History That Doesn't Suck - 68: Sherman's March to the Sea and the Thirteenth Amendment

Episode Date: July 6, 2020

“I can make the march, and make Georgia howl!” This is the story of the March to the Sea and the 13th Amendment. William Tecumseh “Cump” Sherman describes war as two things: “cruel” and “hell.” Acting under this philosophy, he takes 60,000 of his toughest, most battle-hardened men, and marches from Atlanta to the Peach State’s coast in a show of force meant to break the Confederacy of its will to fight. Cump’s effective--but does he go too far? Americans North and South will debate whether he’s a hero or a villain for generations to come. Meanwhile, President Abraham Lincoln has grown tired of the fact that the Constitution legally protects the institution of slavery. But the Constitution hasn’t been amended in 60 years; not since Thomas Jefferson was president! Can the Illinois Railsplitter really push through a 13th amendment? We’ll find out. ____ Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette  come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

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What did it take to survive an ancient siege? Why was the cult of Dionysus behind so many slave revolts in ancient Rome? What's the tragic history and mythology behind Japan's most haunted ancient forest? We're Jen and Jenny from Ancient History Fangirl. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and as in the classroom, my goal here is to make rigorously researched history come to life as your storyteller. Each episode is the result of laborious research with no agenda other than making the past come to life as you learn. If you'd like to help support this work, receive ad-free episodes, bonus content, and other exclusive perks, I invite you to join the HTDS membership program. Sign up for a

seven-day free trial today at htdspodcast.com slash membership, or click the link in the episode notes. It's January 13th, 1865, and the U.S. Navy's North Atlantic Squadron is bombarding Fort Fisher. This is no easy target. Nearly a mile long, L-shaped, and protected by 25-foot thick walls made of wood, dirt, and sand that can absorb the blow of cannonballs. This fortress at the bottom of a peninsula forming the mouth of North Carolina's Cape Fear River is designed to take a beating. And it can give one too. The Sandy Citadel is armed with 47 powerful pieces

of artillery, including the British made eight inch, 150 pound Armstrong gun. Yeah, Fort Fisher is the real deal. When Rear Admiral David Porter bombarded it a few weeks ago in late December, the damage was minimal enough in the eyes of General Benjamin Butler that he refused to send his soldiers charging in. David was livid, and Benjamin got fired, but hey, that was last month. Now, the dark-haired, thick-bearded naval commander's back to take a second crack at it. His almost 60 vessel fleet of steamships form massive lines and arcs in the cold Atlantic waters.

Hundreds of cannons send great billows of smoke into the air while spitting hundreds of pounds of shot at the beach fortress, as it responds in turn with its own guns. To me, it seemed like firing meteors out of volcanoes, the U.S. cannoneer and future author Augustus Buell will later write. The lopsided fleet versus fort artillery duel rages into the night and the Union fleet sees far more success than it did last month. This time the Yank cannoneers target the rebels' gun emplacements with deadly effect. Fort Fisher's commander, Colonel William Lamb, reports that, quote, "'The Ironsides and Monitors bowled their 11-

and 15-inch shells along the parapet, scattering shrapnel in the darkness. We could scarcely gather up and bury our dead without fresh casualties.'" He sends messages up the chain to General Braxton Bragg, calling for reinforcements. The hellacious cannonading continues the next morning. By noon, Union artillery has taken out all but one large Confederate gun. By 3 p.m., the heavily goateed Union general, Alfred Terry, and his army are in position just north of Fort Fisher on the peninsula.

Seeing this, David Porter has his fleet stop firing. Instead, his massive steamers blow their whistles in unison. The combined screech is almost as loud as the cannonading, and knowing that it signals an attack on the now vulnerable fort, its Confederate defenders find it equally terrifying. In the words of the doomed fort's commander, quote, it was a soul-stirring signal to both the besiegers and the besieged, close quote. The Union Army and Navy hit the fort simultaneously. David Porter transports 1,600 sailors and 400 Marines to the shore to hit the fort's northeast corner,

living up to their admiral's command to, quote, board the fort in a seaman-like way, close quote. The webfooters charge amid the surf at the broken citadel with their cutlasses and revolvers. But the determined Confederates greet them with heavy rifle fire. Volley after volley cuts the seafaring warriors to shreds. Navy assistant surgeon William Longshot does all he can to save lives. He drags a wounded sailor from the water's edge before the rising tide drowns him. Then William hears the cry of a wounded Marine. The medical officer charges across the beach in open fire and begins administering

first aid. As he does so, a Confederate bullet hits and kills him. I feel that you should know this young surgeon received leave that very morning, but he refused it, preferring to voluntarily risk his life, saving others in the afternoon's assault. Rest in peace, William Longshaw. You more than earned it. He lays among the hundreds of U.S. seamen, wounded or dead, in the Carolina sand as the survivors peel away. But the sacrifice of the young medical practitioner and other Navy men is not in vain. The Confederates were so occupied repelling the sailors from the fort's northeast corner, they couldn't stop the 4,000-strong Union army from assailing on the northwest corner.

