History That Doesn't Suck - 61: The Louisiana Native Guard, the 54th Massachusetts & On: Black Soldiers in the Civil War

Episode Date: March 30, 2020

“It is hard to believe that Southern soldiers—and Texans at that—have been whipped by a mongrel crew of white and black Yankees … there must be some mistake.” This is the story of Black Soldiers in the Civil War. Black patriots are ready to fight from day one. The Lincoln Administration and Congress, however, are not ready to have them. They fear losing the support of the border states and the Democrats. But as the war drags on, they change their tune. Lincoln issues the Emancipation Proclamation, and black regiments are incorporated in the US Army in early 1863. Eventually, as many as 200,000 black soldiers will fight in hundreds of engagements across every theater of the Civil War. But trailblazers often cut hard paths. As a skeptical nation wonders, “will they fight?” the black creoles of the Louisiana Native Guard and the black troops of the 54th Massachusetts answer that question in the most forceful way possible: with their own blood and lives. ____ Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette  come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

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Say it. Alright. Let's save Christmas. There it is. Only in theaters November 15th. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and as in the classroom, my goal here is to make rigorously researched history come to life as your storyteller. Each episode is the result of laborious research with no agenda other than making the past come to life as you learn. If you'd like to help support this work, receive ad-free episodes, bonus content,

and other exclusive perks, I invite you to join the HTDS membership program. Sign up for a 7-day free trial today at htdspodcast.com slash membership, or click the link in the episode notes. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and I'd like to tell you a story. The wide stairway leading up to the second floor of the White House is packed with would-be visitors seeking an audience with President Abraham Lincoln. Now, Lincoln's very accessible as presidents go. He's a people person, humble, happy to shake a hand, hear someone's story, and maybe tell a few of his own. The Illinois rail splitter sees as

many visitors as he can, including average citizens. Nonetheless, he is the president. His time is limited. Some have been waiting in this stairway for hours, others days. A few will wait in vain. A new face now joins this stairway of hopefuls. It's his first time at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. In fact, it's his first time in Washington City. Period. This is the great civil rights champion, Frederick Douglass. Accompanied here by Senator Samuel Pomeroy, Frederick presses through the mass of hopefuls and presents his card to the president's attendant. He's keenly aware his chances of seeing Lincoln are slim. Honestly, Frederick can't help but wonder, will the president really receive a black man? Surely, he figures, he'll be at the bottom of the list.

The famed orator takes note of the crowd. They were white, and as I was the only dark spot among them, I expected to have to wait at least half a day. So you can imagine his surprise at only waiting two minutes. Mr. Douglas, calls out the president's assistant. Shocked, Frederick begins ascending the stairs. He overhears someone else complain. Yes, damn it, I knew they'd let the n***a through. Frederick doesn't let it bother him. He's been through far worse and is made of stern stuff. He'll later joke the man must be a

peace democrat. Now on the second floor, Frederick is ushered into the president's office, or as Lincoln prefers to call it, his shop. Greenish carpet and wallpaper, each accented with different diamond patterns, envelop the room, as does the odor of cigars, thanks to some past occupants and the ongoing efforts of the current Secretary of State, William Henry Seward. Maps adorn the walls. President Andrew Jackson's portrait hangs over the mantle. Light green drapes frame two large rectangular windows that look out onto the South Lawn, the recently built Smithsonian Castle, and the still under construction Washington Monument. A large oak table is in the middle of the room. A few chairs and sofas round out the furnishings,

and as Frederick walks in, he sees him. Seated and reading with his gangly legs stretched out is President Lincoln. Mr. Douglas, I know you. I have read about you, and Mr. Seward has told me about you. Lincoln says, his long body towering as he stands and extends a welcoming handshake. Frederick is shocked at the warmth, patriotism, and sincerity he feels from Lincoln. Still, to business. Frederick's been recruiting black troops to the army, but he has major

concerns at this point. One is how slowly the president responded to the Confederate Congress's ordinance, quote, dooming to death or slavery every Negro taken in arms and every white officer who commands Negro troops, close quote. Lincoln ultimately issues an order of retaliation, which states that, quote, for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed. And for everyone enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor. Close quote. But why did it take so long? Further, why are black soldiers being paid less than white soldiers? And why are there only white officers? Honest Abe doesn't hedge or skirt Frederick's questions one bit. He bluntly tells his famous visitor a sad truth. America's prejudice

against blacks is so ardent, it had to soften somewhat before he could make the order of retaliation. That's why he waited until black troops had proven themselves on the battlefield. Remember this, Mr. Douglas. Remember that Milliken's Bend, Port Hudson, and Fort Wagner are recent events, he says, referring to three battles in which black soldiers fought with as much, if not more, bravery and skill than most white soldiers. These battles prepared white Americans to stand up for black troops, Lincoln explains, but had he moved quicker, all the hatred which is poured on the head of the Negro race would be visited on my administration. Frederick might be considered

radical, but he's shrewd. He understands the ugly reality the commander-in-chief has put before him. He considers the answer reasonable. What about the issue of pay, though? Again, Lincoln's honesty is refreshing. Without dodging at all, he agrees this is flat out unjust. But sadly, getting black troops in uniform at all was a huge hurdle for Congress, let alone having equal pay. Still, he plans to make it right in the long run. In the end, they shall have the same pay as white soldiers, Lincoln reassures. How about officer commissions? I will sign any commission to colored soldiers who my secretary of war commends to me. The gangly president responds. Now that's significant.

