, all of that. And so it's like, if that's, if their ultimate goal is to completely
destroy Gaza, then what would be the motive, you know, they could keep using the hostages
as the reason to do that. So I'm just very skeptical. How, how, based on where things are right now
and you've been following it, and we've been here before and then ceasefire deals, you know,
it goes away, how likely do you think that this is the one, this is in deal?
Right.
I think it's pretty likely, actually, and I agree with your analysis there.
And I think what it actually reveals is that for all the talk about how Israel kind of
runs the American government, it's not actually true.
Like, Israel is still a client state of the United States.
Like, Israel has an enormous amount of influence and proportionate to its size more than any
a government in the world when it comes to the United States.
but when the American government
wants something from a client state
the client state
complies and
Trump right now wants this thing
yeah
and some of the reporting
you have to take with a grain of salt
but others is credible
like he did say
Netanyahu did complain
like hey like this is not
we don't like Hamas's response because they're not
accepting everything this is just typical
Hamas we should start the war
and he's like no you're always so effing negative
like this is a win, take the win.
And as he told to some other reporters,
Netanyahu's going to be fine with it.
And with me, he has to be fine with it.
So Trump is like, understands that as the American president,
he actually does call the shots.
And that's what was so frustrating about the Biden administration.
This like, oh, gee, it's a real shame that Israel just keeps doing these things.
Like, no, you're the United States.
You're sending all the weapons.
You provide them the geopolitical cover.
the UN and everywhere else, you call the shots.
And ultimately the U.S. does call the shots.
So that is the only hope that this could, that this actually could happen.
And I think it will happen.
But think about what you're banking on.
Yeah.
You'd much rather have other options before you, but that's what they got.
Yeah.
My last question for you is twofold.
Number one, is there anything in the framework of this deal that talks about or addresses
the future?
of Gaza, the rebuilding of Gaza, or specifically the hospitals, which have been decimated in Gaza.
Medical attention for the people who need help. There are maimed people everywhere, injured
everywhere. Is there going to be an influx of infrastructure to go back into Gaza and rebuild anything
where people will have homes and places to go.
Is there any framework for that or any plans for that in this deal anywhere?
Yeah.
One thing we know is that my colleague Jeremy Scahill reported is that Palestinian negotiators told him that one thing that's in the deal is that this Gaza humanitarian foundation, which is this so-called nonprofit that organizes these like four aid distribution sites where basically every day people coming to get aid are shot and killed.
like whether it's whether it's by the IDF or whoever else
it's like or the mercenaries is not clear but certainly the IDF is taking
significant role there that will be shut down like that according to
the negotiator so that that's something the what comes next they say that there will be
massive redevelopment now Netanyahu is still demanding their version of it
which would be this Board of Peace run by Tony Blair and which which then is much closer to
this like fantastical Gaza Riviera scheme.
Settlers.
That Trump, like, that's still what Netanyahu is pushing for.
And so this will be worked out.
But Hamas and the Palestinians are saying, no.
And the reporting is that Trump, basically that Trump has essentially agreed,
okay, we're just going to do normal redevelopment.
But Trump is so fickle and mercurial, like,
and he's got that idea in his head.
So it's going to be an ongoing.
But you're right, like the hospital, the healthcare system overall has been absolutely destroyed.
And you couldn't, you can't imagine a population in more need of care, health care at this point.
So that'll be essential.
And I've also interviewed people who were involved previously in Gaza with finding and removing unexploded munitions and ordinance.
And that is a cumbersome long-term process.
Like it can take weeks for a large crew to remove one unexploded bomb.
And there are thousands upon thousands of them.
And they're stable, my understanding of the technology,
they're stable until you move them.
So you hit them with a bulldozer or something.
They're no longer stable.
So the redevelopment could be a decades-long process
because there's never been an area of the world that has been hit
with this level of concentrated bombing ever for this long.
That's it.
That's it for me.
Oh, is Trump going to win a Nobel Peace Prize because of this?
They're saying the timing.
They're saying the timing of the announcement of the deal is because he's, you know,
correlating it with the vote.
I mean, it's not very well planned out.
Like, you got to, he should have done it two months ago.
Right.
You don't do it like the day of or the day before,
especially when you had a peace deal in January
and then you let your guy break it
just shortly after that.
Maybe so the Nobel to like,
and also how incredible would it be
to give the Nobel to a guy
who is currently flooding his own country
with masked gunmen pulling people into paddy wagons?
Agreed.
Like that's also happening.
