History That Doesn't Suck - 5: "Delenda est Bostonia:" a Congress, Paul Rides, & the First Shot at Lexington

Episode Date: November 1, 2017

"Lay down your arms, you damned rebels, or you are all dead men." This is the story of the First Continental Congress and the build-up to the Battle of Lexington and Concord. Delegates from 12 of the 13 colonies air their grievances against Parliament, and it doesn't go well. Paul Revere goes for a ride. Rather than making it to Concord, he gets to listen to soldiers threaten to "blow his brains out." The next morning, shots are fired at Lexington. ​ War is here. British America will never be the same. This Second Edition episode is a rewritten, rerecorded, and remastered version of the original episode that aired on October 31, 2017. Head to HTDSpodcast.com to find out how to listen to the original. ___ Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette  come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Red One... We're coming at you. ...is the movie event of the holiday season. Santa Claus has been kidnapped? You're gonna help us find him. You can't trust this guy. He's on the list. Is that Naughty Lister? Naughty Lister?

Dwayne Johnson. We got snowmen! Chris Evans. I might just go back to the car. Let's save Christmas. I'm not gonna say that. Say it. Alright.

Let's save Christmas. There it is. Only in theaters November 15th. A&W is now serving Pret Organic Coffee. And you can get a $1 small coffee, a $2 small latte, or like me, a $1 small coffee and a $2 small latte. Available now until November 24th in Ontario only. Woo-hoo! Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and as in the classroom, my goal here is to make rigorously researched history come to life as your storyteller.

Each episode is the result of laborious research with no agenda other than making the past come to life as you learn. If you'd like to help support this work, receive ad-free episodes, bonus content, and other exclusive perks, I invite you to join the HTDS membership program. Sign up for a seven-day free trial today at htdspodcast.com slash membership, or click the link in the episode notes. It's September 28th, 1774. We're near the edge of the Delaware River in Philadelphia's Old City neighborhood at Carpenter's Hall. And what a gorgeous place this is. It's a two-story, mostly red brick building, accented with less frequent black bricks and the Flemish bond pattern.

White trim makes its upper-level windows pop almost as much as its lower-level white shuttered windows. At the entrance, a white facade consisting of a pediment, an arch filled with decorative glass, and two columns encase its double doors. Ah, and up top is a cupola crowned with a masonic compass and square weather vane. Recently completed, Carpenter's Hall is indeed an impressive structure. And the First Continental Congress is inside, meeting right now. Let's head in and join them. In the more than 50 wooden Windsor armchairs filling the hall

sit men from 12 of the 13 original colonies. Yes, only 12. Amid conflict with the neighboring Creek Nation, Georgia doesn't want to upset Britain too much at this point. All of these delegates agree that Parliament's recent post-Tea Party coercive acts are outrageous, intolerable. But agreeing how to respond? That's trickier. And with the Congress's recent approval of the British goods boycotting, Massachusetts government act rejecting Suffolk resolves, more moderate delegates, like Joseph Galloway, are getting nervous.

So today, this respected Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly is determined to try and steer this Congress back toward reconciliation with a plan to heal the relationship between the colonies and His Majesty's government. This is Joseph's plan of union. Mr. Joseph Galloway takes the floor. His wide-set eyes look out at his fellow congressional delegates as he opens by relating the history of the troubles between Britain and the American colonies, or as he puts it, the two countries, since the end of the Seven Years' War.

If we sincerely mean to accommodate the difference between the two countries and to establish their union on more firm and constitutional principles, we must take into consideration a number of facts which led the Parliament to pass the acts complained of since the year 1763 and the real state of the colonies. I will therefore call your recollection to the dangerous situation of the colonies from the intrigues of France at the commencement of the last war. None of us can be ignorant of the just sense they then entertained of that danger, nor of the cheerfulness with which Great Britain sent over her fleets and armies for their protection. Of the millions she expended in that protection. Huh.

So Joseph doesn't see the colonies as bearing the brunt of Britain's war with France. Rather, he sees Britain as the colony's savior. Yeah, this is a far more moderate view. I wonder, are radical delegates, like the Adams cousins from Massachusetts, Sam and John, sharing a glance and rolling their eyes? I also can't help but notice how his tone questions the sincerity of his fellow delegates' desire to heal the rift between the two countries. Huh. But let's allow Joseph to continue, because he's just getting warmed up. However painful it may be for me to

repeat or you to hear, I must remind you of it. You all know there were colonies which at some times granted liberal aids and at others nothing. Other colonies gave nothing during the war. None gave equitably in proportion to their wealth. To remedy these mischiefs, Parliament was naturally led to exercise the power which had been, by its predecessors, so often exercised over the colonies and to pass the Stamp Act. Against this act, the colonies petitioned Parliament and denied its authority. Ooh, I can almost feel the blood pressure rising among the many delegates likely gritting their teeth and whispering to one another about how wrong Joseph is,

how the Stamp Act, Parliament's first and only direct tax in America, was a seizing of power unlike any that august body has ever exercised over the colonies. Patrick Henry must be fuming. But as Joseph goes on, he concedes the constitutional principles in question, and as such, he has a plan. I have prepared a draft of a plan for uniting America more intimately in constitutional policy with Great Britain. I am certain when dispassionately considered, it will be found to be

the most perfect union in power and liberty with the parent state next to a representation in parliament. I am confident that no American who wishes to continue a subject of the British state, which is what we all uniformly profess, can offer any reasonable objection to it. Wow. Joseph isn't just pushing back against the radicals' aggressive, non-importation Suffolk resolves. He wants an American parliament, a grand council, as he calls it, that governs with Britain's parliament. Moderates like the idea, but will radicals ever go for this full-on acknowledgement of parliamentary power in the colonies? And again, his tone. Joseph definitely sees his plan as a litmus test of loyal British

subjects. Is he implying some here are not loyal to His Majesty King George III? That they want independence? Disagreement fills Carpenter's Hall as the radical and moderate camps divide, each with vastly different answers to the most recent troubles with Parliament. Should they push back hard on the coercive acts or seek reconciliation? And considering Joseph Galloway's tone,