Frederick met Lincoln's god of war, Secretary Edwin Stanton, aka Mars, right before coming to see the president. Mars brought up the idea of commissioning Frederick as an assistant adjutant general right then and there. Clearly then, this is a meaningful promise. Now, Lincoln has one critique for the famous orator. In a recent speech, Frederick took issue with the president's, quote, tardy, hesitating, vacillating policy. Close quote. The rail splitter knows his patience with the public and his own deliberations can make him a slow mover. He'll take that.

But vacillating? Here he takes issue. Mr. Douglas, I do not think that charge can be sustained. I think it cannot be shown that, when I have once taken a position, I have ever retreated from it. A fair point. That's why he's Honest Abe.

And Frederick now appreciates the moniker. As the meeting draws to a close, Frederick shows Lincoln a pass Mars wrote for him to travel south of Union lines. It calls Frederick a free man, a gentleman, and one loyal to the U.S. The president is happy to add his endorsement. He writes, I concur. A. Lincoln. August 10th, 1863.

Frederick leaves elated. Not only did Lincoln receive him, a black man, but he treated him just like, well, any other man. Perhaps you may like to know how the President of the United States received a black man at the White House, he'll rhetorically ask a crowd in December. I will tell you how he received me, just as you have seen one gentleman receive another, with a hand and a voice well balanced between a kind cordiality and a respectful reserve. I tell you, I felt big there. Not a bad first meeting between the self-emancipated Frederick and the great emancipator. As you might be able to tell from that opening, today we're telling the story of black soldiers. Now I know, you saw glory, and hey, I loved it too, but there's a lot more to know than the story of the 54th Massachusetts. We'll start in 1861, where Frederick

Douglas is calling for the U.S. to allow black troops, and a few black patriots are joining up in white units. Damn the legality of it. We'll then see how and why the law changes, as well as the obstacles black soldiers face from both the Union and the Confederacy as regiments form. And yes, don't worry, we'll totally talk about the 54th Massachusetts. Finally, while we can't follow black troops into all the hundreds of engagements in which they fought in a single hour, we will go with them to the ones Lincoln mentioned, Port Hudson, Milliken's Bend, and Fort Wagner. So let's head back and find our friend Frederick waxing eloquent as ever in 1861. Rewind.

In August 1861, the Union war effort has stalled out. Well, maybe I should say it hasn't even started. The boys in blue have yet to bring home a major win. I mean, they evacuated Fort Sumter, then Confederate soldiers chased them off the field at the Battle of Bull Run. And while there might be several reasons for this, Frederick Douglass can plainly see a gaping hole in the North's military plans. He writes an editorial called, Fighting Rebels With Only One Hand. Quote, our presidents, governors, generals, and secretaries are calling with almost frantic vehemence for men. Men, men, send us men, they scream, or the cause of the union is gone. And yet these very officers, representing the people and government, steadily and persistently refuse to receive the

very class of men which have a deeper interest in the defeat and humiliation of the rebels than all others. What a spectacle of blind, unreasoning prejudice is this. Close quote. And you know, Frederick is not wrong. Further, black soldiers have fought for the United States in previous wars. In the Revolution, at least 5,000 African Americans fought as patriots, and some historians put that number closer to 9,000. Peter Salem, a slave from Massachusetts who fought to earn his freedom, shot at the Redcoats at the battles of Concord and Bunker Hill. In the War of 1812, many black

soldiers fought in the Army, including William Williams, a former slave from Maryland who died defending Fort McHenry, as you heard back in episode 25. If black men have fought with distinction and died with honor throughout American history, then why isn't the Union Army recruiting them now that it needs soldiers so badly? Like most issues in this war, it's complicated, but I'll break it down into a few legal and social reasons. First, black soldiers are barred from state militias by the Militia Act of 1792. This law allows for state militias to conscript, quote, each and every free, able-bodied, white male citizen. Close quote. So from 1792 to now, black soldiers have largely been kept out of the state and federal army.

Second, most white Americans harbor blatant, unapologetic racism against blacks. One white soldier from New York explains that he wouldn't fight alongside a black man. Quote, We are too superior a race for that. Close quote. Third, many Americans believe that African Americans, enslaved for so long, wouldn't be fit to fight. A white missionary teaching emancipated slaves to read in South Carolina says,

Quote, I don't believe you can make soldiers of these men at all. They are afraid and they know it. Close quote. This gone with the wind, black people are docile viewpoint is just a glossed over or benevolent version of the racism I already told you about. Fourth and finally, Northern Democrats want to keep blacks out of the army because they fought in the Revolutionary War. I know, that sounds nuts, but hear me out. Many slaves fought in the Revolution to earn their freedom, and after the war, they demanded equal treatment. You know, citizenship. Peace Democrats, aka Copperhead Dems, who sympathize with the Confederacy, don't want that to happen this time

as well. One Copperhead newspaper editor writes, quote, the only motive for adopting the black soldier system was the fanatical idea of Negro equality and the determination of the radicals to do everything possible to raise the Negro to the social and political level of the white. Close quote. Whew. I know, that's hard on 21st century ears. But basically, Copperheads fear that allowing black soldiers to fight would lead them to demand equal treatment under the law, and the Confederate sympathizers don't want that.

