History That Doesn't Suck - 136: The German Spring Offensive’s End, or The Second Battle of the Marne
Episode Date: June 19, 2023“Every time I have felt annoyed since then at France, this picture comes to mind and my anger softens.” This is the story of the Great War’s turning point. After a fourth and failed Spring Off...ensive operation, German General Erich Luddendorf is ready to make a fifth push. He’s making a pincer movement around the city of Reims, and to its west, on the banks of the Marne River, the US 3rd Division finds itself caught in a fight that the French present call worse than Verdun. It’s a slaughter, but their tenacity and unwillingness to surrender an inch of soil will earn these Yankees a new nickname: “the Rock of the Marne.” Seizing upon this German failure, Allied Supreme Commander Ferdinand Foch is ready to launch a counteroffensive. Doughboys are once again in the worst of it, fighting to take open fields from entrenched Germans near Soissons. Their sacrifices will help turn the tide of the war, but “sacrifice” is indeed the right word as tens of thousands of these young Americans will meet their end between the Aisne and Marne Rivers. ____ Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and as in the classroom,
my goal here is to make rigorously researched history come to life as your storyteller.
Each episode is the result of laborious research with no agenda other than making the past come to life as you learn.
If you'd like to help support this work, receive ad-free episodes, bonus content,
and other exclusive perks, I invite you to join the HTDS membership program.
Sign up for a seven-day free trial today at htdspodcast.com slash membership,
or click the link in the episode notes. It's a beautiful summer morning, the 4th of July, 1918.
We're on the Chesapeake Bay's Virginia coast,
and thousands of visitors are walking amid the gorgeous greenery
surrounding the home of the Continental Army Commander
and First President of the United States, George Washington.
That's right, we're at
Mount Vernon. And thanks to the Mount Vernon Ladies Association and current director Harrison
Howell Dodge, the whole of these grounds and its various buildings are immaculately preserved.
Everything about the cream-colored two-and-a-half-story mansion home,
its several shuttered windows, its striking red roof, the dove of peace weathervane atop the
cupola, as well as the details of the flanking and matching detached one-story wings are all spot on.
You half expect George himself to walk out the front door, but he's not the president we're here
to see this somber wartime independence day. We're waiting on President Woodrow Wilson.
In fact, let's head around back and watch for his yacht on the Potomac River.
Standing amid the columns of this shaded, 96-foot-long porch running the length of the mansion's backside,
the sight is unreal.
Just look at that view.
At the verdant grass sloping down to reveal the tops of the trees farther below
and how all of this green gives way
to the serene blue of the Potomac before yielding to still more greenery on the opposite bank in
the distance. And all of that under a blue sky? God, it's breathtaking. No wonder George was always
so loathe to leave this place. Ah, but look, there's a ship approaching. One funnel, two masts, a white hole.
Yep, that's the presidential yacht, the USS Mayflower.
President Woodrow Wilson is here.
Let the ceremonies begin.
The crowd cheers and soldiers salute as the president and perhaps a hundred others,
including his wife Edith, his oldest daughter Margaret, cabinet members, and foreign dignitaries, set foot on the shore. Nor does the enthusiasm drop as Woodrow winds his
way up the path to the mansion home. Dressed in a white suit, hat, and shoes, the professorial
president acknowledges the crowd with bows. But all fall silent as the current president
reaches the resting place of the first. Now at the red brick
tomb, Woodrow's bespectacled eyes fall on the white marble sarcophagi of George and Martha.
I wonder, what is the historian-turned-wartime president feeling as he gazes at the final
resting place of the nation's revolution-forged first commander-in-chief. I wish I could say,
but according to the New York Times, no soldier ever stood more rigidly at attention than Woodrow
at this moment. Surely, his deep knowledge of history and presidential responsibilities are
merging to fill Woodrow with a unique sense of respect, awe, and gravity. But he can't keep it
all to himself as the afternoon wears on. Given the war, particularly
the recent hard fighting along France's Marne River and at Belleau Wood, this 10,000-strong
crowd wants to hear from the president. Following a few words from Belgian-born
Philippe Strickmann's, white-clad Woodrow takes his place amid the shadows of the Washington tomb
and looks at the sea of faces before him.
He then proceeds to share his thoughts on this war-torn Independence Day. Gentlemen of the diplomatic corps and my fellow citizens,
I am happy to draw apart with you to this quiet place of old council in order to speak a little
of the meaning of this day of our nation's independence. The place seems very still and remote.
It is as serene and untouched by the hurry of the world
as it was in those great days long ago
when General Washington was here
and held leisurely conference with the men
who were to be associated with him
and the creation of a nation.
From this green hillside,
we also ought to be able to see with comprehending eyes and the creation of a nation. From this green hillside,
we also ought to be able to see with comprehending eyes the world that lies about us
and should conceive anew the purposes
that must set men free.
Woodrow goes on,
speaking in terms not altogether different
from the 14 points he put before Congress last January
for rebuilding society after the Great War.
These included ideas like
no secret treaties, free trade amid war and peace, greater respect for self-determination,
even in colonial empires, and the creation of an association of nations to guarantee that these
and other terms are respected. Today, Woodrow doubles down, saying there can be no compromise
on 1. destroying arbitrary power, 2 settling
questions of territory, sovereignty, and economic arrangements, 3 ensuring no nations deal with
each other on secret, underhanded terms, and 4 that the free nations of the world establish
an organization to protect these principles.
Fascinating.
Sounds like Woodrow,
who entered the White House fully admitting he was out of his depth on foreign policy,
now feels comfortable crafting and pushing a vision
of the post-war world.