do they even trust each other? Debate rages on, with each congressional delegate knowing full well that, whichever way they ultimately go, their decisions will carry enormous and unforeseeable consequences. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and I'd like to tell you a story. A Continental Congress. That's what three post-Seven Years' War violent tax crises have brought us. But before we go further with this Congress,

let's get deep into its origins with a visit to British Parliament as it reacts to the Boston Tea Party with its coercive acts. We'll then return to North America, where the enraged colonies respond to these acts by organizing a Continental Congress. Moderate and radical delegates come with different ideas in all hope for peace, but alas, it's not meant to be. War is all but inevitable, and as Massachusetts' new governor, General Thomas Gage, seeks to forestall it by seizing Patriot munitions across the colony, he'll ironically create just the conditions

he hoped to prevent. Following the midnight ride of Patriot messengers, like Paul Revere, blood will spill in the town of Lexington. This is it. It's time to fire the first shot of the American Revolution Lexington. This is it. It's time to fire the first shot of the American Revolutionary War. And we start just a few months back

on the other side of the Atlantic with a debate in Parliament. Rewind. It's the afternoon of March 14th, 1774, at the old Westminster Palace in London, England. Mr. Cornwall opens this meeting of the House of Commons by asking all observers in the gallery to please leave. Members of Parliament know what that means. It's time for something particularly nasty to be discussed and debated.

With the gallery emptied and the House returned to order, the clerk reads a speech from His Majesty King George III to the assembled legislators. His Majesty, upon information of the unwarrantable practices which have been lately concerted and carried on in North America, and particularly of the violent and outrageous proceedings at the town and port of Boston in the province of Massachusetts Bay, with a view to obstructing the commerce of this kingdom, and upon grounds and pretenses immediately subversive of the constitution thereof, hath thought fit to lay the whole matter before his two houses of parliament, that they will take

into their most serious consideration what further regulations and permanent provisions may be necessary for better securing the execution of the laws and the just dependence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain. Huh. Violence and obstructing commerce. In Boston. Right. In other words, last December's Tea Party has pushed the king over his limit. He wants parliament to do something. Parliament's current leader, the stout Chancellor of the Exchequer slash Prime Minister, Lord Frederick North, rises to voice his agreement with His Majesty.

This is the third time the officers of the customs have been prevented from doing their duty in the harbor of Boston. The inhabitants of the town of Boston deserve punishment. Perhaps it may be objected that some few individuals may suffer on this account who ought not. But when the authority of a town has been, as it were, asleep and ineffective, it is no new thing for the whole town to be fined for such neglect. But Lord North isn't just upset about this being the third time. He goes on to detail just how awful he thinks the tea party really was. He says of the Bostonians, they had regularly given orders for nightly watches to be appointed, which were to prevent the landing of the tea.

As the merchandise of Great Britain, this surely was highly criminal. And as the tea, belonging to the India Company, had remained 20 days in the harbor without a clearance, they were afraid it should be seized by the custom house officers. They therefore destroyed it on the 20th day. That Boston has been the ringleader in all riots and has at all times shown a desire of seeing the laws of Great Britain attempted in vain in the colony of Massachusetts Bay. Therefore, Boston ought to be the principal object of our attention for punishment. Following Lord North's speech, Parliament begins a furious debate over punishing the city of Boston. The proposition before them?

Shut down Boston's port until its citizens make restitution by repaying the full cost of the East India Company tea dumped into the harbor. The debate rages for nine days, but the overall attitude of Parliament can best be summarized by the words of Member of Parliament Charles Vann. On March 23rd, he proclaims, "'The town of Boston ought to be knocked

"'about their ears and destroyed.' Delinda Est Carthago. Yikes. That's Latin for Carthage must be destroyed. The phrase is attributed to the 2nd century BC Roman senator, Cato the Elder, who supposedly said this of the Phoenician capital, Carthage, as the Roman and Phoenician empires were battling it out for domination of the Mediterranean. In other words, Charles is saying that, as the capital of the American rebellion,

Boston must be destroyed. And Parliament passes its punitive Boston Port Act that same day. Now, it's not like the other colonies aren't rebelling. In past episodes, we heard about New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston sending back tea. We met Virginians ready to get violent over the Stamp Act, and we've heard about

colony-wide non-importation efforts. Nor are Bostonians the only ones who like to light His Majesty's stuff on fire. In 1772, Sons of Liberty in Rhode Island set ablaze a customs vessel that had run aground,

the HMS Gatsby. Point being that, unlike tea, rebellion is brewing across the colonies. But the reason we've focused on Boston is the same reason Parliament has. From Stamp Act violence to a military occupation and the quote-unquote bloody massacre, Boston has been the biggest colonial thorn in Parliament's side since the end of the Seven Years' War a decade ago. Then last year, on December 16th, 1773, Boston added to that fact

with the destruction of over 9,000 pounds sterling worth of East India Company tea, expressly shipped as a part of Parliament's new Tea Act. And well, this was just the cherry on top. Seeing themselves as patient and long-suffering of not patriotic, but rebellious colonials, members of Parliament are ready to punish by early 1774. Thus, the Coercive Acts. You likely remember these from the last episode, but here's a quick refresher. There are four.

One, the Boston Port Act, which we just heard Lord North introduce and Parliament pass. Starting on June 1st, 1774, it shuts down the whole Port of Boston until the town repays the East India Company for last year's destroyed tea. Two, the Administration of Justice Act. The Governor of Massachusetts can now transfer any government official or soldier accused of a capital crime to another colony or to Britain for trial. Three, the Massachusetts Government Act. This changes the Massachusetts Charter. The council is no longer elected. It's now crown appointed. Also, all town meetings other than annual elections now require the governor's written permission. 4. The Quartering Act.