Of course, from our 21st century vantage point, you and I can see that these arguments are complete BS. Our modern military has men and women of every color and creed, faithfully fighting to protect our freedoms. Some 19th century Americans can also see the flawed logic of the Militia Act of 1792 and the racist attitudes that keep it on the books. Frederick Douglass gets to the heart of that matter when he argues, quote, colored men were good enough to fight under Washington. They are not good enough to fight under McClellan. They were good enough to fight under Andrew Jackson. They are not good enough to fight under General Halleck. They were good enough to help win American independence,

but they are not good enough to help preserve that independence against treason and rebellion. Frederick has history on his side. He's also got the U.S. Navy. American ships have plenty of black sailors on board, and the Navy has accepted black enlistments right from the beginning of the war. Unlike the Army, the navy has never blocked black enlistment. In fact, over 15% of the naval force in the War of 1812 was African American. But now, in the Civil War, a small number of black men are finding ways, by hook and crook, to join Union Army regiments and fight alongside white soldiers. To hell with the prejudicial laws, these patriots are going to fight for their country. One free man from Connecticut, William Henry Johnson, joins up as a quote-unquote

independent man and fights at the first battle of Bull Run in July 1861. Nonetheless, most Americans ignore Frederick's compelling argument and turn a blind eye to the black men already enlisted in this war. They continue to believe that black soldiers in the army would be a liability. But Union generals don't. As you heard about in episode 55, black men and women crossing Union lines are protected as, quote, contraband of war, close quote. General Benjamin Butler coined the term, which basically means Union army leaders can legally keep these former slaves since they were being used to aid Confederate war efforts. In Virginia, Ben puts the men to work on his lines, digging trenches, building forts, and delivering supplies.

But the idea of employing former slaves soon mushrooms. As I explained in episode 55, several Union generals go from employing contrabands to freeing them. They issue their own Emancipation Proclamation in 1862. Lincoln quickly quashes these extra-legal actions. The president's juggling several competing factors here. One, as president, he has to uphold the slavery-protecting constitution, no matter his personal anti-slavery leanings. Two, he's trying to keep the border states, like Kentucky, in league with the union. And three, he's still working out if and how he will issue an emancipation proclamation of his own. So the last thing the

Illinois rail splitter needs is a bunch of rogue generals recruiting and arming the black men they free. Most congressmen stand with Lincoln. They are hesitant to use freed slaves as soldiers and possibly upset the still loyal to the Union border states, even though the Union army needs men desperately. So the lawmakers come up with a backdoor solution to the problem. In July 1862, Congress decides to allow black men to work for the army. Senator Garrett Davis of Kentucky asserts, I have heard no objection on the part of any union man to the employment of Negroes to dig a canal.

As this senator and many others see it, if black men can do the hard labor of building forts and earthenworks, white soldiers will be free to do battle. On July 17th, Congress passes the Militia Act of 1862, which replaces the 1792 Act. This new law gives Lincoln power, quote, to receive into the service of the United States for the purpose of constructing Ah, now did you catch the key phrase in there? It's kind of buried, so let me read it again. Black men, whether former slaves or born free men, can perform any military or naval service for which they may be found competent. So, I guess a few congressmen want black soldiers to actually fight, and they found a subtle way to make sure that can happen. In fact, Pennsylvania's radical abolitionist congressman Thaddeus Stevens presents a bill that would create 150 black regiments, but he's way ahead

of the curve here. It won't pass. All the same, the 1862 Militia Act I mentioned earlier is a solid first step toward blacks fighting as soldiers. Of course, the law doesn't change racist American attitudes overnight. And Lincoln knows that. He keeps his personal feelings and attitudes to himself and considers what his constituents want and need. Yes, right now the rail splitter is personally ready to issue the Emancipation Proclamation and recruit black troops. But he has to wait for the right timing, as you heard in episode 55. To keep the peace for now, Lincoln puts on a poker face and tells people he has no interest in recruiting,

training, or arming black soldiers. On August 4th, a few weeks after the Militia Act passes, the president states, To arm the Negroes would turn 50,000 bayonets against us that were for us. But less politically astute generals and politicians organize regiments of black soldiers anyway. On August 4th, yes, the same day the president explains why he won't employ black soldiers, Kansas Senator James Lane begins recruiting soldiers

for the 1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry Regiment. The senator can see how important these men will be for the Union cause. James hopes that, quote, the effect of marching an army on the soil of any slave state will be to instill into the slaves a determined purpose to free themselves and will crush out everything that stands in the way of acquiring that freedom. Kansas becomes the first northern state to create and fill Black Army regiments, and they will fight in the Battle of Island Mound in Missouri in October. It's a small engagement, but 10 men who die there are the first official Black casualties of the war. They won't be the last. Back in May 1862,

Union General David Hunter issued an Emancipation Proclamation for the three states in his Department of the South, Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. He also organized the first South Carolina regiment made up entirely of freed slaves. Now David gets a ton of flack for this regiment, but he refuses to disband it. The radical abolitionist general writes an open letter that's so widely read, it may as well have been a viral Twitter thread. He claims, quote, No regiment of fugitive slaves has been or is being organized in this department. There is, however, a fine regiment of persons whose late masters are fugitive rebels. Close quote. Way to turn the tables, David. David's first South Carolina

regiment has a Massachusetts abolitionist colonel at its helm, Colonel Thomas Higginson. He drills the former slaves and prepares them for battle. Thomas isn't messing around. He knows that these men must be able to fight and fight hard for their freedom. He later writes in his autobiography, There was to be no place, soldier. When the new colored regiments began to arrive in the north, my men still pointed out this difference, that in case of ultimate defeat, the northern troops, black or white, would go home, while the first South Carolina must fight it out or be re-enslaved. Close quote.