One that he hopes spreads and protects democracy,
self-determination, and open economies around the globe.
To him, this is a continuation
of the spirit of the American Revolution,
of George Washington,
and he makes that point to his Mount Vernon audience.
I can fancy that the air of this place carries the accents of such principles with the peculiar
kindness.
Here were started forces which the great nation against which they were primarily directed
at first regarded as a revolt against its rightful authority,
but which it has long since seen to have been a step in the liberation of its own people,
as well as of the people of the United States.
And I stand here now to speak,
speak proudly and with confident hope of the spread of this revolt,
this liberation, to the great stage of the world itself,
the blinded rulers of Prussia have roused forces they knew little of,
forces which, once roused, can never be crushed to earth again.
For they have at their heart an inspiration and a purpose which are deathless and of the very stuff of triumph. The speech has a deep impact on all present,
including the newly naturalized American citizen,
John McCormick,
aka the Irish Tenor,
who pours his patriotism-filled soul out
as he belts an incredible rendition
of the Star-Spangled Banner.
Citizens and soldiers alike depart
ready to carry on this war
in the name of democracy and self-determination,
and in the days ahead, newspapers far and wide will hail Woodrow's words as historic.
It seems the professorial president has done a fine job showing up support for the war at home.
But 4,000 miles to the east, making plans for life after the war may feel a bit premature.
Over there, it's still trenches filled with blood. And before the
month is out, the blood of another 50,000 young Americans will flow in and between Francis
Marne and N. Rivers. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck.
I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and I'd like to tell you a story. The goal of President Woodrow Wilson's 4th of July speech was to maintain support for the war,
but the bespectacled commander-in-chief wasn't wrong to be thinking about its end.
By July 1918, the United States has already tipped the scales irrevocably,
or as emeritus professor David Woodward puts it,
quote,
in retrospect, it is clear that the war was now unwinnable for Germany as the American presence rapidly grew in Europe, close quote. Now, no one living through these events, the president
included, can see that fully as they struggle on through the fog of war. Months of hard fighting
are yet ahead, but the tide is indeed turning.
We'll see that in this very episode. Today, we bear witness as the German spring offensive
comes to an end and the Allies answer with a counteroffensive of their own.
This means returning to that protruding, bulging German presence, or salient,
that the Bosch carved out between the Enn and Marne rivers in episode 134, as General Erich Ludendorff carries out a fifth spring offensive aimed at
taking the city of Reims, just north of the Marne river. This battle, known as the Second Battle of
the Marne, will involve fighting on both sides of the city, but will follow the ugliest of it,
to the west of the city, where the men of the U.S. 3rd Division are bleeding,
dying, and killing as they ensure the only Germans south of the Marne River are dead Germans.
Holding like an unmovable rock between July 15th and 17th, the 3rd Division will ensure that Supreme Allied Commander Ferdinand Foch's counteroffensive, called the N-Mann Offensive,
can spring into action the very next day. Once again, we'll focus on the
ugliest fighting, which will take us to the western side of Germany's salient and into the
vicinity of a town just south of the N River called Soissons. Here, the U.S. 1st and 2nd
Divisions will fight as a part of the French 3rd Corps. A lot of these doughboys will never go home,
but their sacrifice won't be in vain. The Germans
will suffer a serious blow. Meanwhile, General Black Jack Pershing will take yet another step
toward his long-term goal of organizing a full-scale American army. So, ready to see the
momentum of the Great War shift? I am. So let's leave Woodrow Wilson here on the East Coast with
his deep thoughts about the post-war world and steam across the Atlantic to rejoin the doughboys in Europe.
Full steam ahead.
Germany's prospects are souring here in France as we enter July 1918, and fairly quickly. Let's recall that just last March,
the Kaiser's imperial mustache-wearing commanders, the towering six-foot-six level-headed field
marshal Paul von Hindenburg, and his brilliant chief of staff, Erich Ludendorff, were filled
with hope. Russia's exit from the war had just made three corps of a million seasoned troops available for a spring offensive on the Western Front.
Yet, as we know from episodes 133 and 134, the first two operations terrified but didn't break the British in Flanders.
The third operation farther south started as a diversion meant to keep the French from helping the Brits,
but it went so well that Erich thought he saw a path to Paris.
So the Germans stuck with it, only to find that American reinforcements, and more importantly,
issues with their own supply lines shut them down, leaving the Fritzes with a bulging line,
or salient, between the Aisne and Marne rivers. Well, Erich Ludendorff followed these with a
fourth operation that didn't involve American forces in mid-June on the Ma River.
The French repelled them.
Thus it is that, four months and as many operations in,
the spring offensive has provided Germany with this massive salient,
yes, but at a steep price, half a million casualties.
Nor is Germany's suffering isolated to the front.
Back in the fatherland, inflation has reduced those on a fixed income to paupers,
and food shortages are so common that the black market has become really the only market.
In February, a Frankfurt newspaper published an open letter to Germany's military leaders, saying,
quote,
The course of events might be such that considerable sections of the people
will prefer any peace, peace at any price, to the continuation of the war.
Close quote.
Yikes.
Desperately needing to stop the tide from turning then,
German General Erich Ludendorff is launching the spring offensive's fifth operation,
Friedensturm, or the peace offensive.
The name says it all. This is a
Hail Mary for Germany, an all-or-nothing move. Erich hopes to widen his Enn-Marne salient.
Specifically, he wants to choke off the city of Reims in a pincer movement. The German First and
Third Armies will strike east of Reims, while the Seth strikes to its west. Paralleling his original plan in the
Spring Offensive's third operation last May, Erich hopes that the Allies will overcommit troops to
defend this city just north of the Marne River, thus giving him the edge needed to break the
Brits up north. This brilliant tactician has come up with the perfect time to attack as well.