It's different from the first three in that it applies to all the colonies. It says that if a colonial town does not provide barracks to British troops within 24 hours, all colonial governors now have the right to quarter troops in, quote, uninhabited houses, outhouses, barns, or other buildings, as he shall think necessary to be taken in, close quote. Mm, outhouses. Kind of got to feel bad for the soldiers who get put up there for the night. And again, these coercive acts are going to hurt a lot of innocent people. I mean, Boston is crawling with Sons of Liberty and others who are patriots to some degree,

but there are thousands in the city who aren't political or are loyalists. After all, we've never seen more than 5,000 of Boston's 15,000 inhabitants participate in any of the patriot shenanigans I've told you about. That means another 10,000 Bostonians have not been present, not participating. And that's just Boston. Think of all the thousands of other innocent, uninvolved colonials throughout the colony of Massachusetts. Parliament knows all of this, but as we heard Lord North say in his March 14th speech, he believes it appropriate to punish the many for

the sins of the few. A decade into this power struggle, Parliament hopes these four intentionally punitive coercive acts will make rebel stronghold Massachusetts and all the other colonies cower and fall into line. Now, before we get to the colony's response, I've got to mention briefly one non-coercive act also passed this year, the Quebec Act of 1774. It sets up governance for the French Canadian people, or Québécois, who suddenly found themselves British subjects at the end of the Seven Years' War. In doing so, it allows for the tolerance of their Catholic faith and lets them keep much of their French civil law system,

which doesn't do trial by jury for civil cases. So what does this have to do with our story? Well, the Americans don't see Parliament as trying to take care of the Quebecois' unique situation. No, filled with a deep distrust of the British government, they fear Parliament is spreading popery or Catholicism in a liberty-killing style of government ultimately intended for them.

As such, Americans lumped the rather enlightened Quebec Act in with the four punitive coercive laws. Taken together, they call these five acts the Intolerable Acts. Okay, so with the Quebec Act noted, how do the colonials respond to these coercive or intolerable acts? Well, to say Parliament read the situation wrong is an understatement. The colonies don't cower at all.

Now deeply convinced of Parliament's nefarious goal to destroy liberty, particularly thanks to the Boston Port Act, colonial America is only emboldened. On May 19th, in Farmington, Connecticut, a thousand or so people come together and raise a 45-foot pole that they consecrate to the Shrine of Liberty. Next, they read the Boston Port Act aloud and burn it.

They then pass five resolutions. My favorite is the third. That the late act which their malice hath caused to be passed in Parliament for blocking up the port of Boston is unjust, illegal, and oppressive. And that we and every American are sharers in the insult offered to the town of Boston. On May 27th, 89 Virginia legislators meet at Raleigh Tavern in Williamsburg. Well, recently legislators, that is. The royal governor just dissolved the House of Burgesses

because it called for a day of prayer on behalf of Boston. No matter, the tavern will do just fine for this unofficial meeting. Here, these recently fired legislators, which include the fiery orator Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, and our old friend from Fort Necessity, George Washington, call for a meeting of the colonies. They think the colonies need to put their heads together on this Boston Port Act as much as they did a decade ago to fight the Stamp Act with the Stamp Act Congress. I quote, an attack made on one of our sister colonies to compel submission to arbitrary taxes is an attack made on all British America and threatens to ruin the rights of all unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied. And for this purpose, it is recommended to meet in general Congress. Ah, now we know where the idea for this year's Congress comes from.

And Massachusetts agrees. A month later, June 17th, in Salem, Massachusetts, legislators meet secretly and in defiance of the governor. One legislator whom we know quite well, Samuel Adams, takes the floor. He moves in favor of a Congress

to discuss the coercive acts. The resolution reads in part, A meeting of committees from the several colonies on this continent is highly expedient and necessary to consult upon the present state of the colonies and the miseries to which they are and must be reduced by the operation of certain acts of parliament. The resolution passes with overwhelming support. Nor does the unifying colonial defiance against the coercive-slash-intolerable acts stop there. That same month, Pennsylvanians whip up some resolutions.

The first will do for us. It reads, Resolved, whip up some resolutions. The first will do for us. It reads, resolved, that the act of parliament for shutting up the port of Boston is unconstitutional, oppressive to the inhabitants of that town, dangerous to the liberties of the British colonies, and therefore, considering our brethren at Boston as suffering in the common cause of America. Meanwhile, some, like the young Virginia lawyer and former member of the House of Burgesses, Thomas Jefferson, sees these acts not only as an injustice to Boston, but as evidence of Parliament's diabolical plan to enslave the American colonies. In August, he produces a

pamphlet called A Summary View of the Rights of British America. In it, he writes, Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinions of a day, rights of British America. In it, he writes, There's irony in Thomas Jefferson making a comparison to slavery. And I say we own that. Let's not brush anything aside here. After all, English essayist and philosopher Dr. Samuel Johnson will call out this irony only next year, 1775, in his Coercive Act Defending pamphlet, Taxation, No Tyranny. To quote him, We are told that the subjugation of Americans may tend to the diminution of our own liberties. If slavery be thus fatally contagious, how is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty

among the drivers of Negroes? I mean, damn. While Sam and John Adams, as well as other radical non-slaveholding Northerners, would probably want to squabble with the good doctor, his words land hard on the likes of Thomas Jefferson. So how does Tom, again a slaveholder, square this in his mind?

At this point in his life, Tom is arguing the colonies want to end slavery, but the fault for both its institution and perpetuation here lies with the British crown. To quote Tom's same 1774 pamphlet again, the abolition of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant state.

But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves we have, it is necessary to exclude all further importations from Africa. Yet, our repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions and by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition have been hitherto defeated by His Majesty's negative. While we need to continue our way to Congress, now is a good time to point out what every Jefferson scholar I can think of says. Tom isn't just complex.

He can be a walking contradiction. And as future episodes unfold, we'll come to know him well beyond a simplistic two-dimensional take. And so, from the resolutions of several colonies to Thomas Jefferson's words, it's evident that Parliament's coercive or intolerable acts haven't scared the American colonies into acquiescence. It's brought them together. Thus, delegates from several colonies on this continent

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It's September 5th, 1774. Delegates from 12 North American British colonies are gathered at Carpenter's Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, for the first day of this continent-wide Congress. Thus far, they've determined that this hall is a good meeting place and elected their president, the former Virginia Burgess Speaker, who once stood so staunchly against Patrick Henry's Stamp Act resolutions, Mr. Peyton Randolph. But they're still trying to figure out how to operate, and right now, the debate is on how they should vote. As individual delegates, or as individual colonies.