By the time the Rebs turn to face this attack, three federal banners are already on their ramparts. The fight is fierce. Confederate grapeshot pours out on the blue-clad attackers, including black troops who follow the main charge and guard the rear. The battle rages until nine o'clock that night. It includes some of the ugliest hand-to-hand combat of the war. William Lamb continues to send more messages and still hopes that General Braxton Bragg will send reinforcements, but he doesn't. And as a result, the boys in gray just don't have the numbers. They suffer 2,000 casualties to the Union's 1,000 and are forced to evacuate and blow the fort. The fall of Fort Fisher is a

crucial Union victory. Without the fort, the Confederacy can't protect the port city of Wilmington, 20 miles up the Cape Fear River. And that was the CSA's last blockade evading port. As Fort Commander Colonel William Lamb will later write between his expressions of frustration with General Braxton Bragg, quote, the victory was not fully realized by the American people. The position commanded the last gateway between the Confederate states and the outside world. Its capture effectually ended all blockade running. General Lee could not subsist his army. Close quote. In short, David Porter has shut down the Confederacy's Atlantic shipping every bit as much as David Farragut shut down its Gulf Coast shipping at Mobile Bay a few

months back. Confederate President Jefferson Davis must hate these two foster brother admirals. Like a snake with a mouse in its coils, the Union blockade is now choking the Confederacy in the way the now-retired General, Winfield Old Fuss and Feathers Scott, dreamed of back at the war start. As we enter 1865, the future looks grim for the Confederate States of America. Welcome to History That Doesn't Suck. I'm your professor, Greg Jackson, and I we'll hear William Tecumseh Sherman hammer some of the nails into its coffin. This is his march to the sea from Atlanta to Savannah, Georgia. But should he be glorified

as a god of war or villainized as a war criminal? It's a debate that still rages among some Americans in the 21st century, so we'll look at all the angles and let you sort it out for yourself. We'll touch on his army heading to Columbia, then get to writing, fighting, debating, and compromising on one of the most famous constitutional amendments, the 13th. Yes, after 68 episodes, it's time to constitutionally ban slavery. From there, we'll check out another attempt to hash out peace terms at the Hampton Roads Conference. So let's leave this final naval battle of the Civil War at Fort Fisher behind and go meet up with General Sherman in Atlanta. That means heading back several months, and you know how we do that. Rewind.

It's September, 1864, and we're back in Atlanta, Georgia. This is slightly familiar turf, but it's been a few weeks since episode 65, so let me set the stage. We came here with Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, a.k.a. Comp, as he and his massive three-army division of the Mississippi departed Tennessee and defeated Confederate Generals Joseph Johnston and John Bell Hood on the way to this all-important city in the Peach State. But John doesn't give up easily. Like Confederate Cavalry General Nathan Bedford Forrest, the aggressive, one-legged John Bell Hood has now taken to attacking Cump's supply lines.

These two generals aren't doing a bad job of it either. Their unified harassment is proving a bit of a thorn in the red-headed Union General's side. Confederate President Jefferson Davis is making quite the to-do of this as well. Jeff is traveling the CSA, giving speeches, you know, lifting spirits and the will to fight. Speaking to a large Macon, Georgia crowd on September 23rd, he predicts the supply line attacks will bring about Kemp's demise. Sherman cannot keep up his long line of communication and retreat sooner or later, he must. And when that day comes, the fate that befell the army of the French Empire and its retreat from Moscow will be reenacted. Our cavalry and our

people will harass and destroy his army, as did the Cossacks, that of Napoleon, and the Yankee general like him will escape with only a bodyguard. What a rousing thought for beleaguered Confederate loyal southerners. That like the French conqueror Napoleon Bonaparte who, in 1812, cut his way across a continent and smashed Moscow, only to be forced into a retreat that ultimately cost him his empire. Comte too shall retreat with his tail between his legs. Of course, the comparison has one significant shortcoming. The Russian winter was a major contributor to the downfall of l'Empereur des Français and his over half a million strong Grande Armée. That's a point Ulysses S. Grant can't help but make when he reads about the speech in a newspaper.

