How to Be a Better Human - How labor unions create worker power (w/ Margaret Levi) (Re-release)

Episode Date: September 4, 2023

If the ongoing television writers' and actors' strikes -- and other labor organizing efforts happening across the world -- have been on your radar, this is the episode for you. It's also for you if you are a fan of weekends. Or social security. Or health insurance. Or if you're anti-child labor! Because all of these aforementioned workplace protections exist thanks to the advocacy of labor unions. In this episode, American political scientist Margaret Levi shares the long history of organizing labor, and explains how unions create equality and protect worker rights. Margaret also discusses her optimism about today’s young workforce and why she believes that an equitable future requires a revival of the labor movement. This is an episode we released last year but it feels more relevant than ever as we celebrate Labor Day today in the United States. We hope you enjoy it! For the full text transcript, visit go.ted.com/BHTranscripts Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Apple Watch Series X is here. It has the biggest display ever. It's also the thinnest Apple Watch ever, making it even more comfortable on your wrist, whether you're running, swimming, or sleeping. And it's the fastest-charging Apple Watch, getting you 8 hours of charge in just 15 minutes. The Apple Watch Series X.

Available for the first time in glossy jet black aluminum. Compared to previous generations, iPhone XS or later required, charge time and actual results will vary. You're listening to How to Be a Better Human. I'm your host, Chris Duffy. In the United States this week, we are celebrating Labor Day,

which is so much more than just a marker of the end of summer and a fashion reminder to put away your all-white clothing ensembles. Labor Day is a celebration of the accomplishments and the importance of the labor movement. And we are at a moment in history right now where workers organizing and experiencing their collective power and solidarity has never been more important, in my opinion. I'm a proud member of the Writers Guild of America, and as you may have heard, we have been on strike since May 2nd. I very much hope that by the time you listen to this, the Hollywood studios have given in and the strike is over because they have accepted our very reasonable demands. I feel very confident that the strike is going to end with a victory for the writers eventually, but I cannot say how

long I think it will take because I just don't know. And I don't know how much financial damage and pain it's going to cause to people along the way. That's really hard. But something that I have learned from these past few months on the picket line is how powerful the feeling of solidarity is. For me, seeing the teamsters, the carpenters, the crew, the actors, the whole range of people who work in my industry supporting and standing together for better conditions, it's been a much more powerful emotional experience than I would have expected. Because we're living in a time where it can often feel like the only people who have power are the rich CEOs at the very top or the people behind the newest technologies.

And so much of what I think we are fighting for in this current strike has to do with the importance of humans and not replacing us with technology or AI or machines, not saying that our contributions can be devalued because of a secret algorithm that no one is allowed to inspect or audit, that we should be allowed to have a stable, predictable career, not just uncertain gig work. And in my opinion, those are issues that extend far beyond the narrow world of Hollywood. That's why I'm so proud to stand with and support the teachers, the delivery workers, the public employees, and everyone else who is organizing and demanding that they be treated better. If you're in a field where you're not treated fairly, and maybe right now you're thinking, why should all those people be treated

better than I'm being treated? Well, I would encourage you to flip that around and say, why do the people who make money off my labor, why are they allowed to treat me like this? Why don't they have to treat everyone fairly? I think the labor movement has a history that is full of big victories, but those victories have almost never been easy or painless. And in this episode, which we originally aired before the strike began, the labor expert Margaret Levy is going to explain the power and the potential of worker organizing. I hope that it gets you fired up.

I hope that it gives you context for the current moment that we're in. And I hope that it gives you some real optimism about what our future could look like when we stand together. I can't think of a more appropriate topic for this week, so I really hope you enjoy it. Here's a clip from Margaret's TED Talk. week, so I really hope you enjoy it. Here's a clip from Margaret's TED Talk. Martin Luther King exhorted us to enwrap ourselves in a single garment of destiny. I have observed several unions that I've studied build expanded and inclusive communities of fate in which large numbers of others recognize that their destinies are entwined, despite differences and distances.

This doesn't always happen, but it can and it must. We need, as employees and citizens, to build solidarity through communities of faith that crosses geographies and differences. But to do that, we need to reimagine labor unions for now. After this quick break, we're going to reimagine what the new age of worker solidarity looks like. So do not go anywhere. You don't want to miss that. The Apple Watch Series 10 is here. It has the biggest display ever.

It's also the thinnest Apple Watch ever, making it even more comfortable on your wrist, whether you're running, swimming, or sleeping. And it's the fastest-charging Apple Watch, getting you 8 hours of charge in just 15 minutes. The Apple Watch Series 10, available for the first time in glossy jet black aluminum. Compared to previous generations, iPhone Xs are later required. Charge time and actual results will vary. Okay, welcome back. On today's episode, we are talking labor unions and the power of collective organizing. Hi, I'm Margaret Levy, and I'm professor of political science and senior fellow at the Center for Democracy, Development and Rule of Law at Stanford University.

You know, obviously, I want to talk to you specifically about unions, but I'm also interested more broadly in how you started getting interested in inequality and solutions to inequality. So it really goes back to the 1950s when I was a small child and my mother took my younger sister and I by the hand and we marched in civil rights marches in Baltimore, Maryland, where the inequalities were clear and rampant, racially divided, but also divisions based on religion, on nationality, on class. So early on, and that was partially my father's influence as well, I became very interested in class and the divisions that that perpetrated. And that led ultimately to an interest in labor unions. How have labor movements or organizing played a role in your own life? I have not actually been a member of a union because the two places where I have been a

faculty member, unionization has not occurred successfully. I did try to organize a labor union when I was a teaching fellow as a graduate student. We failed, but boy, we tried. Can I ask a question about that? Because I think that sometimes it's really presented as this kind of binary you win or you lose, but do you feel like you gained something from the attempt to organize you and your colleagues? Oh, my God, yes. Absolutely. You know, I'm a political scientist. I study collective action problems.