12.10am, July 15th. Striking a mere 10 minutes after the end of
France's July 14th national holiday, Bastille Day, he hopes to catch the French distracted,
if not drunk, as he launches this second battle of the Marne. There's just one problem. The French
are learning all about Erich Ludendorff's plan, thanks to talkative German deserters and POWs.
There are so many details we could get lost in at the Second Battle of the Marne.
For instance, we have high-level drama as Britain's Prime Minister, David Lloyd George,
clearly not fully aware of the intel, throws a minor fit over Supreme Allied Commander
Ferdinand Fauche, sending far
more American divisions to support French rather than British lines. We also have Americans fighting
on both sides of Reims. And as all of this goes on, Ferdinand is refusing to allow the German
attack to derail his own preparations for an offensive. But as I said earlier, we're zeroing
in on one of the ugliest fights. One waged by the U.S. 3rd Division as it fights in French General Jean-Marie de Goutte's 6th Army west of the city along the Marne River.
A bit of tension exists between Jean-Marie de Goutte and the U.S. 3rd's commander, Major General Joseph Dickman.
They have different views on how the doughboys should defend their mile-and-a-half stretch of the Marne River.
The old Frenchman wants the Americans there in force, one foot in the water, so to speak,
ready to pick off Germans in boats or on pontoon bridges.
But Joseph thinks that's stupid.
This is the gateway to the Sault Malone Valley.
There are hills on the Americans' left and right.
As such, Joseph would prefer to put a few men on the bank,
but with the intention of using an elastic defense.
That means these forces will eventually fall back,
luring the Germans in so that their fellow doughboys up in the hills
can then shoot the foe from above.
It's the same strategy that French General Henri Gouraud
is using on the east side of Reims.
And more than that, Joseph Dickaud is using on the east side of Reims. And more than
that, Joseph Dickman's officers on the ground, Colonel Billy Butts of the 30th Infantry and
Colonel Ulysses Grant McAlexander of the 38th Infantry, both prefer an elastic defense as well.
So sorry, Jean-Marie, but the Americans are, once again, going to do things their own way.
Especially that larger-than-life colonel with a big name to live up to, Ulysses Grant McAlexander.
He's more than ready for the Germans to come.
It's a hot afternoon, July 14th, 1918.
Soldiers of the 38th Infantry's G Company are diligently guarding their position on
the Marne's south bank,
just where the river meets the Sur-Moulin valley, when they see their square-jawed, mustachioed colonel approaching.
Colonel Ulysses Grant McAlexander.
He looks at the 9-foot-tall railroad bank between them and the Marne.
It's the only thing protecting G Company from the Germans on the other side of the river.
And yet, the colonel now begins to scramble up at sloping side. Has he gone mad? A concerned
sentry finds the courage to confront his colonel. Sir, my orders are not to allow
anyone to expose himself over this line. Don't draw fire there. Already at the top,
Ulysses peers out across the railroad bank and Marne River.
He takes in the wooded ridge and village of Mézy, protected by the U.S. 30th Infantry to the west,
and the far taller Moulin Ridge held by the French 125th Division to the east.
This perspective further assures Ulysses that they're right to keep more men in the hills and pay little more than lip service to French General Jean-Marie de Gouttes' thinking.
Sliding back down, the fearless colonel finally answers his mindful sentry.
Under the head of military necessity, I think we may change your order so far as my observations
are concerned. Later that day, Ulysses takes note of Captain Jesse Woolridge's Springfield
.30 caliber rifle with a telescopic sight.
A man of action, the colonel grabs the firearm, turns to the fit, bespectacled captain, and says,
I want to bowl a couple of them over myself. Let's see how close we can get.
He and the captain wiggle their way through some shrubbery in H Company's position.
Now laying a mere 70 yards from the German line, Ulysses fires
at anything that moves. Jesse isn't a fan of this sniper mission, but it is consistent with what
this brash commander said earlier. Don't let anything show itself on the other side and live.
Ulysses empties two clips in his failed efforts to shoot one of the Fritzes.
As the sun sets that evening,
Ulysses takes a final look at his men around the railway embankment.
He knows the Germans are coming,
that within hours their artillery will make sand and men fly,
that gray-clad troops will then splash into the marne,
intent upon killing them.
But having studied the terrain,
the ever-so-appropri appropriately named Colonel Ulysses
Grant McAlexander is undaunted. Captain Jesse Woolridge will never forget how, at this moment,
Ulysses squares his shoulders, sets his jaw, and unflinchingly looks at the doughboys as he declares,
Let him come.
Putting their excellent intel to use, the Allies' guns on the Marne beat the Germans to the punch,
opening fire shortly before midnight. This doesn't stop the German attack from coming, though.
G Company Commander Captain Jesse Woolridge will later recall in vivid words how the Germans
seemingly accept Colonel Ulysses Grant McAlexander's invitation as their guns answer in kind shortly after 12 a.m.
on July 15th. To quote him, out of a night as black as the mouth of hell, they came. 84 German
batteries that made Zeus hurling thunderbolts from Olympus look like an angel of mercy distributing
alms consolidated their fire on the Surmelin Valley for four solid hours with a fury never before equaled,
according to French observers, not even at Verdun. Close quote. At 3.30 a.m., the Boche
bombardment becomes a rolling bombardment, providing cover for gray-clad engineers and
boats to create a pontoon bridge across the 150-foot-wide, 15-foot-deep Marne River.