Who is to furnish the snow for this Moscow retreat? Damn. Solid rejoinder, Ulysses. If Jeff does get some Moscow snow, I think the first thing he'll do is apply it to that burn. Witty riposte aside, Kump's growing tired of fighting off Confederates trashing his supply lines. Furthermore, he has no interest in fighting this war on his foe's terms. The red-bearded Union general says as much while laying out an aggressive play to Ulysses' aide-de-camp, Horace Porter. I could cut a swath through to the sea, divide the Confederacy in two, and be able to move up in the rear of Lee. Both Jeff Davis, according to the tone of his recent speeches, and Hood want me to fall back. That is just the

reason why I want to go forward. Kumpf soon sends a lengthy account detailing the plan to Ulysses, but let me quote his October 9th telegram to the general-in-chief, which is far more succinct. Note, though, this isn't just about taking territory. It has a psychological element. Quote, it will be a physical impossibility to protect this road now that Hood, Forrest, Wheeler, and the whole batch of devils are turned loose. By attempting to hold the roads, we will lose a thousand men monthly and will gain no result. I can make the march and make Georgia howl. We can forage in the interior of the state. Yeah, you heard that right. He'll compensate for ditching the costly supply line by letting his army forage as they traverse the state,

and in doing so, here comes the psychology, he'll make Georgia howl. Okay, that sounds almost diabolical, so let's get into Kump's head and get after his philosophy. I think it's crucial to know the Ohioan commander is no sadist. He doesn't enjoy inflicting pain. But after years of witnessing the cruelties of war, it's his understanding that the fight only stops when the enemy is defeated in the mind, when they lose the will to fight. To quote him again, we cannot change the hearts of those people of the South, but we can make war so terrible, make them so sick of war, that generations would pass away before they would again appeal to it. So to Kump, smashing Confederate morale is crucial to finally ending this blood-letting, life-ending war. Agree with him or not, that's your prerogative.

At least now you know where he's coming from. And after expressing considerable doubt, his BFF Ulysses and the president decide to let this general with experience forging off the land from Vicksburg undertake this dangerous course. The first thing Kump does is split up his forces. Marching just under 300 miles from Atlanta to the coast with less than reliable maps or supplies isn't for the weak, so only the strongest veteran soldiers will participate. Did you ever see the movie 300 with Gerald Butler, where every one of the Spartan soldiers looks like, you know, a roided out superhero? It might be overkill to say that's what every one of the 62,000 soldiers accompanying Kump

look like under their Union blue, but that's the general idea. These men are medical staff-approved gods of war. Generally, we're talking the Army of the Tennessee and the Army of George's 14th and 20th Corps. He's leaving roughly 60,000 behind with General George Thomas. But as we know from the previous episode, these guys aren't bad either. They'll put an end to John Bell Hood's whole army at Nashville, Tennessee. Before beginning their march on November 15th, 1864, Cump's 62,000 start by putting the torch to Atlanta. The city took its hits when the Union captured it, partly

due to Yankee artillery, partly due to Rebs burning their own stores while falling back. We cover this in episode 65, as I'm sure you recall. But now that it won't be Union-occupied, it can't be left to sucker the CS Army. Giving us another glimpse of his hard-war, soft-peace philosophy, Kumpf tells the angered mayor of the city, quote, War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it. When peace does come, you may call on me for anything.

Then will I share with you the last cracker. Close quote. To that end, his men reduced the city that was home to 20,000 people to about 400 surviving structures. They then move out with the 4th Corps divided into two wings. On the right, the Army of the Tennessee's 15th and 17th Corps, and on the left, the 14th and 20th Corps of the Army of Georgia. Kump himself rides out the next morning

at 7 a.m. He looks at the woods where his dear friend and subordinate, James McPherson, died in July. He looks back at Atlanta, quote, smoldering in ruins, the black smoke rising high in air and hanging like a pall over the ruined city, close quote. The death of a loved one, destruction, God. No wonder he calls war cruelty and hell. Nonetheless, his men are excited. A marching band strikes a tune, and soon a blue-clad chorus is singing the anti-slavery anthem. John Brown's soul goes marching on.

The army averages a pace well over 10 miles per day, a speed even their deceased foe Stonewall Jackson might have respected. But this is partly because there are hardly any Confederate forces here to confront them. The only general engagement of the entire seven-week march is a weekend, on November 22nd, at the town of Grisville. While resting up, comes 15th Corps notices three brigades from the Georgia militia forming lines. That's a good-sized force, but notice I said militia. With no disrespect intended, that's synonymous with I play soldier compared to Cump's elite, best of the best, hand-selected, seasoned warriors, some of whom now wield

seven-shot repeating rifles. The Georgia militia consists mostly of old men and teens the regular CS Army wouldn't take. The blue suffer a mere 60 or so casualties while mowing down some 600 of the attacking gray. There are a few other conflicts. Confederate Cavalry General Joseph Wheeler harasses the Union forces as best as he can, but really, this early and decisive Union victory is the only noteworthy engagement between Atlanta and the port city of Savannah. That same day, Kump has forces reaching Georgia's capital of Milledgeville. They'll stay until the 24th. During this time, some troops amuse themselves by calling their own faux deliberative body to rescind Georgian secession. But their good-natured humor is sapped when escaped POWs