Yeah, agree.
This is his delusion.
Actually, you know what?
I do.
Maybe they do.
I do have one more question for you before you leave.
I saw some reporting on DropSite about a cohort of speaker-type media people,
including, according to DropSight News, Van Jones,
that are being paid for to run some sort of information campaign for the Israeli government.
Can you tell us a little bit more about that?
Yeah, and I don't actually know.
they're getting paid because sometimes people do things like this just,
they have enough money,
but it's just a look kind of a prestige thing and a junket that they do.
But yeah,
two fascinating pieces that then you're referencing there.
So the one is,
yes,
this Karsh Foundation,
where the woman who runs this mentoring project said she built this project
to be to help Israel win the information war.
Like that's what she said.
That's why she developed this program.
And in that program,
as mentors are two New York Times reporters,
including Sharon Otterman,
who was the main campus reporter,
like the one that was reporting on all of the campus protests
for the New York Times,
and Van Jones,
and then some others as well.
So literally, can you imagine if, like,
Palestinian resistance had an information war,
mentorship,
and the New York Times and Van Jones were, like,
were over there.
And then separately, we reported that,
David Frum, Douglas Murray, another guy, Seth Mandel, were writing speeches for the Israeli ambassador
at the same time that From was actually profiling that Israeli ambassador.
He emailed him one day and said, hey, I'd like to do a profiling.
Second day emails with a draft of a speech.
It was secretly writing speeches for them.
And Murray, we found, secretly hosted a fundraiser for the IDF and raised a million pounds.
is that British journalist
who got famous
for the have you been
comment. Yeah, on Joe Rogan.
Dave Smith, who I have
a lot of disagreements with, but
absolutely sundem on
Joe Rogan. Yeah, it turns
out they're just moonlighting as speech
writers for the Israeli government. Wow.
The rabbit hole goes pretty deep.
I will say this, though, if this
is an end
even temporarily to
the bombing, the
the dismemberment and the torture of the Palestinian people,
then I and I think most other people would welcome it.
God willing, people need a break.
Exactly.
Ryan Grim, for the podcast, Dropside News, Breaking Points.
Always good to talk to you in love and understanding, Ryan.
Thank you.
There's a great crossover.
I was thinking we guys got to have you guys on breaking points also.
I mean, I don't know if you're allowed to with the CNN stuff and all that.
Oh, shut up.
I'm definitely allowed to.
And I would love to. I would love to.
Excellent.
Appreciate talking to you, man.
Thank you.
I reach out.
All right, brother, peace.
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Something happened, man, and it's really been fucking with me.
Really?
It's been fucking with me, man.
It's been fucking with my inner Louisiana.
In a good way or a bad way?
Kind of in a bad way.
Why?
So I don't know if you guys heard, but there's going to be a versus.
Versus is back.
I thought this was fake.
At first, I was like, no way.
Is this fake?
No, because Complex is reporting it and it's a part of something that they're doing.
So there's going to be a cash money versus no limit versus, right?
It's going to take place in Vegas.
At ComplexCon.
At ComplexCon, they're going to do a cash money versus no limit versus.
If you guys are not Louisiana or Texas, we're right there.
We're locked in.
We're with y'all.
Sorry, we are.
Okay.
If you guys are not from Louisiana and not Southern, then you might not understand the significance
of the cash money versus no limit versus this is a big deal.
It's why I thought it was fake.
Yeah.
Can this be happening?
And how do we get there?
Baby and P on the same stage.
Y'all, this is not just hip-hop shit.
I'm not going to talk to city business,
but this is a lot of,
this is street-to-street project-to-project,
real shit that it has existed for a low-law.
on time that is being put to the side for these two giant
southern hip hop entities to be on stage together.
And it's crazy.
It's crazy that is happening.
Then I thought something.
I was going to do the whiteboard and do
No Limit versus Cash Money.
Plot out the verses and say that who will win.
First of all, who do you think will win?
Cash money.
Okay. So here's a deal.
It depends who they bring.
with them. What you mean? So you said baby
and P, Master P, but who within cash money will show up?
Who within no limit records is showing up? I think that's going to be
a part of it. Because I mean, yes, the songs are the songs. They're going to go back
and forth, obviously, but like, part of the thrill
behind it is not because it's baby. I want to know
who else is showing up. Am I getting the hot boys?
Am I getting... The hot boys? Am I getting...
The high boys, when I was talking about Baby and P,
I was talking about, you know, the-
Who leads to it?
Yes, yeah, yeah, yeah.