Rifles from the 38th Infantry's four companies on
the shore crack and flash in the still black morning. Young Germans splash into the river,
dead. But the Yanks can't hold them back forever. German bullets, stick grenades, and more bring the
work of death to the doughboys as well. As the morning passes, the Fritzes gain a foothold on the Marne South Shore.
The fighting turns brutal.
Stationed right in front of the German pontoon bridge,
every single man in G Company's most forward platoon
is either killed or wounded.
Behind them, Lieutenant Mercer M. Phillips
is in the middle of having a head wound bandaged
when a German officer leaps out.
Mercer immediately grabs a rifle and runs a
bayonet through his attacker five separate times. But as the punctured, bleeding German falls,
he squeezes off a shot with his last breath. The bullet rips through the lieutenant's skull,
showering his brains on the shore. Neither man survives. Captain Jesse Woolridge's G Company is getting hammered,
and yet his men never break.
Indeed, they bloody the Germans every bit in equal part,
and when the Fritzes take the small village of Maisy
from the 30th Infantry on his left,
this young captain will step into the leadership void,
rallying men of the 30th to retake the village
while capturing hundreds of Germans before the day is through.
In short, G and H companies will not let their regiments left break.
But what about the 38th Infantry's right, held by E and F companies?
Well, let's find out.
It's now just before dawn, July 15th, 1918.
After hours of bombardment, the Germans have crossed the Marne River.
Holding the regiment's far right, F Company's doughboys unleash rifle and machine gun fire on the river-crossing foe.
Meanwhile, their clean-shaven, square-jawed commander, Captain T.C. Reid,
squints at the sight of soldiers coming from the 125th French Division's position to his company's right.
But is it the gray-clad gauche?
Or is it the blue-clad French retreating from the village of Varennes in the high ground of Moulin Ridge?
The morning's barely dawning light isn't sufficient to tell.
Not until the stick grenades start flying, that is.
Guns crack and grenades explode
as Germans charge at the American lines.
But the doughboys are holding.
Expecting the French not to hold their ground,
Colonel Ulysses Grant McAlexander had F company
dig trenches facing the French lines.
Thank God for the colonel's distrust of his own allies.
And as the fight wears on, Lieutenant Ralph Eberlin seizes on the Germans' exposed position.
With fixed bayonets, he leads his men over the top, charging straight at their flagging
foe, giving them chase back toward Barrel.
But the charging Americans are forced back to their trenches as German biplanes or Fokkers
enter the fray.
Meanwhile, the Germans have succeeded in
establishing two machine gun positions. The fight feels endless, but the Americans don't back down.
The fight continues.
The battle rages through the afternoon. At four o'clock, F Company covers E Company's retreat. Two hours later, F Company
follows, falling back to the aqueduct line. But this retreat isn't a failure. It's all part of
the elastic defense envisioned by General Joseph Dickman and brilliantly executed by his colonels,
especially Ulysses Grant Alexander of the 38th Infantry. As the four companies of his 2nd Battalion fall back from the shore,
Ulysses' 1st and 3rd Battalions join them in striking from the Sommelin Valley's heights,
from the woods known as Bois des Cremants on the left and from Moulin Ridge on the right.
They slaughter the Fritzes on the valley floor.
The Germans have no choice but to retreat.
This is largely the case to the east
of Reims as well, where General Henri Gouraud's French 4th Army is likewise succeeding with an
elastic defense. The fighting isn't as dramatic here, but let's note that his forces include
Black Americans of the 369th as well as the U.S. 42nd Rainbow Division. And yes, Douglas MacArthur,
now a brigadier general, is still with the 42nd.
He earned his second silver star today. While the fighting will continue through July 17th,
German leaders know by the 16th that this is over. When asked if he wants to continue the attack,
General Erich Ludendorff says no because,
Understatement of the year.
German casualties aren't recorded,
but German Lieutenant Kultessa of the 5th Grenadier Regiment,
who fought against the 3rd Division,
puts his estimate at 60% of their forces,
including over 1,000 prisoners.
He also describes the Yankees as ferocious.
Never have I seen so many dead men.
Never such frightful battle scenes.
The American has nerve. A savage roughness. The American kills everybody, was the cry of terror of July 15th, which for a long time stuck in the bones of our men. The 3rd Division suffered serious losses holding the Marne.
3,151 casualties, 606 of whom are dead.
But while other Allied divisions gave up as much as five miles before the advancing Germans,
the 3rd didn't give an inch by the end.
It's just as the division's commander, General Joseph Dickman, reports.
Quote,
On the front of the 3rd Division, there are no Germans south of the Marne except the dead, close quote. With much credit due to Colonel Ulysses Grant McAlexander
of the 38th Infantry, he's soon compared to another unyielding general from the Civil War,
aside from his namesake. He's compared to General Thomasa. the Rock of Chickamauga.
And so it is that Ulysses, already named for one Civil War hero,
picks up the nickname, the Rock of the Marne.
It soon rubs off on his 38th Infantry, and even the whole 3rd Division, hereafter known as the Marne Division.
But the fighting is far from over.
With Germany's 5th and final operation of the spring offensive brought to heel
after mere three days of fighting,
Allied Supreme Commander Ferdinand Foch sees the tide turning,
and he's ready to launch an immediate counteroffensive
to push back the Germans' menacing N-Marne salient.
To that end, it's time to head north of the Marne River
and attack German hell, Soissons.
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Napoleon Bonaparte rose from obscurity to become the most powerful and significant figure in modern history.
Over 200 years after his death, people are still debating his legacy.
He was a man of contradictions, a tyrant and a reformer, a liberator and an oppressor, a revolutionary and a reactionary.