from the CSA prison camp at Andersonville show up. Starved, hollowed-out shells of the soldiers they were, the escapees burst into tears at the sight of food, U.S. troops, and the stars and stripes fluttering in the wind. The army is outraged, and it will stick with them as they move through Georgia. But escaped POWs aren't the only ones flocking to Kumpf's forces. Many enslaved black southerners cheer the army's arrival and follow its march. Sometimes this works out well for both parties. Many of the newly emancipated are glad to point out where their ex-masters hid foodstuffs, provide directions throughout the state, and, if strong, help with camp work. More often, however,

they're young, old, or ill-nourished and slow this army of elite troops. This will still be fine generally, but at one point, camp following has a deadly outcome. On December 8th, the unfortunately named Union General Jefferson C. Davis, yeah, that middle initial is crucial. And his 14th Corps arrive at Ebenezer Creek. He's frustrated. They're behind schedule and need to move faster. They also have Joseph Wheeler's cavalry behind them, bugging them, so he means to cross and move on as quickly as he can. To do that, he plans to cross early in the morning and ditch the sleeping camp followers. As the last of his men cross the 100-foot-wide creek, he immediately has the pontoon bridge pulled up. Waking and seeing what's happening, the black civilians are filled with horror.

They need food. They fear death if they go back to the plantations. They fear death if that Confederate cavalry catches up with them, yet they're stuck on this side of the river? Countless camp followers splash into the cold, moving water and drown. Between the creek, starving, and the pursuing Confederate cavalry, hundreds die. This, quote, inhumane, barbarous proceeding, close quote, sickens and infuriates Major James Connolly, who reports it to the Senate Military Affairs Committee. War Secretary Edwin Stanton becomes enraged and will investigate when he meets the army at Savannah. But ultimately, Jeff won't be held responsible for the fate of the camp followers who died after his abandonment.

Just as he got off the hook for killing his commanding officer in a dispute back in 1862, the capable commander's culpability is considered too indirect. It's quite jarring to move from such mass death to the positive experience of others. But thankfully, it is as I said before. This terrible tale of Jeff's actions at Ebenezer Creek is rather isolated.

It does not speak to the experience of most other camp followers. Edwin Stanton privately interviews 20 black Americans in Savannah, including camp follower Garrison Frazier. When the secretary asks about Kump specifically, the emancipated man answers, quote, we looked upon General Sherman as a man in providence of God, specially set apart to accomplish this work. His conduct and deportment toward us characterized him as a friend and gentleman. Well, I've got the podcast for you. I'm Sean Piles, and I host NerdWallet's Smart Money Podcast. On our show, we help listeners like you make the most of your finances. I sit down with NerdWallet's team of nerds, personal finance experts in credit cards, banking, investing,

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wherever you get your podcasts. Of course, the most known aspect of the march to the sea is the destruction and foraging, or pillaging, depending on your point of view. Destroying objects of military value is a major goal. To that end, the Union troops make many Sherman neckties out of rail lines. This means they bend the rail in such a way that it can't be straightened out. We've seen this on both sides of the war, but here's Kumpf's pro tips on how to wreck rail. Quote, The best and easiest way is heating the middle of the iron rails on bonfires

made of the cross ties and then winding them around a telegraph pole or the trunk of some convenient sapling. I attached much importance to this destruction of the railroad. Close quote. Ultimately, they'll destroy over 200 miles of railroad. Yeah, that'll hurt Confederate supply lines. Meanwhile, they're also living off the land. For Comp Special Field Order Number 120,

brigade commanders are to organize groups to, quote, forage liberally on the countryside, close quote. As we might expect, the conduct of the men destroying or foraging runs a gamut. Let me give you the good and the bad. Some are admirable. Though watching Union soldiers take her food, horses, and the enslaved workers on her plantation, widow Dolly Lunt of Covington, Georgia, will speak well of Illinoisian Captain Weber. Quote, I give him and several others the character of gentlemen. I don't believe they would have molested women and children had they had their own way. Close quote. Mary Mallard gives us a glimpse of gallantry too, as she and her mother stand outside while soldiers rifle through their home, the Montevideo plantation. The widowed

matriarch asks one if he would like his mother and sisters to be treated the same way. No, he answers, I would not, and I never do enter houses and shall not enter yours. But not all soldiers are so well behaved. Mary Mallard also tells us that when her mother confronts a different soldier asking if they would like their wives treated like this, he replies sarcastically, oh none of us have wives. For these soldiers, known pejoratively as bummers, forage liberally is a license to take things that are a far cry from military necessities. In other words, to steal. Some also find pleasure in destroying anything remotely of military value. As one soldier put it, they, quote, raised hell generally, close quote. But their fun is often

others' misery. Eliza Andrews' account of heading home after Kump's forces passed through her neck of the woods paints a vivid image. I almost felt as if I should like to hang a Yankee myself. There was hardly a fence left standing all the way from Sparta to Gordon. The fields were trampled down and the road was lined with carcasses of horses, hogs, and cattle that the invaders

had wantonly shot down to starve out the people. The stench was unbearable. The dwellings that were standing all showed signs of pillage. Here and there, lone chimney stacks. Sherman sentinels, told of homes laid in ashes. The infamous wretches. Eliza's experience reflects the memory many Georgians will pass on to their children. And it's honest and real. After all, Kumpf said he would make Georgia howl. While General John Geary speculates in a letter home that, quote, as badly destroyed as some of the tribes of the land of Canaan were by the Israelitish army,