But these scrappy South Carolina soldiers aren't the only black southerners looking to improve their lot in life. The Black Creoles, or Free Black Men, of the 1st Louisiana Native Guard, formed a regiment back in 1861 to fight for their rights and become citizens of, well, any nation that would have them. Even the CSA. Now I realize that sounds crazy, and no, I'm not about to go all lost cause on you. They don't believe in the Confederacy. This is all about personal opportunity. Remember, in 1861, U.S. leaders made it clear that their only goal was preserving the Union, not ending slavery. That makes teaming up with the U.S. less enticing. Meanwhile, as free men in Louisiana, they do see personal opportunity if they support their home state in what they all figure will be a short war.

The CSA is deathly afraid of arming black men, though, so its leaders reject the First Louisiana Native Guard and other such offers in other states. Now, the Confederate Congress will change its tune when things get dicey toward the war's end. It'll pass a law allowing black southerners to join the CS Army on March 13, 1865. But of course, that's post-emancipation proclamation, and the U.S. will be winning. It'll be way too little, way too late. But you know who is happy to welcome the first Louisiana Native Guard into his ranks? Our old friend, Union General Ben Butler. You might recall from episode 50 that in 1862, Ben is the military

governor of New Orleans, and as an occupying general, he needs all the military strength he can get. He's deep in the Confederacy, almost totally cut off from Union Army backup. Though he doesn't want to incite a slave rebellion, Ben does want to employ black soldiers. So in September 1862, he adds self-emancipated slaves to the ranks of the Creoles, and the regiment is up and running in only a few months' time. But the Northern Free Blacks and abolitionists won't be left out of this movement to arm and train Black soldiers. As we enter 1863, the most famous Black regiment of the entire war gets formed. Want to learn how you can make smarter decisions with your money?

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regiment from Massachusetts, a small population of free men. But why is the anti-slavery governor even asking? No one else has. They just did it and let the chips fall where they may. Shrewd politician that he is, John is playing the long game. The governor could just form a regiment under the Militia Act of 1862, but the Emancipation Proclamation has just gone into effect, and he wants to prove its legitimacy as a necessity of war, preventing any legal challenge the proclamation might face. John figures that recruiting black troops with the War Department's blessing could, quote, silence all doubts as to the legality of the act of emancipation by taking it out of the civil acts, making it a purely

military one. Close quote. War Secretary Mars sees what John's up to and grants his blessing on the project. On January 26th, he tells the Massachusetts governor to go ahead and recruit, quote, persons of African descent organized into separate corps for three years or until sooner discharged, close quote. All right, let's do this, John. Now, the Bay State already has 53 regiments mustered into service, so this black regiment will be the 54th Massachusetts. The governor wastes no time appointing commanding officers, which by law must be white men. He uses his political connections to appoint young but experienced men from anti-slavery families to lead the black troops. John convinces Robert Shaw, a 5'5", wiry 25-year-old currently serving as a captain in the 2nd Massachusetts, to take charge of the new black recruits. And yes, if you want to picture

a thin, mustachioed, and goateed Matthew Broderick from the 1989 film Glory, go for it. Whoever was in charge of casting definitely found Rob's doppelganger. Anyhow, the governor convinces Rob that this regiment, quote, will be the most important corps to be organized during the whole war, and its officers must necessarily be gentlemen of the highest tone and honor, close quote. But John needs to get some actual boots on the ground for Rob to command. He puts together an all-star recruitment committee to get freemen from all over the north to join the 54th Massachusetts. Yeah, the Bay State doesn't have a large enough black population, so John expands the recruiting pool to Pennsylvania, Ohio, and New York.

Frederick Douglass heads up the efforts in New York. The well-known abolitionist starts in his own home. Two of Frederick's soldier-age sons, Charlie and Lewis, become the first men to join up from New York. Frederick gives several rousing speeches, convincing free men that they have a lot to gain by joining the war effort. Go into the army. Go with a will and a determination to blot out all mean discriminations against us. To go into the army is the speediest and best way to overcome the prejudice which has dictated unjust laws against us. Close quote. Frederick is referring to the law that bars black men from becoming commissioned officers.

He figures the best way to overturn that law is to prove its stupidity through valiant action, and Frederick convinces a lot of men to see things his way. New recruit James Henry Gooding writes a letter to the editor of the New Bedford Mercury and exhorts, quote, Our people must know that if they are ever to attain any position in the eyes of the civilized world, they must forgo comfort, home, fear, and fight for it, and make up their minds to become something more than hewers of the wood and drawers of water all their lives. Close quote. Between the effort of Frederick and the other recruiters, the ranks of the 54th soon fill up and Governor John Andrew creates a second black regiment, aptly named the 55th Massachusetts. Newly advanced in rank, Colonel Rob Shaw organizes and trains

his men at Camp Meigs in Reedville, Massachusetts through the rest of the winter and into spring. And while they drill and march up north, a few major changes to the Union war effort in Washington, D.C. take shape. First, Lincoln publicly endorses recruiting black troops. Remember, a few months ago, Lincoln worried that arming black men would upset the delicate balance he had struck with border states and copperhead Democrats. But the Illinois rail splitter has given up on trying to please them. He's now championing two purposes of this war. One, yes, to save the Union, but also two, ending slavery. And quick side note slash reminder from past episodes, Copperheads will now preach that Lincoln's real and only goal all along was