His biography reads like a novel, and his influence is almost beyond measure.
I'm Everett Rummage, host of the Age of Napoleon podcast, and every month I delve
into the turbulent life and times of one of the greatest characters in history,
and explore the world that shaped him in all its glory and tragedy. It's a story
of great battles and campaigns, political intrigue, and massive social and economic change,
but it's also a story about people, populated with remarkable characters. I hope you'll join
me as I examine this fascinating era of history. Find The Age of Napoleon wherever you get your
podcasts.
I trust you recall from episode 134 that it was about a month back, on June 23, 1918,
that the American Expeditionary Forces commander Black Jack Pershing suggested hitting the Germans on the western side of their massive south-facing salient just south of Soissons. I'm not giving the credit for this
upcoming attack to Black Jack per se, but rather pointing out that the Allies have been aware of
Germany's weakness near this town on the N River's south bank for quite some time, and our mustachioed
Supreme Allied Commander Ferdinand Foch,
is ready to take advantage of that weakness.
But before we launch this massive Allied assault,
right on the heels of Germany's failure at the Marne,
let me give you a bit of background.
Ferdinand took quite a gamble moving forward with his plan to counterattack at Soissons.
The intelligence about Germany's fifth spring offensive operation,
Friedensturm, came in right in the midst of his own preparations. French commander Philippe Pétain
wanted Ferdinand to respond by sending more forces to Reims, yet the aggressive supreme commander
said no. He trusted those forces already there to hold the Germans back while other allied troops
continued to gather in Champagne for the counteroffensive. Quite a roll of the dice, but damn that was well played. Not only does this
mean that Ferdinand can strike faster, but the Germans, who also expected him to reinforce Reims,
won't see it coming. But as Ferdinand assembles the French 5th, 6th, 9th, and 10th armies to hit
the salient on all sides, the
Americans are having a hard go of it in terms of organization and communication.
See, Blackjack has just begun organizing his divisions into corps, a crucial step in turning
the American Expeditionary Force into an autonomous army. But alas, only the 1st Corps,
under Major General Hunter Liggett, presently in the Belleau Wood area is ready to function as such.
3rd Corps Commander Major General Robert Lee Bullard feels his doughboys need more time.
Thus while the US 1st Corps plugs in as a singular unit of the French 6th Army, the
US 3rd Corps, currently consisting of the Big Red 1 and the 2nd Division, are going
to Soissons as elements of the French 10th Army's 20th Corps.
And since they will see the worst of this counterattack,
we'll stick with these two American divisions for now.
While it might sound like closer French supervision will make life easier for the
U.S. 1st and 2nd Divisions, that isn't what James Harbord is finding. See, Blackjack only promoted
this former commander
of the 4th Marines to command the whole 2nd U.S. Division
a few days ago, and presently,
the division's forces are scattered across the N Department.
Okay, that's fine, but then the other shoe drops over dinner
with several French officers on Tuesday, July 16th.
That's when the French 20th Corps' commander,
Pierre-Emile Berdullat,
lets James know that his 2nd Division
will be a part of the secret attack at Soissons
on the morning of the 18th.
You know, in just 30 hours.
James is astounded.
How is he supposed to organize his scattered forces
or prepare a battle plan?
When he poses such questions to his French colleagues,
they merely shrug while saying,
C'est la guerre.
C'est la guerre.
Or, that's war.
Some French officers then offer to help him make his battle plans,
but that only makes the American general fume all the more.
He politely declines them with a less than sincere smile.
Working with the same 2nd Division Chief of Staff
that proclaimed they would hold in Episode
134, Colonel Preston Brown, General James Harbord prepares a battle plan with a mere 24 hours to
H-hour, that is, the time of attack, 435 AM on July 18th. Such brief prep time means the 2nd
Division will enter the battle without grenades, mortars, or machine guns. This will be an old
school infantry attack, apart from the support of French tanks. Not that most of these soldiers
have ever seen, let alone trained with tanks. Facing rain, mud, and two near sleepless nights
of marching in the dark, the 2nd division makes a superhuman effort to reach their assigned
position by H-hour. Often, they aren't even sure where to go.
James Harbert says of his men that,
quote,
they had no maps, no guides.
They were not told where to go and could only follow the instinct of the American soldier.
Close quote.
One battalion literally runs the last mile,
but they make it breathlessly to the battle line.
So finally, it's time to carry out
this secret counter offensive.
It's so secret, in fact, that many going into battle
aren't even aware of the details.
It's early in the pre-dawn morning, July 18th, 1918.
French Lieutenant Charles-Maurice Chenu
isn't new to war, but as he and his cramped crew
roll forward in his Schneider CA-1 tank, he's in awe at the sheer mass of men and artillery now
pressing their way through the muddy, rain-softened forest roads to participate in this attack on
Soissons. He drives forward in the midst of brown-clad Americans, the doughboys of the Big Red One.
Jean-Maurice is operating one of the 27 Schneider tanks accompanying this specific division into battle.
It's now 4.20 a.m.
Jean-Maurice looks at his watch, confused.
The attack begins in 15 minutes, so why isn't the artillery firing?
Something must be wrong.
He goes looking for his captain to point out this apparent critical error. There's been a mistake.
Each hour is in five minutes and we haven't fired a single shell.
His captain responds, We've changed our method.
Today everything is by surprise.
We will only break our cover when we attack.
Charles' face is covered in skepticism.
He presses.
The artillery isn't doing anything more.
The captain hesitates as he answers cryptically.
No, they'll manage.
Charles walks away, still confused and still in doubt.