100 millions of dollars would not restore it to its former condition. Close quote. That said, let's put the march in the bigger context of the war. As historian Robert O'Connell so succinctly puts it, quote, they might have stripped you clean of livestock, food, and occasionally the family jewels, but they didn't rape your wife and daughter or shoot your family. Besides gathering calories, their job was to scare you out of the Confederacy, and they stuck to it. Close quote. And of course, some of the kinder treatments of towns will be attributed to lore of Kumpf finding the hamlet in question too beautiful or connected to him personally somehow. It's more likely that kinder soldiers passed through the town or it simply wasn't of military value. There's also the irony that some southerners do their fair share of pillaging too.

The forging slash pillaging of Confederate Joseph Wheeler's men is just as bad. One Reb soldier readily admits it, quote, I do not think the Yankees are any worse than our own army, close quote. Damn, perhaps Kump has it right. War is cruel. War is hell. After keeping the Confederates guessing as to which city he'd hit next for nearly two months, Kump moves on Savannah in mid-December. With 10,000 defenders, flooded fields, marshes, and the threat of Fort McAllister keeping the U.S. Navy out, the trim-bearded general thinks he'd have a hard go of it. It's the complete opposite. The division he sends at the fort on December 13th takes it in 15 minutes. A week later, on December 20th, the city's grossly outnumbered defenders slip out in the night. Not that the U.S. Army can't see

this. Kump and his leaders just don't care. The city is his, and reflecting the season, he telegraphs President Lincoln. I beg to present you as a Christmas gift, the city of Savannah. Defenseless, Savannah's mayor immediately capitulates, and Kump responds by quickly releasing food stores to the city and keeping a tight leash on his men. In a testament to Kump's hard-war, soft-peace ways, the city is back to a fairly normal pace of life by mid-January. And though not as well-known, let me add that Kump does a similar number on South Carolina

the following month. Through the combined sweat and work of now free black Southerners and Yankee soldiers, the U.S. Army carves roads through the swamps and tears up more rail while keeping the Rebs guessing as to which city is the next target. Of course, had the Confederates figured out Cump's psychological games, they might have worked out it would be the Palmetto State's capital, Columbia. Nothing says we can beat you quite like sacking the capital of the first state to secede. The Federals arrive on February 17, 1865. Unfortunately, Columbia ends up in flames. Southerners blame Kump, but historians generally lay the blame on both sides. Like Atlanta, retreating Confederates set fires, in this case to bales of cotton in the streets.

But it's not like the boys in blue mind that. I mean, they do sing while marching to the capital city, Hail Columbia, happy land, if I don't burn you, I'll be damned. That might just be bravado for some, but likely truth for others, especially once they get some liquor in them. Oh, and is the liquor plentiful here? Add to that angry freed POWs, angry freed slaves, heavy winds. I mean, yeah, of course Columbia gets lit up. And with that, Kump has indeed made Georgia howl and shown the Confederate loyal Southerners that this war is ending. He's also well positioned to head up to Virginia and help his BFF Ulysses against Robert E. Lee. But that story is for next time. We've got some political history being made in and around Washington City,

and that needs some telling. It's time to amend the Constitution for the 13th time. We've got some political history being made in and around Washington City, and that needs some telling. It's time to amend the Constitution for the 13th time. But since this story overlaps with Kump's march to the sea, we'll start by heading back to late 1864. Rewind. It's December, 1864. Lincoln's second term won't officially begin for a few months, which gives the president a chance to check off one more item on his to-do list for his first term, a constitutional amendment to end slavery. So on December 6th, the president delivers his annual message to Congress and asks them to do something about it. Lincoln acknowledges that this Congress

already tried and failed to pass an amendment ending slavery. He also owns up to the fact that when the new congressmen take their seats, they will probably easily pass the measure. But Lincoln doesn't want to wait. He states, the next Congress will pass this measure if this does not. Hence, there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the states for their action. And as it is to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? Several congressmen are on board to try one more time. Ohio Congressman James Ashley leads the charge. On January 6th, 1865, this burly bear of a man with a shock of wavy, dark hair reintroduces the amendment measure, which reads, quote, neither slavery nor involuntary

servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. James strongly argues, this issue presented is one that might well make thoughtful men pause and consider. The instant restoration to four millions of human beings of the God-given right of freedom so long denied them depends upon the vote of the House of Representatives. Each one of you has to decide for yourself whether, so far as lay in the power of your own vote, you would give liberty to the slave or forge his fetters anew. This is a question of changing the Constitution itself so as to confer upon Congress the express power to enlarge the field of personal