The high boys are going to be there.
They've been on tour together.
We, I just want to let everybody know
that the hot boys on stage together.
We want to see Turk.
We want to see Turk at this.
The high boys are four people.
Yeah, yeah, get that together.
We want to see Turk there.
We want to see Turk there.
We want to see Turk there.
Okay.
So I'm saying about this.
This is very personal to me.
This is super duper personal.
Because I want to see this done fairly.
So there are some rules if they're going to do a real versus.
Okay.
That I think should be adhered.
Number one, this can only compare the classic errors of the two labels.
1995 to 2001.
No Carter Wayne, no Drake, no Nikki.
I don't think that that's fair.
That's, that's...
Then then no limit's going to win.
That's not necessarily.
not even actually know.
You're only getting hot boys and then like juvenile solo stuff.
Oh, man.
Wait, Wayne's, I'm coming 99.
Wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, hold on.
Let's let's be clear.
You're getting, if you only went from 95 to 2001,
well, let's go 95, 2003.
You're getting a shit ton of cash money stuff.
But you have to remember that no limit,
that's basically their lifespan unless you're counting no limit
that came while they were in California before
because the new no-limit stuff
is not in any way
going to be super duper relevant
to what we're talking about.
Even some of this might cross over
to the new no-limit stuff,
but it has to be, I would say, 95 to 2003.
I agree that there should be a time frame,
but at least 10, 15 years.
Nah.
All right.
Nah, nah.
Because if you include
any of the Carter-Wain era
beginning that, or Drake or Nikki,
then it's not the essence of cash money versus no limit.
That's not what we,
when you think cash money versus no limit,
that's not what you're thinking of.
You're thinking of the classic eras
of the two fucking record labels.
It has to be that, all right?
And I'm telling you something else.
Cash money will probably win.
They will probably win.
But if this was,
if this took,
took place in New Orleans or in Louisiana, it would be different.
It would not be the way it might be for a nationwide audience.
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
I'll agree with that.
I'll agree with that.
If it was done for us, because, okay, I put some songs on.
All right.
Some of these aren't as nationally known, like the no limit ones.
Like, because that's the thing, is Mia X going to come?
She's probably not.
She might, you got to have me, you got to get the whole.
But do you see how we understand the significance of that?
Right.
Where somebody who's just coming to Complex Con and like,
you're not going to understand that.
Are we getting the 504 place?
They got to be there.
Can't and Abel?
Are we getting?
This is the deal.
I'm going to name these songs and you tell me which song will win.
I only did a couple of songs, right?
This is a versus.
This is a versus.
So if we did the signature posse cut from each.
Okay.
Cash money, that's bling, bling.
No limit, that's make them say un.
You wouldn't do back that ass up?
Nah, it's not, nah, that's a different category.
I mean, if I'm going for like cultural significance,
I'm going to say make them say um.
You're going to make a say un.
Yeah, that's why, easily.
Okay.
So the signature ass shaker in the history of these two labels
in that classic era, back that ass up versus.
Wobble Wobble. Which one you're going with?
They hit differently for different reasons. But it's Back That Ass Up.
Back That Ass Up is the signature ass-shaker in hip-hop. It is. I know, but I love Wobble Wobble.
Okay.
The signature Street Anthem.
The street anthem for both.
400 degrees for cash money?
You don't know that record?
No.
Yes, I know 400 degrees.
I'm just...
That street shit.
Okay, keep going.
And then for no limit,
down for my niggas.
Which one?
But would you put down for my niggas is a street?
Street answer.
It's just become so popular.
But that's a...
But that's...
So I know, but like,
400 degrees,
like, you got a no cash money more.
That's all...
Do you think you got a...
400 degrees,
that's a...
Come on, man.
You see me?
me, you did talk rap.
You see that 90 and Mercedes on TV, I bought that.
I bought that.
Boy, then what do you call that?
You can disrespect me, I'm a being all black.
It's got to be.
It's got to be.
See, this is my thing, bro.
I want other records to be on here.
It's okay.
What's the sad, what's the sad?
Did you do a sad song to sad song?
I didn't do sad song to sad song.
Cash money.
They wasn't sad like that.
They didn't have a sitting in the ghetto think about.
But I miss my homies and all that.
They didn't have, they didn't do that.
But it's other, other, other,
categories I have here, like the single long
record for cash money is kind of get your roll on.
You know, that's like a club. What year is that?
It gets roll on is like 2000.
2001. Okay, okay. And then
for no limit it's it ain't my fault.