It's at this moment that the ever eloquent Virginian, Patrick Henry, takes the floor. He proclaims, Government is dissolved. Fleets and armies and the present state of things show that government is dissolved. The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American. That's a radical proposition. Somewhat ironic as well, considering that in his heart of hearts, Patrick is far more loyal to Virginia than any nebulous idea of a larger American identity,

which really isn't even close to taking hold. When these men speak of brother and sister colonies, they mean just that. Separate siblings. They are unified in their common concerns about parliamentary overreach, but in terms of government? Nope. They just happen to share a monarch. That's it. in their common concerns about parliamentary overreach, but in terms of government, nope. They just happen to share a monarch. That's it.

Yet Patrick's comment is, of course, far more prophetic than he realizes. A spine-tingling moment. All the same, his idea will not carry. His Congress will not vote by delegate. It will instead allot each colony one vote apiece. It's the first of many debates, ideas, and disagreements to come. Now, I don't mean to overstate and make the First Continental

Congress appear excessively divisive, but let's note that the Founding Fathers do and will disagree. Sometimes forcefully, bitterly. In the episodes to come, you'll see some quit meetings, refuse to sign documents, or sign not as an act of complete agreement, but in doing one of the most important things politicians have to do if government is to work, compromise. Point being,

if you're inclined to view the founders as a chummy group that's always on the same page, I'd strongly urge you to let that go. Just like any deliberative body, they don't always on the same page, I'd strongly urge you to let that go. Just like any deliberative body, they don't always see eye to eye, and that comes out right here in the First Continental Congress. Our delegates run a political spectrum. All agree that the coercive-slash-intolerable acts violate their rights as British subjects, and further, agree that any parliament-passed revenue acts have to go. But things

get messy when discussing how to pursue this. Moderate delegates like Pennsylvania Assembly Speaker Joseph Galloway are thinking more diplomatically, and might even be willing to consider a scenario in which parliament has some non-tax-related say here, though the popularity of this view is dropping precipitously in the colonies. But radical delegates want to hit back at Parliament. Hard. They want strong petitions. And many are talking about another round of non-importation, boycotting, basically the kind of economic sanctions that the colonies did amid the Stamp Act and Townsend Acts. And as we've established, you'll find the Adams cousins on this end of the political spectrum. They are ardently in this camp.

Sam may even want independence. To be clear, no one at the First Continental Congress is proposing independence. Period. In 1774, patriots by and large still only want their rights as English subjects respected, according to their interpretation. That said, Dr. Benjamin Rush will later write in his autobiography, quote, Samuel Adams once acknowledged to me that the independence of the United States upon Great Britain had been the first wish of his heart seven years before the war,

close quote. And that makes sense. That would be 1768, the year the Redcoats first occupied his hometown of Boston. But if true, Sam knows better than to sound off with such thoughts publicly right now. I mean, maybe he's quietly finding some sympathetic ears among other delegates late at night over a beer at City Tavern. Something must be going on, considering that Pennsylvania's moderate Joseph Galloway will later claim to be seen here the birth of that, quote, ill-shapen diminutive brat, independency,

close quote. But the fact is that no one, not even the radicals, are talking independence during the actual sessions of this Congress. Now we can't meet all 50 plus delegates of this first Continental Congress, but I trust you've noticed that we've got some A-lister founders here.

To reiterate and name a few more, we have Massachusetts Adams cousins, Sam and John, Virginia's Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, and the future capital F founding father, Colonel George Washington. And though less familiar to 21st century ears, there are other crucial Virginians, like Richard Henry Lee, whom we'll hear more about down the road. Likewise often overlooked in our day and age, but very worth noting,

is Pennsylvania's John Dickinson. I mentioned him quickly in episode three, but John Dee went viral across the colonies with his Townsend Act Opposing pamphlet, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania. This pamphlet landed him the nickname, Pinman of the Revolution. You'll want to take note

of this moderate-leaning founding father. He'll be with us for many episodes to come. Some of these gents, like New York's John Jay, are still establishing their reputations, but think how cool it must be for these delegates to be in the room. In some cases, they've heard and read about each other in newspapers as far back as a decade ago, when the Sugar and Stamp Acts were the issue.

Yet, in this era without airplanes or even the luxury of the future U.S. interstate highway system, traveling beyond your home colony's boundaries is so rare, a lot of delegates are just meeting people they've admired for years. You know there's a little man- man crushing going on. But enough setup. Let's see where these delegates and their different views take this Congress. After a week and a half of debate over political rights and non-importation, Congress makes its first big move on September 17th. It endorses the Suffolk Resolves. Produced by patriots in Suffolk County, Massachusetts,

and delivered by a galloping Paul Revere that same September, these resolutions call the Intolerable Acts unconstitutional, say the Massachusetts government must be restored to a constitutional basis, and that the colony's militias should elect captains who are patriots and train weekly. Whew, talk about a victory for the more radical crowd. Elated, John Adams writes in his diary, this was one of the happiest days of my life. In Congress, we had generous, noble sentiments and manly eloquence.

This day convinced me that America will support Massachusetts or perish with her. But moderates are concerned. I mean, drilling militias? Good grief, this feels too aggressive. So 11 days later, on September 28th, Joseph Galloway pushes back by proposing his plan of union. Ah yes, we heard him pitch this at the start of this episode.

Far from rejecting parliament's ability to legislate in the colonies, as many are in the wake of the coercive-slash-intolerable acts, his plan would, as we know, create a colonial Parliament, or Grand Council, that would work with British Parliament to legislate. Moderate New Yorker John Jay supports it. Patrick Henry, who is really coming to dislike moderates and talks trash behind their backs, speaks forcefully against it. The plan narrowly doesn't pass. With six colonies, four and five against, they vote to table it,

but ultimately, they'll expunge the plan from the record. In the years to come, its author, Joseph Galloway, will shift from moderate to loyalist. Not a huge surprise considering some of the things we've heard him say in this episode so far,

but a great example of the spread of political views here. Eventually, this colonial-born delegate to the First Continental Congress will join the British Army in New York, then move to Britain while Pennsylvania's General Assembly convicts him of high treason. Still, let's not get ahead of ourselves.