liberty and make the republic free indeed. But James's epic speech doesn't make passing the amendment measure a sure thing. There's massive pressure. A proposed amendment has to make it through the Senate and the House of Representatives with a two-thirds majority vote in order to move on to the states for ratification. So this won't be a simple matter of James cracking his knuckles menacingly and forcing a few reluctant Democrats to vote for a budget bill. This is going to take some serious political finesse. That's where Lincoln comes in. The president has proved time and time again that he knows how to

play politics better than a grandmaster. Like a chess player moving the queen's pawn to d4, Lincoln starts his effort to get votes for the amendment by meeting with war democrats and house representatives from border states. The rail splitter meets with Missouri representative James Rollins first. Both Rollins and Lincoln are old Whigs from the West, and Lincoln plays off that common ground. He invites Rollins to his office and makes his case. I have sent for you as an old Whig friend that I might make an appeal to you to vote for this amendment. It is going to be very close. A few votes one way or the other will decide it. Lincoln goes on to explain that if border states vote for the amendment,

it will signal to southern states that they are losing support for slavery. Rollins gets it. He tells Lincoln that he will vote for the amendment, and he goes one step further. Rollins promises to get other border state reps to vote for the measure. Lincoln urges his old friend, Tell them of my anxiety to have the measure pass and let me know the prospect of the border state vote. Lincoln has early success, but that doesn't stop him from reaching out to more Democrats. At a reception a few days later, the president pulls aside a congressman whose brother recently

died in battle. Lincoln pleads with the man to vote for the amendment. Your brother died to save the republic from death by the slaveholders' rebellion. I wish you could see it to be your duty to vote for the constitutional amendment ending slavery. Okay, that's definitely toying with this guy's emotions, but Lincoln's willing to pull on a few heartstrings to get this constitutional amendment on the books. Lincoln's also willing to make a few heartstrings to get this constitutional amendment on the books. Lincoln's also willing to make a power play. He doesn't have time to procure all the necessary votes for the amendment himself, so he calls two Republican congressmen into his office. Now, there's some debate as to what he actually says to these guys. Lincoln asks them to get two

more votes for the amendment. They ask the president just how they're supposed to make this happen. According to a friend of one of them who later writes this down, Lincoln answers, How? I am the president of the United States, clothed with immense power, and I expect you to procure those votes. The abolition of slavery by constitutional provision settles the fate for all coming time, not only of the millions now in bondage, but of on-board millions to come. A measure of such importance that those two votes must be procured. I leave it to you to determine how it shall be done. But remember that I am President of the United States.

Whether he said those exact words or something similar, but a lot less dramatic, the congressmen get the message. They leave Lincoln's office knowing that they have the President's permission to dangle carrots like pardons, campaign contributions, and lucrative job assignments to get wavering representatives to commit to vote for the amendment. There's no evidence that Lincoln or any congressman make illegal bribes. They just do a little favor trading to get the votes they need. Democrats feel pressure from their party leaders to vote against the amendment. So pro-amendment congressmen make it known that if Dems vote against the party line, it will be worth their while. Let me give you two quick examples. New York Democrat Moses O'Dell decides to change his vote and support the amendment.

A few months later, Moses is sitting pretty as the new Navy agent in New York, a highly lucrative position. That's probably not just a coincidence. Then there's the case of Anson Herrick, another Democrat from the Empire State. James Ashley promises Anson that if he votes for the amendment, James will make sure that Anson's brother gets recommended as a federal revenue assessor. And Lincoln backs up this promise. He tells Anson, Whatever Ashley has promised should be performed. With favors handed out and IOUs firmly in hand, it's time to vote on the amendment. The House schedules the vote for January 31st, 1865. James Ashley has counted heads,

and he's pretty sure the measure will pass with about five votes to spare. Then he hears a rumor that could destroy all of his work. Here's the thing. Francis Blair Sr., one of Lincoln's advisors, has been organizing another session of peace talks for the last couple of months. His efforts have paid off and three CSA agents have agreed to come to Washington, D.C. to negotiate an end to this war. Copperhead and war democrats don't want to do anything that could derail this chance for peace, like vote for an

amendment that will end slavery and forever alter the economy of the South. So when James hears that these CSA negotiators are in D.C. this morning, ready to hash it out, he freaks. If the rumor is true, James thinks Democrats will abandon their promises and vote against the amendment. And no amount of threats or speeches from this silver-tongued powerful politician will be able to save the measure. So James dashes off a note asking Lincoln to confirm or deny the story. James writes, quote, The report is in circulation in the House that peace commissioners are on their way

or are in the city and is being used against us. If this is true, I fear we shall lose the bill. Please authorize me to contradict it if not true. Close quote. This note puts Lincoln in a tight spot. The rumors are true. CSA agents are en route to meet with U.S. officials right now. But those agents aren't in the city.