ending slavery. Anyhow, this transformation to including the end of slavery as a war aim came about as Lincoln contemplated and implemented the Emancipation Proclamation, which you heard about in episode 55. And by March 1863, the president fully embraces including black men in the Union war effort. He gives his blessing to the generals who have been recruiting black soldiers and even tells them to step up their game. He also writes to Tennessee Governor Andrew Johnson and asks him to start raising black troops. The colored population is the great available and yet unavailed of force for restoring the Union. Oh, and one quick side note, Andrew Johnson is a name you'll want to tuck away in your memory. You'll hear a lot more about him in later episodes. Anyway, back to the

story. Lincoln's cabinet members are also on board, which leads to the second major shakeup in D.C. In March 1863, War Secretary Mars sends his elderly adjutant general, Lorenzo Thomas, to the Mississippi Valley to actively recruit black troops. Now, everybody knows that Mars has no love for Lorenzo, and it could be that this assignment is more like a banishment, or at the very least, a way to get Lorenzo out of the office. No matter the reason, Lorenzo crushes it and convinces thousands of newly freed black slaves to join the army and, as the Emancipation Proclamation states, quote, garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places and to man vessels of all sorts in

said service. Close quote. Mars hopes that through Lorenzo's efforts, he can have up to 200,000 black soldiers pushing forward the cause of the Union. So in May 1863, the War Secretary implements the third policy change. He creates the official Bureau of Colored Troops to manage the new regiments being filled by Lorenzo. That means most black regiments in the war will become U.S. regiments instead of state ones like the 54th Massachusetts. How does the Confederacy respond to the shift in Union thinking and policy? I think not well, just about sums it up. Confederate generals issue orders that any white officer commanding black troops should be tried and executed for inciting a slave revolt. And in May, Confederate President Jefferson Davis officially sanctions

that line of action, which you heard about in the episode's opening. Let me refresh your memory. The CSA Congress passes an ordinance which, quote, dooms to death or slavery every Negro taken in arms and every white officer who commands Negro troops, close quote. It's hard to know how widely this latitude gets used. Confederate War Secretary James Seddon gives General Kirby Smith permission to treat Black regiments, quote, red-handed on the field or immediately thereafter. Close quote. And there are several documented cases of unarmed Black troops getting executed after surrendering on the battlefield. One of the worst such instances will occur on April 12, 1864, when men under the command of the famed Confederate cavalryman Nathan Bedford Forrest will kill as many as 100 mostly black federal troops after they surrender at Fort Pillow, Tennessee. Now, I'll point out what every

other careful historian does too. Confederate sources contest this, saying that Union troops renewed the fight. That said, few historians today find the Confederate version convincing. Most consider this a massacre. But let's not get ahead of ourselves. Right now, in 1862, Black soldiers face other struggles before they even meet Confederates on the battlefield. As you heard in the opening, black troops do not currently receive the same wages as white soldiers. Yes, the Militia Act of 1862 specifically states, quote, that persons of African descent who under this law shall be employed shall receive $10 per month and one ration, $3 of which monthly pay may be in clothing. Close quote. So these guys get $10 in cash minus a

clothing ration of $3. To give you some context, white soldiers get $13 a month plus another $3 for clothes and expenses. The War Department justifies this by arguing that most black soldiers will work as laborers for the army. But when these men fight and die on the battlefield, their pay doesn't go up immediately. That not only pisses off Frederick enough to go straight to President Lincoln with his complaint, it fires up the men of the 54th Massachusetts too. They refused to accept pay until they received the same wages as their white comrades-in-arms. One soldier plainly states, quote, it is not the money of 1863 that we are looking at. It is the principle, that one that made us men when we enlisted, close quote. Meanwhile, another bluntly asks,

Between the Massachusetts regiment's demands for equal pay and Frederick meeting with President Lincoln, Congress will increase black soldiers' salary, but not until 1864. The colored regiments are often just used for hard labor, while white soldiers fight on the front lines. This doesn't help mitigate the racism which black soldiers continue to face. Actually, it's quite demoralizing. It will take over a year for Lincoln's god of war, Edwin Mars Stanton, to officially order that white and black troops share labor and fighting duties equally. But by summer, 1863, these black soldiers get to fight back against the discrimination, the low wages, and the illegitimate Confederate war policies in

the strongest way possible, on the battlefield. From the creators of the popular science show with millions of YouTube subscribers comes the MinuteEarth podcast. Every episode of the show dives deep into a science question you might not even know you had, but once you hear the answer, you'll want to share it with everyone you know. Why do rivers curve? Why did the T-Rex have such tiny arms? And why do so many more kids need glasses now than they used to? Spoiler alert, it isn't screen time. Our team of scientists digs into the research and breaks it down into a short, entertaining explanation, jam-packed with science facts and terrible puns. Subscribe to MinuteEarth wherever you like to listen. When Johann Rall received the letter on Christmas Day 1776, he put it away to read later. Maybe he thought it was a season's greeting and wanted to save it for the fireside.