After years of war, everyone knows that artillery softens the foe's lines for hours before the infantry move forward.
But what more can he do?
He climbs back in his tank.
4.35 a.m.
The sound of two shots echoes through the air.
That is indeed the signal to attack.
But again, no artillery.
This can't be real, right?
And that's when the lieutenant and his tank crew get the shock of their lives.
Suddenly, the artillery roars to life, spitting flames and shells right next to them.
Somewhere outside, the crew hears a voice yell,
Forward! Forward!
And with that, the Allied assault on German Hell's Soissons has begun.
Lieutenant Charles-Maurice Chenu's confusion is more than understandable.
As we know from past episodes, it is military doctrine at this point of the war that artillery always precedes an attack.
But this time, the Allies are hoping that surprising the Germans on their salient's
weakest side will more than offset the lack of artillery barrage.
Besides, they aren't skipping the big guns altogether.
We heard the artillery fire up and give Charles Maurice's poor tank crew the surprise of their lives.
The Allies are just skipping straight to the rolling barrage as the troops advance.
The French 20th Corps is right there at the front, striking Soissons from the west.
Though there's little French about this Corps' strike.
The front line consists of three divisions, and two are the American divisions that we've been following.
The Big Red I on the Corps' left, and the ever-so-rushed 2nd Division on the right.
The 1st Moroccan Division is between them in the center.
With men hailing from Senegal, Asia, Spain, and still other corners of
the globe, including veterans of the French Foreign Legion, the First Moroccan isn't exactly
what you might expect either. But these yellow uniformed soldiers with crescent moons on their
helmets are fierce warriors. Many doughboys of the Big Red One will later say that the men of
the First Moroccan are the ones who truly taught them how to fight. The initial advance on the morning of July 18th
goes well. The 26th Regiment of the Big Red One advances a full mile and completes its first
objective with little loss or resistance. But by the afternoon, the Germans are dug in,
using the train's rocky ravines for cover. The Allied advance slows. By the end of the day,
the Germans are able to fully respond to the offensive and move their reserves in to defend against the attack. Things only get uglier the next day, July 19th.
With little information coming from their commanders, the doughboys push forward,
often becoming German targets as they pull ahead of their French counterparts.
The worst of it, perhaps, is seen by the 2nd Division's 6th Marines.
Assigned to take the crucial road
that leads from Soissons to Chateau-Thierry, they move out at 8.30 a.m. No artillery supports them
with a rolling barrage as they advance across a wheat field with no cover. I have to imagine
these men are sick to their stomachs. It's like the right back of Bella Wood. Indeed,
German defenses make it feel like that as well. As the Marines move forward in two waves separated by 50 yards,
German shells and machine guns rip, mangle, and shred devil dog flesh.
Corporal Joseph E. Rendonel will later recall,
I would see a man walking across the field with his rifle at his hip,
and suddenly he would take another step,
and there wouldn't be no step there, and he would go down.
Some fell flat, some grabbed at their wounds and sort of crumpled down.
As the sun sets, more than half of the 2,450 Marines sent to take this road have become a casualty.
The Leathernecks gained a mile of ground and have the road in rifle range, but can't quite take it. Meanwhile, the whole 2nd Division has
fought without food or water for a full day and suffered more than 4,000 casualties.
It's a grim scene. Lieutenant Robert Keene of the 15th Field Artillery, 2nd Division,
will later recall looking across the wheat fields and hearing, quote,
groans, cries for help in English and French and German, pleas for water and babblings of delirious It tears the lieutenant up.
Some of those miserable souls are his friends.
His only solace is one tender scene amid such death.
Again, to quote the lieutenant,
an old Frenchman, he looked at least 50, in a tattered blue uniform, was walking slowly down
the road, carrying on his back, toward the dressing station, a wounded American doughboy.
Every time I have felt annoyed since then at France, This picture comes to mind, and my anger softens.
All of this is enough for General James Harbord. He sends a message to his superior officer,
General Pierre-Emile Berdulla, saying, I desire to insist most strongly that my division should
not be called on for further offensive effort. The troops in the fighting line of the division
have many of them been without water or food for over 24 hours. The French commander agrees. The U.S. 2nd Division
is relieved. The French 58th Colonial Division will take it from here. But the 2nd Division
isn't alone in suffering gut-wrenching losses. Farther north, on the French 20th Corps' left,
the Big Red One is suffering to rest the hilltop town of Berzille-le-Sec from the Germans.
The engagement is a success, but whole units are decimated.
Lieutenant Jeremiah Everts of the 18th Infantry will recall that,
quote,
what was left of E Company marched in single file.
I was more tired than I have ever been.
Close quote. Taking this small village perched above
the Soissons-Châtelet-Telly road and a local railway cost the Big Red One 7,083 infantrymen
and 234 officers. But with the fight mostly over, intelligence officer Lieutenant Shipley Thomas of
the 26th Infantry Regiment places a call to the Big Red One's headquarters
so he can make his report to the Division Adjutant.
But to his surprise, that's not who answers.
It's the afternoon of July 22, 1918.
We're inside a large quarry cave,
now serving as the impromptu military headquarters
with the commander of the U.S. 1st Division, a.k.a. the Big Red One. We're inside a large quarry cave, now serving as the impromptu military headquarters with
the commander of the US 1st Division, aka the Big Red One.
The division is now under the command of General Charles Summerall.
He's a hard-nosed leader, one known for telling his men,
I don't expect to see any of you again.
But even he isn't ready for what's to come as he answers the phone.
Hello, this is General Summerall.
Who is this?
Lieutenant Thomas, sir, 26th Infantry.