They are down at General Ulysses Grant's headquarters, last Lincoln heard. So the president thinks fast and comes up with a white lie of omission that would impress any 16-year-old trying to explain why they missed curfew. Lincoln flips over James' note and writes on the back, so far as I know,

there are no peace commissioners in the city or likely to be in it. Nice sidestep, Lincoln. The Illinois rail splitter knows that the talks will take place south of D.C. city limits, but James doesn't need that information right now. James goes around showing skittish Democrats in Congress the president's note. A few are skeptical, but most calm down and agree to let the vote move forward. By noon, the galleries in the House chamber are completely full of Supreme Court justices,

important government officials, and spectators here to witness this historic vote. In his booming voice, James calls three Democrats to take the floor and explain why they support the amendment. Anson Herrick, whom we met a minute ago getting a favor for his brother, explains that the majority of voters in the 1864 election had supported this plank of the Republican platform. Anson says simply he is, quote, now disposed to bow in submission to the popular decree. Close quote. Pennsylvania Democrat Alexander Koffroth stands and firmly declares that he will vote for the amendment.

Alexander wants to nullify the divisive issue which has given the Republican Party its strength. He also tells angry Democrats that he's voting his conscience. I assure them, I do that only which my conscience sanctions and my sense of duty demands. If by my action today I dig my political grave,

I will descend into it without murmur. Close quote. The galleries erupt into cheers as the brave Pennsylvanian takes his seat. The voting proceeds. After each representative has declared his yay or nay, it's too close to call. Speaker of the House Skyler Colfax carefully checks the tally sheets before declaring. On the passage of the joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States,

the ayes have 119, the noes 56. The constitutional majority of two-thirds having voted in the affirmative, the joint resolution has passed. It takes a minute for these words to sink in. But when they do, the House chamber fills with cheers, whistles, and applause. James Ashley, who worked so hard for this moment, gets choked up at the scene. He says this moment is, quote, the complete triumph of a cause, which at the beginning of my political life I had not hoped to live long enough to see, close quote. There will be no more congressional debates about the expansion of slavery, no more compromises involving fugitive slaves. No more voter fraud schemes to

create slave state constitutions. This 38th Congress has done what no other Congress or convention in the history of the United States could do. It has taken away the constitutional protection of the institution of slavery. Lincoln gets swept into the enormity of this accomplishment. The next morning, he signs the proposed amendment before it goes off to the states, even though presidents don't need to do that. A large crowd gathers on the White House lawns to celebrate with Lincoln. The great emancipator tells them, the Emancipation Proclamation falls far short

of what the amendment will be when fully consummated. It is a king's cure for all the evils. And come December, the 13th Amendment will take its place beside the Bill of Rights as an unimpeachable part of the US Constitution. While states get to work ratifying the 13th Amendment, Lincoln moves on other pressing business. A fresh round of peace negotiations. So I mentioned these peace talks a few minutes ago, but let me give you a few more details. Last December, Francis Blair Sr. pushed for and finally got authorization to try to open peace talks with the CSA again. Sure, the attempt in July 1864 that you heard about in episode 66 was a total bust,

but Lincoln went along with Francis' idea, figuring there was no harm in trying again. The rail splitter permits Francis to travel to Richmond, but not to speak on behalf of the United States government. Well, that was good enough for Francis. Francis and Jeff meet on January 11th and 12th, 1865. We can't be sure what they discussed, but Jeff ended up asking Francis to deliver a note directly to Lincoln. It read, I am willing to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace, and am ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be received or to receive a commission if the United States government should choose to send one. That notwithstanding the rejection of our former offers, I would, if you could promise that a

commissioner, minister, or other agent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with a view to secure peace for the two countries. Did you catch that subtle last line? The two countries. Yeah, Lincoln saw that too. So the wordsmith president, always deft with a fountain pen, responded with a note offering to negotiate with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yeah, our one common country. Touche, Mr. Lincoln. It's pretty clear that neither Jeff nor Lincoln believe any peace talks could be productive since they both want fundamentally different things. But they agree to send agents to try anyway. On January 29th, three CSA commissioners arrive under a flag of truce at Fort Monroe, Virginia. Secretary of State William