We'll keep our eye on this Congress in 1774. Two weeks later, on October 14th, Congress settles its long debate over colonial rights with its declaration and resolves. This document packs quite a punch. Basically, it shows another win for the more radical position as it affirms that Parliament not only cannot tax the colonies, but has no power over them, period.

The colonies owe their allegiance to the crown alone and derive their rights from their colonial charters, the British Constitution, and the law of nature. And if you're familiar with the Declaration of Independence, well, it reminds me a little of that yet-to-come document, as it also lists the many sins of London against the colonies. No surprise, but this includes parliaments seeking to raise revenue, trial by jury, keeping a standing army among the American people,

quartering soldiers, and of course, these recent intolerable acts. In brief, they include all the things we've seen patriots become enraged about in the last few episodes since the end of the Seven Years' War. But this Congress isn't done. Coming full circle, our delegates create the Continental Association on October 20th. This calls for serious economic sanctions. First, non-importation. Americans are to stop drinking any East India Company tea immediately,

stop importing British goods on December 1st, and stop consuming any British goods by March 1st, 1775. Non-importation includes cutting off America's participation in the slave trade. To quote the Articles of Association, we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufacturers to those who are concerned in it. Close quote. Between the Thomas Jefferson pamphlet we read from just a few minutes ago and this continental association, we're seeing that

the issue of slavery is ever-present. And as with Tom, we find contradictions here. Fact is, the goal of the association is to hurt Britain economically, which belies a moral imperative to end slavery. Yet, as we've seen since James Otis' pamphleteering in episode two, revolutionary ideas are starting to drive moral arguments against slavery. And this Congress isn't just prohibiting the slave trade in connection to Britain alone. It's prohibiting any American

involvement in importing enslaved persons, period. In other words, Congress likely has mixed motivations here, with some delegates appreciating that slavery is inconsistent with their talk and values of liberty, while others only see an effective economic barb. Nor will this declaration endure. The importation of enslaved people will recommence, and slavery will continue to lurk in the background. As for non-exportation, as in the colonists won't sell to Britain, the southern delegates delay this as it will hurt them the most, but it too will kick in a year later, on September 10th, 1775. In the months to come, the legislative

bodies of 11 of the 12 colonies represented here will accept the Continental Association. New York's still-too-loyalist assembly will reject it, but local communities will enforce it anyway. In fact, as many as 7,000 men across the colonies will ensure these economic sanctions hold. And with that, this Congress officially concludes a little less than a week later, on October 26th, 1774. But before they part ways, the delegates make one other decision. And this is important. Listen up. They will wait and see how His Majesty's government reacts to their endorsement of the Suffolk Resolves, their rejection of Joseph Galloway's Plan of Union, their parliamentary authority denying declaration and resolves,

and their economic sanctions through the Association. If His Majesty's government reacts poorly, they'll reconvene a Second Continental Congress next year on May 10th, 1775. Well, let's see how this goes. November 18th, 1774. King George III writes to his prime minister, still Lord North, the New England governments are in a state of rebellion. Blows must decide whether they are to be subject to this country or independent. Blows?

Damn. The king's done seeking a peaceful response. For him, it's already on. January 19th, 1775. Parliament formally receives Congress's declaration and resolves. It doesn't go over well. By February 9th, Parliament reiterates what His Majesty said. Massachusetts is in a state of rebellion. Okay then. Things are unraveling fast. Late the following month, March 1775, Virginia's Patriot leaders meet in convention at St. John's Church in Richmond

to elect delegates for the clearly coming Second Continental Congress. But Patrick Henry ups the ante. He calls for raising a militia. Amid the debate that follows, Patrick takes to the floor and delivers one of his eloquent, biblically-infused speeches. He concludes by asking rhetorically, Is life so dear? Or peace so sweet? As to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?

Forbid it, almighty God. I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death. Yes, this is where and when those famous words are spoken. By the year's end, Virginia's governor, Lord Dunmore, will respond to this convention by seizing gunpowder in Williamsburg and issuing a proclamation that frees all those enslaved or indentured to rebels if they will fight for his majesty.

I do hereby farther decree all indentured servants, Negroes, or others appertaining to rebels, free, that are able and willing to bear arms, they joining his majesty's troops as soon as may be. While Lord Dunmore is acting out of expediency rather than morality, his proclamation will provide his majesty with his first black loyalist troops and moreover, provide these troops their freedom.

But it will take the better part of 1775 for all that to play out in Virginia. More immediately, things are turning violent in the same colony where things seem to always unravel, the province of Massachusetts Bay. It's Sunday, February 26th, 1775. Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Leslie of the 64th Regiment of Foot

and 300 of his well-armed men have departed Castle William, landed at Marblehead, and are now moving north to Salem, Massachusetts. Sent by the colony's new Coercive Act Enforcing Governor, General Thomas Gage, their mission is to seize the 18 or so 12-pound cannons that Salem's militia has amassed in preparation for a potential civil war. Should be easy. They move confidently, marching to their favorite tune when mocking colonials,

Yankee Doodle. But things prove more challenging as the colonel enters town. Loyalists inform him the cannons aren't in the heart of Salem. They're on the north side of the North River. Ah, see, Alexander thought he would catch the militia off guard today, but the Patriot spy network was ahead of him. Salem was ready. In fact, not only are the cannons on the river's north side in the neighborhood of Northfields,

but Patriots control the very thing he needs to cross this body of water, the drawbridge. A distiller by trade, Joseph Witcher is among those working feverishly to scuttle the two gondolas on the south side of the river. Soldiers order him to stop. He pulls open his shirt, burying his chest, and dares them to stop him. The regulars press their bayonets into him, just enough to draw blood.