Oh, it ain't my fault. And I don't like
like singing that niggickele. Yeah, mystical
will come out. Yeah, no, we can't
miss a good guy say whatever the fuck he at.
But yeah, you know what I'm saying?
Still fly versus how you do that there.
But see, I got
And this is my problem with this entire thing.
I wouldn't be picking these cash money songs, by the way.
This
Because everything you've named has
has leading me towards no limit.
I'm not even going to lie.
Okay, well, it's other cash money songs that's on there.
But the thing is, I could go
the whole big time of his album.
I could go, it's a lot of shit.
But there's a lot of records
that I just want to speak my piece for no limit real quick.
I fuck with cash money crazy.
But it's a lot of records for no limit
that's not going to get played by a nationwide audience
that's crazy that people love.
What about making moves with thugs?
What about that?
That's C-Murder.
I wake up in the morning and grab my cat.
Re-cock my shit.
Then I grab my hat.
Then I call my niggas.
Feen and Max.
The true niggas be strapped like the men and black.
What about that?
What about kick dough?
I'm about kick dough.
Lay that out of the phone.
And I'm a $100 on the drop-top bin.
And I'm a trail, nigger.
About to put that fuck.
To the hill figure.
Y'all don't know that record, bro.
They don't know.
What about murder, murder, murder, kill, kill.
Shout out.
Murder.
Kill, kill.
Murder.
Shit's real.
I'm sick.
God, I'm not that big of the put.
That's mystical.
I want to be at the show.
What about chopper style?
What about the shock?
So this is what I would request at this complex con.
Ain't no change.
You need to have people in the audience.
You need to have people in the audience that
understand the cultural significance of both
because you are so right.
Cash money has crossed over
way more than No Limit. And we're naming
these songs that people have no idea
what we're talking about. You need people in the
audience like us.
What about after dollars no sense?
Y'all y'all used to hate on silk. Silk
Silica flow. After dollars no sense, we represent.
That's the Cotto flow. It's never.
They downrode, less presidential. When I write everything
I took official because I refer for rich to riches.
No. No. No. I always have
money. Pots I always have bitches.
No. I don't like his flow. But that's a different story for a different day.
It's so many records on here that we didn't name, bro. It's so many records. The hardest record to me,
I like the cash, whatever, bro. I'm just saying, man, y'all, handle with care, please.
Please handle the cash money, no limit. I would love to go. Can we go?
Please handle the cash money because y'all don't, I see y'all, don't overlook no limit.
I'm asking because the reality is these no-limits street.
joints. We haven't talked about Canaan and Abel,
gangstified. I said Kate and Abel. We haven't
talked about fucking fiend as one in every family.
We haven't talked about so
much, it's classic shit,
but maybe it didn't, you know,
it wasn't for the MTV crowd.
This is for the
South, and you're right about this.
We got to be there. It's not going to
get its, it's
all right, we got to get out of here.
I just want to, I want to point something interesting
now. Youbesoft
has canceled,
the Civil War-based Assassin's Creed project.
If you guys don't know what Assassin's Creed is,
is this game where you...
Do you play?
I've played it before.
Is this game where you go and you...
And you assassinate people
because you become a part of this
ages-old, ancient league of assassins.
Okay?
So this was the...
The story of the game.
This game's protagonist was a black man,
supposedly, who had been...
enslaved, but move west to start a new life.
He moved to the west.
Then he returns after he had been trained by the Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood is the central group in Assassin's Creed that trains you how to be an assassin.
He returns down there and he fights for justice against Confederate resistance forces
and the Ku Klutz Clint.
They got rid of the gang.
They got rid of the game for a couple of reasons.
reason is because they felt like the political climate in America could not handle the
gang coming out.
Y'all, so are y'all telling me that y'all so fucking racist that we can't, we can't
fuck over Klansmen in the 1870s?
I knew nothing about this until you put this on.
They don't, just, I just want to let you know.
Mainstream American culture doesn't want you to fuck over Klansmen in the 1870s and 80s.
That's how racist, y'all could protect the Klansmen now.
Back then, I mean, not even the 18, I mean, you have to be after that.
The Klan gets started like the 1880s.
Right, right, right.
They don't want you to fuck over Klansmen in the 1800s.
All right.
Y'all, they protecting the Klansmen.
Not you.
but the Klanzman.
Take thin caps off
and stop learning.
Oh my God.
I'm Pan Lathan Jr.
I'm Rachel Lynn Lindsay.
Bye guys.