But what it actually was, was a warning, delivered to the Hessian colonel, letting him know that General George Washington was crossing the Delaware and would soon attack his forces. The next day, when Raw lost the Battle of Trenton and died from two colonial Boxing Day musket balls, the letter was found, unopened in his vest pocket. As someone with 15,000 unread emails in his inbox, I feel like there's a lesson there. Oh well, this is The Constant, a history of getting things wrong. I'm Mark Kreisler. Every episode we look at the bad ideas, mistakes, and accidents that misshaped our world. Find us at ConstantPodcast.com or wherever you get your podcasts. While a few Black patriots had managed to slip into white units and the first Kansas Colored Regiment had skirmished, it's in late May 1863 that Black Americans finally get to fight

with the full blessing of the U.S. Army. These are the men of the Louisiana Native Guard I mentioned earlier. Having now expanded to include three regiments, the first and third participate in the siege of Port Hudson. Situated about 30 miles north of Baton Rouge in the state of Louisiana, Port Hudson is one of the Confederacy's last strongholds on the Mississippi River in 1863. Now as I say that, you might be recalling from episode 59 that this is also the summer cigar chain smoking General Ulysses S. Grant is taking out Vicksburg, which is also on the Mississippi, just over 100 miles farther upriver in the state that bears the same name. Good recall,

this attack at Port Hudson is in conjunction with that of Ulysses. Union Major General Nathaniel Banks will lead this more southern attack. A politically appointed general from Massachusetts, Nathaniel Banks isn't the most skilled commander. The mustachioed New Englander had hoped for additional men from Ulysses before engaging Port Hudson, but the fight farther north at Vicksburg isn't letting that play out. In fact, U.S. Grant would like Nathaniel to send men north instead. Well, that settles it. Nathaniel Banks is just going to have to fight his way through Port Hudson, and not being in a position to leave troops out of the fray, the men of the 1st and 3rd Louisiana Native Guard will participate.

But, will they fight? So asks a New York Times reporter as he rides with Nathaniel before the two saluting regiments in camp near Port Hudson on May 26th. While some ask this out of the racist attitudes regarding black soldiers' abilities I mentioned earlier, the question isn't necessarily as prejudice-laden for everyone. Some recognize the lowered morale these men might have because of the bigotry they've faced within the Union Army. For instance, General Nathaniel Banks told all the black officers of the 3rd Louisiana Native Guard that the U.S. government would never acknowledge their rank, so they would do well to resign. You know, to avoid the humiliation. Trusting him, the regiment's 16 officers did so, only to later learn the same thing we heard Lincoln tell Frederick Douglass in this episode's opening. Yes, black men could be

officers, at least non-commissioned. Yeah, and to think General Nathaniel Banks is a Republican, but even he, as an anti-slavery politician, isn't prepared to have black officers. Meanwhile, black officers in the other regiments know their rank puts a target on them as well. So all that said, will they fight? Will they bleed and die for a commander who's humiliated their black leaders in such a way? The answer will come in the morning. It's now May 27th. Nathaniel Banks' army of 20,000 or more forms a semicircle around the north and east banks of the bend in the Mississippi River where Port Hudson is located. Supporting Union gunboats lay ready in the water. Meanwhile, the rebels only have 7,000 men inside their

fortifications. Nathaniel is confident of a victory. Port Hudson will be ours today, he confidently exclaims. But things get off to a shaky start. The terrain proves difficult for the Federals. It's uneven in some parts, boggy in others, and that's before federal troops even reach the well-made Confederate fortifications. Worse still, Nathaniel Banks doesn't articulate his plan well to his officers. He wants everyone to attack at once. Instead, only the Union right moves in when the Navy starts its barrage at 7 a.m. Being able to focus their defenses on this one assault, the Rebs repel the advancing Yankees with relative ease. It's in this dire position that frustrated division commander General William Dwight calls on companies from the 1st and 3rd Louisiana Native Guard to join the attack.

William might be drunk right now, reports are mixed on that. But either way, he's ready to find out if they'll fight or not. 1,080 black men march forward. They cross a pontoon bridge, form lines in a cluster of willow trees, then advance at quick time as rebel rifles unload on them. The men remain utterly undeterred. A black officer of the 1st Regiment, which, unlike the 3rd, still has black leadership, cheers his men forward. This is André Caillou, well known and beloved by all who know him in New Orleans,

black and white. This black Creole captain calls out to his men in English and French. While I don't have his exact words, I can imagine him before his men as English and French. While I don't have his exact words, I can imagine him before his men as Confederate bullets fly. Allez les gars! Come on boys! En avant! Pour la liberté! At some point though, a bullet strikes and paralyzes Andre's left arm. No matter, he continues on. Pointing the way with his sword, he leads his men through barrages of artillery and rifle fire.

But bullets are no respecters of courage, and as close as he and his men have made it to the Confederate lines, they now make easy targets. Andre's men manage to fire one volley at their foe, and then are forced to retreat without him. The courageous black Creole captain is hit again, this time fatally. His dead body will lay, sword in hand, pointing at the Confederates as it rots under the hot summer sun

until the siege ends over a month later. Only then will his decomposing body be retrieved for burial in New Orleans. Restez en paix, Capitaine. But the Louisiana native guard continues to fight, bleed, and die all day long. Like their fallen captain, André Caillou, they fight through serious injuries, making six total charges and suffering at least 37 deaths, 155 wounded, and 116 missing. Only one white regiment suffers greater casualties today than the 1st Louisiana Native Guard. May 27th did not result in the fall of Port Hudson. It will take