Patriots on the other side of the river jeer at the soldiers. One calls out, Soldiers, red jackets, lobster coats, cowards, damnation to your government. Reverend Bernard speaks with Colonel Alexander Leslie, trying to ease the tension. The colonel tells this man of God, I will get over this bridge before I return to Boston. If I stay here till next autumn, by God, I will not be defeated. The quick-witted militia captain, John Phelps, quickly answers.

You must acknowledge you have already been baffled. The day drags on. All wonder. Is this it? Will war begin here in Salem? No. Cooler heads prevail. To keep his honor, Alexander asks that they let him cross and march 50 rods past the bridge.

He gives his word that he and his men will touch nothing. They will then return to Boston. These terms are acceptable. The militia captain agrees. And the Redcoats do keep their word. They cross and turn around. Marching back, though, a townswoman and 30-year-old nurse, Sarah Torrent, yells insults from her window. Go home and tell your master he has sent you on a fool's errand and broken the peace of our Sabbath.

What, do you think we were born in the woods to be frightened by owls? It's too much for one soldier. He takes aim. Sarah stares right back at him and down his weapons barrel as she answers. Fire if you have the courage, but I doubt it. Thankfully, the soldier's gun doesn't go off, and he backs down. Rather than start the war by shooting a civilian in a town teaming with Patriot militia, he falls into ranks for the march to Boston. But this won't be the last time Governor Thomas Gage seeks to seize munitions and arms

from a pro-Patriot Massachusetts town militia. And next time, cooler heads will not prevail. Amazon's holiday deals are here so you can celebrate the season early. With low prices on decor, electronics, and beauty. Perfect for stocking stuffers. And my stockings looking good. Shop holiday deals early on Amazon now. Interior Chinatown is an all-new series based on the best-selling novel by Charles Yu

about a struggling Asian actor who gets a bigger part than he expected when he witnesses a crime in Chinatown. Streaming November 19th, only on Disney+. Thomas Gage is well acquainted with North America. An oval-faced aristocrat with dark piercing eyes and a solid, stout figure, Gage first came to the continent as a lieutenant colonel to serve in the French and Indian War, which, as we know from past episodes, grew into the global Seven Years' War. Yes, this war's relevance just doesn't let up. Then a relatively young officer, Thomas Gage was at the disastrous Battle of Monongahela in 1755,

where an even younger colonial colonel, George Washington, led a brilliant retreat that saved countless British lives. The two men came to know and respect one another during this time. A general by the war's end in 1763, Gage became commander-in-chief of British forces in North America, a role you might recall him from in episode 3, and he's continued in this function ever since. But in May 1774, he took on a second role, royal governor of Massachusetts. Seems that, in the wake of the Boston Tea Party

and the newly passed Coercive Acts, His Majesty's government saw fit to have the continent's military commander enforce these new punitive laws on the colony. Talk about an unenviable task. Gage soon found himself worrying about town militias, basically volunteer defense forces for municipalities and the colony, as they stepped up their drilling out of fear of a coming civil war. Well, also fearing civil war, Gage's answer was to start seizing these militias' arms and munitions. On September 1st, 1774, his men successfully made off with a ton of black powder from the powder house in a part of Charlestown that will later be known as Somerville. But in response,

and amid rumors of a battle, thousands of armed militiamen showed up in neighboring Cambridge. This fed the flames on both sides. Militias felt a greater need to stockpile arms. Gage became more convinced of the need to disarm colonial militias. Hence, his sending Colonel Alexander Leslie to Salem last February, where we saw him try and fail to take the town's cannons. It's in this context that, on April 14th, 1775,

Governor slash General Thomas Gage receives a month's old letter from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Dartmouth. In it, his lordship instructs Gage to, quote, Arrest and imprison the principal actors and abettors in the Provincial Congress, and on no account suffer the people, at least of the town of Boston, to assemble themselves in arms on any pretense whatever, either of town guards or militia duty. Okay then, a dutiful general and administrator, Gage decides this means he should act on the intelligence he has

about a large store of arms and munitions roughly 20 miles northwest of Boston in a small town called Concord. Gage prepares quickly to seize or destroy Concord's arms. He wants the element of surprise he had last September at the Powder House, the element of surprise his men lost in February at Salem. But as at Salem, Boston has a talented patriot spy ring. Over two decades from now, one spy, the same Bostonian whose engraving helped to publicize the Boston Massacre and who delivered the Suffolk Resolves to Congress, a Mr. Paul Revere,

will explain that he is but one of 30 Bostonians, quote, watching the movements of British soldiers and gaining every intelligence of the movements of the Tories, close quote. They share their intel on these soldiers and loyalists in secret meetings at the Green Dragon Tavern. Then, on Saturday night, April 15th, around midnight, only the day after Gage received that letter from Lord Dartmouth, a two-man spy team notices boats by the British warships and that the light infantry and grenadiers aren't on duty. They figure this means something serious is about to go down.

But it could be that they also have another spy helping. We don't know for sure, but she is likely providing all the details of Gage's intention to send troops under the cover of night to Concord on the 18th. This undercover agent is none other than Margaret Kimball Gage, Governor Gage's wife. Yes, living in North America since the Seven Years' War, he fell for and married a local. Margaret comes from gentry, but she's American gentry. She's from New Jersey. And even in the 18th century,

you don't mess with a Jersey girl. Now, whether it was Margaret or not, probably was, the Patriots know what Gage is up to. And further, they believe that he intends for his forces to pass through Lexington, possibly to arrest two major Patriot leaders hiding out there, John Hancock and Sam Adams. Okay, enough setup. It's time for these troops to move out and Patriot spies to warn of their coming.

So listen up, HTDS fans, and you will hear of the midnight ride of Paul Revere, and all the other people whom Henry Wadsworth Longfellow won't mention when writing his beautiful poem decades from now. But Paul is definitely one of the key players, and an important source. And so, we start by following him. It's 10 o'clock at night, April 18th, 1775. Paul Revere is reporting to Dr. Joseph Warren, as requested, at the good doctor's home. Knowing that soldiers are gathering right this minute at the bottom of the Boston Common, Dr. Warren instructs Paul to hightail it to Lexington, where John Hancock and Sam Adams are still hiding. Paul must tell them of the troops' movement and that Dr. Warren suspects the troops are coming to arrest them.