Well, how are things?
I have to report that we have broken through
as far as we can.
Our colonel is dead, our lieutenant colonel is dead,
and all the majors are dead or wounded.
And God knows how many captains and lieutenants are down.
The situation with the men is just as bad.
Dear God, Thomas, who is commanding
the regiment? Captain Barney Legg. How is he doing? Fine, sir, with what he has left. Well, who is his
executive officer? I guess I am. Even the hardened general Charles Summerall can't take this news
without flinching. He assures the lieutenant that the British are sending the 15th Scottish Division
to relieve them.
More than that, a band and much-deserved feast will greet the poor officers' depleted regiment as they depart.
An honor much appreciated, but no amount of food or music can console the survivors over the loss of thousands of brothers-in-arms.
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When Johann Rall received the letter on Christmas Day 1776,
he put it away to read later.
Maybe he thought it was a season's greeting and wanted to save it for the fireside.
But what it actually was, was a warning
delivered to the Hessian colonel,
letting him know that General George Washington
was crossing the Delaware and would soon attack his forces.
The next day, when Rawl lost the Battle of Trenton and died from two colonial Boxing Day musket balls,
the letter was found, unopened in his vest pocket.
As someone with 15,000 unread emails in his inbox, I feel like there's a lesson there.
Oh well, this is The Constant,
a history of getting things wrong. I'm Mark Kreisler. Every episode, we look at the bad
ideas, mistakes, and accidents that misshaped our world. Find us at ConstantPodcast.com
or wherever you get your podcasts. The deadly days of July 18th through the 22nd, 1918, left the fields and hills around Soissons
littered with the bodies of the dead. But the doughboys didn't die in vain.
This initial thrust of the Allies' End-Marn counter-offensive is now forcing the Germans
to withdraw from the greatest gain of their spring offensive, the End-Marn salient.
With a heavy heart, General Erich Ludendorff admits this to Colonel Merz von Quirinheim
on July 22nd.
But the harder admission of failure
falls to Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg.
After all, someone has to tell the Kaiser.
It's the afternoon of July 22nd, 1918.
Kaiser Wilhelm II bounces along the roads
of the French countryside,
perhaps in a Mercedes-Benz, given his love for them, making his way to the town of Aventurel. This is where his imperial
army's high command, the Oberstherrherrschleiter, or the OHL, is currently set up, and the nearly
60-year-old imperial mustache-wearing emperor is likely looking forward to this visit.
Official communiques keeping him up to date have been nothing but positive.
But meanwhile, back at the OHL,
Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg is dreading this coming meeting.
See, he's got a war to run.
He doesn't have time to keep the Kaiser up to date on every little thing.
And if we're being honest, he and Eli Schlüttendorf
have really been the ones running Germany and this war for a good long while. The Kaiser is more of a figurehead at this point,
one that these two military commanders don't take that seriously. As such, their reports to Wilhelm
have been a little light on the details and overly optimistic. After Soissons, though,
Paul has little choice but to come clean on their setbacks.
The Kaiser's car pulls up.
He exits the vehicle and soon is face to face with Paul von Hindenburg.
The towering, 6'6", grain and decorated field marshal now confesses some hard truths.
Like the fact that all the gains from the spring offensive's third operation, Operation Bluka, are quickly disappearing.
In fact, the whole spring offensive is falling apart.
The exact words Paul uses are total failure.
The Kaiser is floored, perhaps in a state of denial, if not confusion.
How can this be?
Still processing the shock, his highness asks the field marshal what he should do
now. Paul sees no use here for this figurehead ruler. He tells the Kaiser to return to his
imperial headquarters in Spa, Belgium. The Kaiser will go back, and he pouts all the way.
That same evening, he tells his entourage to show consideration toward him as a defeated warlord. Meanwhile,
the Kaiser's dreams are haunted by visions of his English and Russian relatives,
all the ministers and generals of his own reign, marching past and mocking him.
But even as the Germans fall back, that doesn't mean the end of the war,
or even the end of modern counteroffensive for that matter.
After all, the Imperial German Army still holds Belgium in large stretches of northeastern France
and withdrawing from the Enmarne salient is hardly tantamount to losing all of that turf.
Erich Ludendorff understands that he faces retreat, but he won't admit defeat.
Not yet.
He tells the foreign minister, Admiral Paul von Hintze,
five times I have had to move troops back during this world war, but in the end I beat the enemy.
Why shouldn't this happen a sixth time? Yes, the Ayn Marn offensive will go on.
More blood will be spilt, and not just to the west of Soissons. Indeed, while the U.S. 1st and 2nd participated in the biggest push of this offensive,
there are nine American divisions in total hitting the Germans here.
In the center of the Germans' south-facing salient
are the forces of America's 1st Fully Functional Corps,
General Hunter Liggett's 1st Corps.
This includes the 26th Yankee Division,
which over the course of July has suffered more than 5,000 casualties.
As the battle goes on,
these weary New Englanders are relieved
by the 42nd Rainbow Division.
This includes Brigadier General Douglas MacArthur's
84th Brigade, which on July 26th,
carries out an attack on Red Cross Farm.
German machine guns tear through his men.
The Dobais adapt, spreading out,
as Douglas will later recall.
We reverted to tactics I had seen so often in the Indian Wars of my frontier days.
Crawling forward in twos and threes against each stubborn nest of enemy guns,
we closed in with the bayonet and the hand grenade.
It was savage, and there was no quarter asked or given.
They take the farm, but at the cost of a thousand casualties.
Hard fighting will continue into early August, and Americans played their role in this offensive
to the end. While there are always exceptions, many of the doughboys fight with courage.