Henry Seward soon joined them. But the talks are almost stillborn. On February 2nd, one day after signing the 13th Amendment proposal, Lincoln hears that the Confederate agents might not be trustworthy and considers calling the whole thing off. General Ulysses Grant steps in. Ulysses telegraphs his boss and explains, their intentions are good and their going back without any expression from anyone in authority will have a bad influence. Lincoln trusts Ulysses. The general's endorsement of the CSA agents keeps the talks alive. So, the rail splitter replies to his general-in-chief, Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as soon as I can get there. Two hours later, the president stands on a train platform in Washington, D.C.,

trying to look casual. His valet stands yards away, holding Lincoln's overnight bag. I doubt very many people believe that the gangly, lined, war-weary president is taking a casual train ride through the countryside, though it's obvious he could use one. No, he's headed to a war zone. Lincoln will take a train and then a steamer to Fort Monroe,

mere miles from the battle lines of Petersburg. It takes all afternoon and evening, but the president arrives safely. The next morning, Lincoln boards the River Queen, a steamer anchored a few miles from Fort Monroe near Hampton Roads. The president and his Secretary of State, William Henry Seward, sit down in the saloon. They are soon joined by the Confederate Commission, CSA VP Alexander Stevens, ex-CSA Secretary of State Robert Hunter, and former U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Campbell. Jeff is bringing up the heavy hitters for this meeting. The Hampton Roads Conference gets underway. Now these guys all go a ways back, so they spend the first little while reminiscing and catching up without reporters, note-takers, and political advisors intervening.

Alexander brings the meeting back to its original purpose. He turns to Lincoln and asks, Well, Mr. President, is there no way of putting an end to the present trouble and bringing about a restoration of the general good feeling and harmony then existing between the different states and sections of the country? Lincoln doesn't beat around the bush. He responds to the Confederate VP. There is but one that I know of, and that is for those who are resisting the laws of the Union to cease that resistance. That opens the floodgates of discussion. Over whiskey and cigars, the four men talk seriously about slavery, the newly passed 13th Amendment, the possibility of federal compensation to slave owners, and the restoration of the Union. Lincoln suggests that southern states could ratify the proposed amendment as

soon as they chose to restore their, quote, practical relations to the Union, close quote. The CSA agents are surprised to hear this. They don't believe that Congress would behave with such benevolence towards seceded states, but the discussion moves forward. Then Alexander suggests that the Civil War could be put on hold to deal with the recent French invasion of Mexico. Lincoln doesn't think that's a good idea, to put it mildly. The only way Lincoln will consider a ceasefire is reunification. The restoration of the Union is a sine qua non with me. I will listen to no proposal that does not include an immediate restoration of the national authority.

Lincoln's tone is harsh. There's no trace of the genial country lawyer always ready with a mood-lightening anecdote. Robert Hunter sees that the conversation has hit an impasse, but Alexander continues to press the idea that the Confederate and Federal armies put their differences aside and join up to fight the invading French. Robert watches with a combination of horror and amusement as Alexander tries to convince Lincoln that his scheme will lead to Mexico's liberation and eventual reunification. The former Confederate Secretary of State reports, the extent to which he carried these opinions was strange indeed. Lincoln refuses to agree to Alexander's plans. He has three firm demands of the Confederacy. Lincoln and William Henry Seward won't budge on reunification, the abolition of

slavery, and a ceasefire to end the war. Jeff Davis's agents can't agree to any of those terms. Both sides understand they cannot give in to what the other wants. The four-hour meeting comes to a close without making any agreements. The reports at the Hampton Roads Conference become public. North and South have strong reactions. Harper's Weekly gushes praise for Lincoln. If there is any man in the country who comprehends the scope of the war more fully than the president, who is he? We venture to say that there is no man in our history who has shown a more felicitous combination of temperament, conviction, and ability to grapple with a complication like that in which the country is involved than Abraham Lincoln. Jeff Davis takes

the opportunity of more failed peace talks to bolster the Confederacy's will to win. I can have no common country with the Yankees. My life is bound up in the Confederacy, and if any man supposes that, under any circumstances, I can be an agent of reconstruction of the Union, he has mistaken every element of my nature. A few weeks later, on March 3rd, Congress creates the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, or the Freedmen's Bureau for short. One of this agency's main purposes is to help newly freed slaves. They are also charged with getting supplies to white war refugees. The Bureau has to oversee, quote, provisions, clothing, and fuel for the immediate and temporary shelter and supply of destitute and suffering

refugees and freedmen and their wives and children. Close quote. In essence, this new agency expands General Tecumseh Sherman's January 1865 Special Field Order No. 15. Those orders confiscated farmland and distributed it in 40-acre plots to liberated slaves in South Carolina and Georgia. The Freedmen's Bureau builds on that limited emergency measure to ensure that freed men and women across the United States can access the help they need to build a new life. These new policies mark a significant shift in direction for the United States. Between the 13th Amendment currently being ratified by the states and the Freedmen's Bureau, the United States has started down a new path.

There's still a lot of work to do. The next steps will be dealing with questions of citizenship, land rights, and voting rights for Black Americans. And those debates are coming. But first, this deadly, drawn-out civil war needs to end. And it won't be decided by politicians in Congress or by diplomats on a steamer. Generals on a battlefield in Virginia will decide the outcome of the war and the fate of the United States. I gratitude you kind souls providing additional funding to help us keep going. And a special thanks to our members whose monthly gift puts them at producer status. Thank you.