Now, the doc has already sent another patriot, Mr. William Dawes, to Lexington with the same message. But William went by land. Paul will take another route. He'll go by sea. Let me explain the by land or sea thing, which, yes, I'm having fun pulling from Longfellow's wording in his future poem, Paul Revere's Ride.

See, Boston's shoreline will change dramatically in the future. In 1775, this port city has much less land than it later will. It's on a peninsula, and the only thing keeping it from being an island is the Boston Neck, which is a narrow isthmus running south of the city into Roxbury. So if you're in Boston and need to go to Lexington, you can travel that way,

just like William Dawes is right now. Or you can go north and row across the much wider than it will be in the future Charles River. Lexington is about 15 miles northwest of Boston, and Concord, with its cache of arms, is the next small village a few more miles out. A short drive for you and me, but its cache of arms, is the next small village a few more miles out.

A short drive for you and me, but in this world, this is a physically exhausting, hours-long journey. It seems Dr. Warren is sending one messenger by each route to ensure a greater likelihood that at least one of them, be it Paul Revere or William Dawes, makes it to Lexington without getting arrested. Smart. Before Paul departs, he asks an unnamed friend to go to the North Church's high up steeple and set up the signal they'd previously arranged with Patriots in Charlestown. If British troops move out via the Boston Neck,

they'd hang one lantern. If troops come as Paul's about to do by crossing the Charles River, they'd hang two. Paul's friend places two lanterns in the steeple while he heads to Boston's northern coast. Under a rising moon, two other unnamed assistants stealthily pull the oars that take Paul north across the Charles River and right past a British warship, the HMS Somerset. Paul disembarks in Charlestown, where his contacts tell him they saw the lantern signal.

Good. They also provide Paul with a horse, but as he mounts, one patriot, Richard Devins, warns that he saw 10 British officers as he returned here from Lexington this evening. They were mounted on horses, armed, and heading up the road. Be careful, Paul. It's now 11 p.m. Like Boston, Charlestown is on a peninsula, so Paul has little choice but to ride along its narrow isthmus.

Then, just as he passes the Charlestown Neck, he sees two men, both on horseback under a tree. Oh, God, they're British officers! Paul takes off at a gallop, backtracking toward the Charlestown neck. One nearly manages to cut Paul off, but fortunately for the Patriot messenger, the British officer's steed gets stuck in some clay. Crisis averted.

Paul continues on to Medford, where he wakes a captain of the Minutemen, that is, militiamen ready to move in a minute's time, then alarms basically every house on his way to Lexington. Arriving at Lexington, Paul finds John Hancock and Sam Adams at Reverend Jonas Clark's place. Jonas is married to John's cousin, so there's the connection. Paul tells them everything.

He also asks, has William arrived? No. Damn it. Did he get caught? Relief washes over the party about 30 minutes later when William does indeed show up. After some refreshment, Paul and William set out. Our two messengers still have to warn the people of Concord

that the military is coming for their arms. As they ride, another son of liberty, Dr. Samuel Prescott, catches up to them. Now, you might be wondering, where did this Dr. Prescott come from? The young patriot, doctor, and heartthrob is just leaving the Lexington home of his fiancée, Lydia Mulliken, to head back to his place in Concord at 1 a.m. What, you think love hits pause just because British North America is falling apart at the seams? Of course not.

Paul and William welcome him as a third companion, and the three continue on together, warning everyone that the troops are coming. It's not long after this that Paul notices two men on horses just like he had outside Charlestown. Uh-oh, not good. He calls out to the dock and William yet behind him. But just then, Paul finds himself surrounded by four officers. One says to Paul,

God damn you, stop. If you go an inch further, you are a dead man. William sees an opportunity to ride off and he takes it. Paul and the dock, though, are stuck. The soldiers, armed with pistols and swords, force the pair into the pasture while threatening, quote, to blow their brains out. Suddenly, while sitting in the field, Dr. Prescott yells to Paul, put on. With that, he and Paul ride hard in opposite directions. The doctor makes for a low stone wall, jumps it, and gets away. This is a very fortuitous turn for the Patriots. While William Dawes has escaped, he won't make it to Concord to warn of the coming Redcoats.

Only Dr. Prescott will. Meanwhile, Paul heads for the woods at the bottom of the pasture. He's riding hard, but no dice. Six more officers on horseback emerge from the trees. Taking the reins of Paul's horse and pointing a pistol at his chest, they force him to dismount. One officer, the apparent commander, begins questioning Paul. Where are you from?

Boston. And what time did you leave Boston? 10 p.m. or so. Paul goes on, adding that he's seen their troops and that they're caught aground and crossing the Charles River. Also, Paul lets them know he's alarmed the country all the way up. 500 Americans or so will be here in no time. This response seems to surprise the commander,

but he soon continues questioning his new captive. Sir, may I crave your name? My name is Revere. What? Paul Revere? Yes. It seems Paul's reputation precedes him. More soldiers arrive.

Paul identifies one as Major Mitchell of the 5th Regiment. He has with him three other Patriot messengers arrested tonight. Solomon Brown, Elijah Sanderson, and Jonathan Loring. The Major claps his pistol to Paul's head, calls him by name, and asks him the same questions the other commander had with the same threats. And if you don't give me true answers, I'll blow your brains out. They search Paul for weapons, then order him to remount.

As Paul grabs his reins, the Major takes them from him. Oh, by God, sir, you are not to ride with reins, I assure you. The major hands them to another officer to lead Paul's horse. The officers take Paul and the other three captured messengers back toward Lexington. They insult Paul, calling him rebel and other such things all along the way. Time passes. Morning is approaching. Near lead to Lexington, the party hears a shot ring out. The officers stop the whole party. What is that, they ask. A bell begins ringing in town as Paul and his fellow captives repeat what they've said at a few points tonight.