another day of failed charges on June 14th, then siege tactics, and finally, word that Ulysses Grant has beaten the Rebs at Vicksburg. At that point, the cut-off, starving Confederates of Port Hudson will realize there's no point in holding out and surrender to General Nathaniel Banks on July 9th. May 27th did, however, answer that important question. Yes, black soldiers will fight. More than that, they are every bit as disciplined, capable, and brave as white soldiers. The proofs of May 27th are confirmed about two weeks later and over a hundred miles upriver as Ulysses lays siege to Vicksburg. This is a very minor battle. In an effort to disrupt Union supply lines, a Confederate brigade of Texans hits the federal garrison at Milliken's Bend. Though not exclusively, its defenders mostly

consist of new black troops. Not only do they hold their ground, they win. General Lorenzo Thomas, who, as you know, has been in the West raising regiments of black troops, has this to say after the Battle of Milliken's Bend. The prejudice against colored troops was quite general, and it required in the first instance all my efforts to counteract it. But finally, it was overcome, and the blacks themselves, subsequently by their coolness and determination in battle fought themselves into their present high standing as soldiers. Close quote. Meanwhile, some within the Confederacy are in denial.

Kate Stone struggles to process this reality and writes this in her diary. Quote, It is hard to believe that Southern soldiers, and Texans at that, have been whipped by a mongrel crew of white and black Yankees. There must be some mistake. Close quote. As newspapers and white soldiers riding home quickly spread word of the tenaciousness, talent, and valor of black troops, July brings the third and most famous engagement to include black troops that President Lincoln will mention to Frederick Douglass when they meet in August. The famed 54th Massachusetts at the siege of Fort Wagner. It's now May 28th. Only a day after the Louisiana Native Guard's brave fighting at Port Hudson, young Colonel Robert Shaw parades with his well-trained

men of the 54th Massachusetts through Boston. Crowds wave flags and handkerchiefs while cheering on the disciplined, blue-clad black troops marching through the streets. Rob's abolitionist mother beams with pride upon seeing her son. What have I done that God has been so good to me, she wonders aloud. But this parade isn't just show. They're making their way to the harbor. It's time to steam off to their assignment in the Department of the South. The men of the 54th will spend much of the next few weeks on garrison duty along the federal-held South Carolina coast. On June 11th, they're sent out with another

black regiment, the 2nd South Carolina Infantry, African descent, to raid the small coastal town of Darien, Georgia. The raiding party makes off with various animals and, quote, many things of use and comfort, close quote, as the New York-based newspaper, the Anglo-African, will later report. Sadly, though, it didn't stop there. Rob Superior, the white commander of the 2nd South Carolina, Colonel James Montgomery, has the little town torched. As they leave, Darien is engulfed in flames. While I don't know what all the men of the 54th think, I can tell you that Rob is sickened by this.

He writes to his friend, Charlie, The destruction of Darien disgusted me very much, and as soon as Montgomery told me he was going to burn it, I said I didn't want to have anything to do with it. It was done by General Hunter's orders, however. Raiding is an ugly enough, if accepted, act of war. Torching a town, though? Robb is incensed that his abolitionist commander has taken it upon himself to punish Southern civilians. For Robb, this isn't the way.

And frankly, as black men, his troops don't have the luxury of doing things that give the Confederates reason to hate them more. Yet that's just what his commanders did to them with these orders. The Savannah News calls the 54th, quote, cowardly Yankee Negro thieves, close quote. We now jump a month ahead to July 16th. We're among a number of islands just south of Charleston's harbor. We've actually been here before. We came to this same boggy area with British commanders Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis in episode 11, when they took Charleston over 80 years ago during the Revolutionary War. At any rate, these islands are separated by rivers and marshy causeways,

and today, the 54th is defending the causeways between Salagree Island and James Island. Suddenly, 300 Confederates come charging in. The 10th Connecticut is in a vulnerable position, and the Rebs mean to cut them off, possibly capturing this whole regiment. But the men of the 54th don't hesitate to save their white brothers in arms, even as the Confederate soldiers scream out that they won't take prisoners. Yes, remember again, the CSA permits its men to kill or enslave black POWs, and some will do just that today.

One Confederate surgeon who witnesses the battle reports that many black troops are, quote, literally shot down while on their knees begging for quarter and mercy, close quote. In his book, Like Men of War, historian Noah Andre Trudeau tells us that, quote, several members of the 54th who fell into the enemy's hands were later found either bound and shot or bayoneted, while Sergeant Peter Vogelsang was cornered and shot in the chest by a rebel officer who had not let him surrender. Close quote. The 54th Massachusetts suffers 46 casualties, but thanks in part to their valor, the 10th Connecticut is saved. At this same time, Union Major General Quincy Gilmore has been preparing to attack an important Confederate battery, Fort Wagner.

This veritable fortress is like a key to unlocking Charleston Harbor. It's located at the top of Morris Island, which, among these swampy islands we're on, sits at the southern opening of the miles-deep inlet that is Charleston Harbor. It protects the man-made island and fortress where this whole war began, Fort Sumter. So in short, it would be very difficult to take Charleston without taking Fort Wagner first. General Quincy Gilmore sent men up Morris Island's beachhead to assault Fort Wagner and its 1,300-plus defenders on July 11. His Yanks suffered triple-digit casualties. The Rebs? Twelve. Determined to take this battery, though, the general orders another assault.