The same can be said of their leaders. That intrepid, daring general, Douglas MacArthur,
takes so many risks that he earns his third and fourth silver star
here within a matter of days. But alas, the rookie status of these American troops is still all too
evident. They fail to make proper use of cover, hold their lines too rigidly, and otherwise fail
to see when a risk is worth taking or just flat-out suicide. The loss is heart-wrenching.
Perhaps no one better expresses this mixture of courage
and experience in slaughter than French General Albert Dugand does while speaking through tears
to U.S. First Corps Commander Hunter Liggett at Soissons. I weep for the families and sweethearts
of these Americans. See how they go into battle as we did in 1914. My division, the flower of the French army, no longer can keep up
with them." The Endmarn counteroffensive, sometimes classified as the last phase of the Second Battle
of the Marne, will end on August 6th. The Allies will take the town of Thieme as the Germans
withdraw, giving up the last remnant of their End-MAR salient. Between the failure of Operation Friedensturm and the Allied counteroffensive,
Germany is looking at roughly 170,000 casualties.
Added to the casualties of its first four operations,
the German spring offensive has cost the Second Reich
nearly the equivalent of the entire 750,000 troops that went west after Russia quit the war.
Many of these were elite troops, men
whose skill and experience are irreplaceable at this point. Now, the spring offensive has killed
or mangled about as many Allied troops, including 50,000 Americans in this last counteroffensive
alone, but the Germans have lost numerical superiority. And still worse for the Second
Reich is the United States' growing presence. By late July
1918, the American Expeditionary Force boasts about 1.2 million men. While all the other armies
are incapable of increasing their numbers, another 250,000 doughboys are landing on France's shores
every month. The tide has turned indeed. Germany is losing. But losing is not the same as lost.
Thus, as the end-Maurin counteroffensive plays out,
Allied leaders must ask themselves,
what's next?
They've got Germany against the ropes.
How do they keep that momentum and make the most of it?
Well, Ferdinand Foch has an idea.
It's 10.30 in the morning, July 24th, 1918.
The Allied commanders, British Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig,
French General Philippe Pétain, and American General Black Jack Pershing,
are all chatting and taking their seats inside the stately and elegant
17th century white stone and red brick,
Château de Bonbon. Located some 25 miles southeast of Paris, at the edge of the town of Melun,
this gorgeous château, with enormous windows providing mesmerizing views of its flush green
gardens, is currently serving as Supreme Allied Commander Ferdinand Fauche's headquarters.
These national commanders have come here today to meet with him. Ferdinand Fauche's headquarters. These national commanders have come here today to meet with him.
Ferdinand's chief of staff, General Maxime Weygand, calls their attention.
He then proceeds to read the Supreme Commander's proposal.
The Germans have been compelled to throw so many divisions into action
that for the first time we have a superiority in reserves.
The moment has come to abandon the general defensive attitude forced upon
us until now by numerical inferiority and to pass to the offensive." All present delight in hearing
what they already know. That the German spring offensive's fifth operation has been repulsed,
and answered with a counteroffensive. But some faces register a touch of shock as Maxime comes to specific next steps.
Ferdinand is calling on the British and French to continue driving the Germans from the Paris-Amiens
railway. He also wants the Americans to clear the Paris-Avicourt railroad by reducing the
Saint-Miel salient. General Maxime Weyland finishes. Ferdinand Fauche turns to the assembled military leaders.
What do they think?
After a moment of uncomfortable silence, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig starts.
The British army, entirely disorganized by the events of March and April, is still far from being re-established.
General Philippe Pétain gives a similar cautionary response.
The French army, after four years of war and the severest trials,
is at present worn out, bled white, anemic.
Okay, not a great start, if understandable.
Sir Douglas Haig and Philippe Pétain are leading years-worn, fatigued armies.
But then, we come to the American.
Pausing a moment, Black Jack Pershing answers succinctly but boldly, The American army asks nothing better than to fight,
but it has not yet been formed.
Ah, we're back to Black Jack's great mission,
turning his AEF into a proper American army.
He's let his forces fight under British
and French leadership as needed,
but still loathes amalgamation
and longs for the day when his doughboys fight
as a cohesive American army,
just as the French and British fight
in their own national armies.
That hasn't happened yet,
and if Ferdinand Foch wants this new offensive,
it might do him well to remember his promises. Ferdinand acknowledges the justification of these objections. He knows
that the British Army's Tommies and the French Army's Poilus are tired. He insists that he's
already thought this through. They can speed or slow the attack as necessary, but should keep
their sights on ending and winning this war sometime next year, in 1919,
which, with their combined efforts, is possible.
And as for Blackjack, yes.
After more than a year in France, it's time.
This very same day, Blackjack gives the formal order
that the U.S. First and Third Corps,
both of which fought at Soissons,
come together
to form the US 1st Army.
The order will take effect next month, on August 10th.
After snapping a photo to memorialize this rare meeting of military minds, the four grain
commanders go their separate ways.
But with no major objections, Sir Douglas Haig and Philippe
Pétain both give Ferdinand Fauche their approval of his plan in the next 24 hours.
As for Black Jack Pershing, he too is a yes. Having finally achieved his heart's desire,
a real American army, he can hardly wait to lead his doughboys into battle.
But while Black Jack's long insisted that these doughboys can fight on their own,
this means they'll no longer have the same support from their French and British allies,
who will be more than preoccupied in their own fight at Amiens. Can these Yankees really fight
on their own? They'll soon get a chance to prove their effectiveness on the battlefield
as they carry out Fauche's plan and fight in the coming battle of Saint-Miet.
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