The whole countryside knows the army is coming. It's a signal. Captive Jonathan Loring goes even further. The bell's ringing. The town's alarmed. And you're all dead men. The officers let all the messengers go at this point, except Paul Revere. They force him on a little further

until another, larger signal goes off, a whole volley of gunfire. Perhaps growing concerned, the Major asks Paul how far it is to Cambridge. After further questions and consulting each other, the Major then makes Paul dismount and give his less fatigued horse to the sergeant. They cut the bridle and saddle of the sergeant's horse to make it difficult for Paul to ride and let him go too. Paul heads straight to Reverend Clark's home. John and Sam are still here. He catches them up on his night.

Together, they decide to make for the nearby town of Woburn. But as they head out, Paul doubles back to Lexington, to Buckman's Tavern, with John Hancock's young secretary, Mr. John Lowell, to get a trunk filled with important Hancock papers. While grabbing the trunk, Paul sees the Redcoats marching toward Lexington. Yes, they are that close. Heading outside, he and John Lowell pass through the Lexington Grain, a large open field, like a smaller version of the Boston Common,

where some 50 to 60 Patriot militia are gathered. As they do, he hears a militia commander call out, Let the troops by, and don't molest them. Without they begin first. Paul and Mr. Lowell are still within eyesight as British troops halt opposite the Lexington militia. Then he hears a shot. A pistol, Paul thinks. Two more follow.

He can't tell who fired first though. The black powder smoke and some buildings block his view. But just then, a roar of musketry explodes. Paul and his companion can do nothing more. They make off with John Hancock's trunk. Okay, hang on. Did civil war just begin in British North America? Being with Paul tonight, we missed some of this.

Let's do this night again, but this time, we'll follow the British troops and Patriot militia as they gather on Lexington Green. Rewind. It's just after 10 o'clock at night, April 18th, 1775, in Boston. Lieutenant John Barker estimates that he's among 600 troops about to move out under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Francis Smith of the 10th Regiment of Foot and Major John Pitcairn of the Marines. Few beyond the commanding officers know what this expedition is about, but they're being transported across the Cambridge Marsh, as the Lieutenant calls it, to the other side of the Charles River. Lieutenant Barker complains that they waste hours waiting on useless provisions.

Finally, with soggy, marshwater-filled boots, they begin to march at 2 a.m. It's now between 3 and 4 a.m. in Lexington, Massachusetts. Paul Revere and William Dawes departed hours ago. Militiamen from Lexington, and at least one from neighboring Woburn, have mustered, but they're now hearing that Governor slash General Gage's army is not in fact coming their way. They decide to stay alert though and discuss what to do if these forces actually come. After all, they can't make a stand. With only 50 men, or 38 by one militiaman's account, and even 77 according to another version, they don't have the numbers. 4.30 a.m. Another

messenger arrives in Lexington. The Red Coat Army is only half a mile away. The militia drummer beats to arms. Some men are still in the tavern preparing, as others follow Captain John Parker out to the Lexington Green. 5 a.m. Red Coat forces are now marching into Lexington. Lieutenant Barker tells us they've arrested a few Patriot messengers, other Paul Revere types, and they've also caught word that they should expect opposition to their mission, which is to destroy arms held by rebels. Traitors to the king. Patriot militia now stand opposite of Major Pickern's light infantry on Lexington's grassy common area, the Green. Lieutenant Barker says he and his hundreds of fellow soldiers are ready to fight, but neither intend nor want to. At the same time, we know the Patriot militia, perhaps 70 at most and grossly outnumbered, are trying to stand up but don't want to start a hopeless fight.

There are few accounts of his exact words, but Captain John Parker calls out such instructions to his men. Stand your ground. Don't fire unless fired upon. But if they want a war, let it begin here. Clearly, both sides are ready, but neither wants this battle. Either one or three British officers now ride out. Sources disagree on their number and identity or identities, but many believe this includes at least the seasoned commanding marine, Major Pickern. Whoever it is, the officer rides up close to the patriot Melissa, brandishes his sword, and says something to the effect of, Ye villains! Ye rebels, disperse! Damn you, disperse!

Lay down your arms, you damned rebels, or you are all dead men. There's so much contradiction in the accounts to come by this point. But be it now or before this officer barked his order, our militia captain instructs his men to disperse. They're doing so, Sources agree there. But perhaps not all of them. Perhaps not fast enough.

This or another British officer continues screaming rage-filled commands. Lay down your arms! Damn you! Why don't you lay down your arms? And as he screams, hundreds of men stand on an open field opposite their foe. Some undoubtedly thinking on years of perceived insult. Others wondering how they even got here. All are sleep deprived. All exhausted.

All running on little more than pure adrenaline, fear, or rage. And all carrying prone to misfire 18th century muskets and rifles. And it's in this situation that all the disagreements and violence that have haunted British North America since 1763 finally explode. Today, cooler heads will not prevail. Fire! supported by premium membership fans, you can join by clicking the link in the episode description. I gratitude you kind souls providing additional funding to help us keep going, and a special thanks to our members whose monthly gift puts them at producer status. Andy Thompson, Anthony Pizzulo, Art Lane, Beth Chris Jansen, Bob Drazovich, Brian Goodson, Bronwyn Cohen, Carrie Begle, Charles

and Shirley Clendenin, Charlie Magis, Chloe Tripp, Christopher Merchant, Christopher Pullman, David DeFazio, David Rifkin, Denki, Durante Spencer, Donald Moore, Donna Marie Jeffcoat, Ellen Stewart, Bernie Lowe, George Sherwood, Gurwith Griffin, Henry Brunges, Jake Gilbreth, James G. Bledsoe, Janie McCreary, Jeff Marks, Jennifer Moods, Jennifer Magnolia, Jeremy Wells, Jessica Poppock, Joe Dobis, John Frugaldugel, John Boovey, John Keller, John Oliveros, John Radlavich, John Schaefer, John Sheff, Jordan Corbett, Joshua Steiner, Justin M. Spriggs, Justin May, Kristen Pratt, Thank you. What did it take to survive an ancient siege? Why was the cult of Dionysus behind so many slave revolts in ancient Rome? What's the tragic history and mythology behind Japan's most haunted ancient forest?

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