Colonel Robert Shaw gladly accepts the honor of leading this deadly charge. It's now July 18th. 40 Union siege mortars fire away at Fort Wagner. Surely, the Federals think, this will break down the Rebs, and that evening, the 54th takes formation on the white sand of Morris Island. With rifles loaded and bayonets fixed, they lay down on the beach to better avoid Confederate fire while waiting for their moment to strike. Everyone realizes the seriousness of what is about to happen, but even still, some of the men keep their sense of humor. When Confederate artillery strikes dangerously close, one man sarcastically remarks, quote, I guess they kind of expect we're coming, close quote.

Finally, the time has come. Rob turns to his second in command, Lieutenant Colonel Edward Hallowell, with curious last words. I shall go in advance with the national flag. You will keep the state flag with you. It will give the men something to rally round. We shall take the fort or die there. Goodbye. If it sounds like he's planning for the worst, he is.

Rob has a premonition that he'll die tonight. It's now 7.45 p.m., and the daylight is quickly fading. Forward! Robert Shaw calls out, his sword in hand. The 54th strikes out across the sand, moving in quick time, or 110 paces per minute. Confederate artillery continues to fire, now with deadly accuracy, but the 54th soldiers on. Men fell all around me, Frederick Douglass' son, Sergeant Louis Douglass, will later recall. A shell would explode and clear a space of 20 feet. Our men would close up again. As the 54th advances over half a mile of sand toward Fort Wagner, it learns a horrific reality. The Union's artillery barrage earlier did little good.

Turns out that the beach sand surrounding Fort Wagner and incorporated into its earthen defenses more or less absorbed the Federal cannonballs. They are charging into a well-defended and manned battery. Artillery and rifle fire rain death and destruction upon them as they are forced through the thin neck of land between marshland on the one side and the Atlantic Ocean on the other. But they don't retreat. They only step up their pace to double quick. Soldiers and officers alike fall left and right as they reach the rebel fort. Still in the lead, Rob reaches the Confederate rampart. He ascends it, looking down at his hundreds of courageous men charging in amid cracking guns. He raises his sword and yells out, forward 54th. A Confederate bullet rips

right through the young colonel's heart. He drops dead on the spot. Several of the 54th try to reach their fallen commander. None can, but they fight on. Sergeant William Carney has selflessly put a target on himself by picking up the American flag when he found that the color bearer had fallen. Not that he thought about that. He'll later explain that, quote, I have only done my duty. The old flag never touched the ground. Close quote. For this, he'll later receive the Medal of Honor. It's the first military action ever to result in an African-American receiving this prestigious and rare recognition. The 54th rages on, scales the parapets, forces its way into the fort, and engages the Confederates in hand-to-hand combat.

Meanwhile, Connecticut and New York troops have joined the fray, attacking the battery on its Atlantic-facing side. Ultimately, though, the 6,000 Federals, black and white, are forced to retreat. Fort Wagner will not fall tonight. It will only fall into Federal hands when the Confederates are forced to abandon it in September. The casualty ratios are horrendous for the Union. General Quincy Gilmore's second attempt at Fort Wagner this month cost the Confederates just under 200 casualties, while he has suffered over 1,500. Leading this assault, it's little wonder that the 54th Massachusetts took the hardest hit. With more than 250 wounded, MIA, or dead, its casualty rate is about 50%. As the wounded arrive at Union Hillheld Beaufort, South Carolina,

one Christian volunteer helping says, The wounded of the 54th Massachusetts came off the boat first, and as those sad evidences of bravery and patriotism of the colored man passed through the lines of spectators, every heart was melted with tenderness and pity. No word of scorn or contempt for Negro soldiers will ever be heard from any who beheld that spectacle. Close quote. The assault on Fort Wagner truly settles the question. Yes, they will fight. Black Americans will fight. The New York Tribune

says the ballot Fort Wagner, quote, made such a name to the colored race as Bunker Hill had been for 90 years to white Yankees, close quote. Yet ironically, this well-intended compliment also shows how mid-19th century America had managed to forget the fact that African Americans had always fought for the stars and stripes. After all, black colonials fought at Bunker Hill. As you might recall from Episode 7, black militiaman Peter Salem even received an honorary citation for, quote, behaving like an experienced officer, close quote. The timing of Fort Wagner is powerful too. This battle occurs only days after the New York City draft riots. And I know the Civil War has way too many things going on simultaneously in different

areas of the country, but let me remind you about this event from episode 58. Copperhead Democrats, pushing the lie that Lincoln's real war aim was emancipation only and not to save the union, riled up New York's white working class in an anti-draft riot that included violence against and the murder of black New Yorkers. Well, as news of that riot spreads, along with news of the 54th's bravery, let's just say the Democrats don't come out looking well. The now dual mission of the war I mentioned earlier, to preserve the Union and end slavery, is now on very sure footing. Black Americans will continue to join up and fight throughout the war. By the time the war is through, nearly 200,000 African Americans will don Union Blue.

They'll fight in 449 engagements in every theater of this whole damn war. They'll do this despite running the risk of enslavement or execution if taken prisoner. And in another century, they and all Americans in the armed forces will finally fight side by side, regardless of color, just like they did in 1775 at Bunker Hill. But that story, the story of Presidential Executive Order 9981, is for quite another day. by Greg Jackson and Diana Averill. For a bibliography of all primary and secondary sources consulted in writing this episode, visit historythatdoesntsuck.com. Join me in two weeks, where I'd like to tell you a story.

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