I study power. And boy, did I learn a lot about how difficult collective action is in part because of the variety of ways in which power can be exercised. And some of them are not with a heavy club, but with a carrot. What did you get out of that, though? Like, I mean, other than the sense of like how hard it can be, what were the victories that you feel like you took away from even a failed attempt at organizing? There was a personal benefit of feeling much better about myself. I mean, I've done the right thing. I tried hard. I'm the kind of person who loves to learn. So just that the learning experience about power and about its variety of forms enhanced my own work and research.

This is also my own bias, but I feel like we undervalue the importance of just that feeling of solidarity of like, listen, we're all on the same side, even if it doesn't end the fact that I have people who have my back. Yeah. Yeah. So it's the solidarity, which is a remarkable feeling. And I felt that in those civil rights marches and in other things that I've done since I and I have been in other failed movements like the anti-war movement. But still, that feeling of solidarity is amazing. But the other feeling that's also incredibly important is the feeling of self-respect, the feeling of dignity that you get from engaging in an action because you know it's right and because you know it will help, not just you, if it does help you, but will help other people as well. Other people who may not, for a variety of reasons. They have families. They can't lose their jobs.

They can't do something. They may be immigrants who are undocumented. They can't engage in particular actions and put themselves at risk in that way. So there's a feeling of rightness and goodness and self-empowerment by acting on behalf of others that I think should not be underplayed. For those of us who aren't as well-versed in the history of labor unions, where did labor unions really come from? The start of the labor movement goes way, way back, depending on how you count it. But if we think about the contemporary labor movement, it actually probably begins with the Navy and various kinds of mutinies that occurred in the Navy, including in relatively contemporary times, early 19th century. But the industrial unions and the craft unions are really the beginning of the kind of unionization that I study.

The craft unions had their origins in the medieval guilds. They developed uniquely in the 19th century in various countries, US, Germany, Britain, countries that were industrializing. They organized first in a way to train people to do the craft and to limit access to that particular occupation as a way, both to ensure that the quality was high, but also to ensure that the pay was high and that the working conditions were reasonable.

So that was a first kind of form of modern industrial unionization were the craft unions, which ranged from cigar makers to construction workers to when electricity came in, electrical workers. The longshore workers or the dock workers, who I have studied extensively, were originally craft unions. The next stage was the industrial unions, or what we call the industrial unions, which really organized all of the workers in a particular industry. So all of the automobile workers, all of the steel workers, no matter what their particular skill or craft in the factory setting was. And that was a very important form of unionization. And those were very large scale.

And therefore, it led to some of the most militant actions that we think about in the history of unionization. The big steel strikes in Pittsburgh in the turn of the century period and multiple big strikes that occurred, the sit-down strikes in the 1930s in the automobile industry, for example. There's so much history here and we could do a whole podcast just on the history. But one of the things that I feel like comes up in maybe the pop culture understanding of unions, especially recently, is I hear a lot of people saying,

if you like the weekend, thank unions. If you like working nine to five, having those be your set hours, thank unions. Those kind of, I think, are some of the real benefits that unions fought for that regular people have latched onto. Are those representative of the kind of victories that unions have made or are those kind of outliers in a broader struggle? They're very much part of the labor movement. That is the kind of goal that unions had. And it wasn't just for the members. It was for most many unions, many of the unions, particularly the industrial unions, were thinking about societal issues. They were politicized unions

who were trying to, they helped win us social security. They helped win us healthcare. Yes, they did give us the weekend because they worked hard for a working week that had a period of rest attached to it. So if unions are so good for workers, why is it that union membership has been in decline? Well, unions come with two disadvantages that have hurt them a lot. I'll start with the ones that the unions create. So what unions create for themselves has often been high dues that corrupt leadership may take advantage of if there is corrupt leadership. So there have been unions which have been very problematic. There have been unions which have been too bureaucratic, that have been

corrupt. There have been racist unions, as well as unions that have been committed to racial solidarity, in which I include the longshore workers and I include the Teamsters, which have had a long history of commitment to cross, they'll organize anything that moves. So they don't care what color that person is. So they've been very committed to that. But some unions have not been. You look at the history of the, during the war in Vietnam in the US, the unions and the left came into conflict

after being in solidarity for so long. So there were all kinds of things that the unions did that made them unpopular with some of their members and with much of the public. But the biggest problem for unions is the kind of campaigns that have been waged against unions by government and by corporations. Not all governments are anti-union, but an awful lot of governments have been in the history,

particularly of the U.S. If you look at union rates in other countries, you'll see even in countries like Britain and Australia, which have very similar kinds of constitutional arrangements and legal arrangements that we do, the union rate is much higher. In places like Sweden, it's very, very high. The legal structure in the U.S. has been very unfriendly to unions. The National Labor Relations Act, which was not superb, but it was good and better and so much an improvement over what preceded it, that's almost 100 years old now. We have not updated our laws in accordance with changes in the union. We now have unions trying to organize and organized in the service sector and the gig sector and all kinds of sectors which aren't covered by the National

Labor Relations Act. So the laws have been against unions, but the corporations and some governments have exercised extraordinary campaigns and put lots of money into fighting unions and creating bad PR for unions and making it hard for unions, engaging often in illegal practices. But it's hard because of the bureaucratic machinery to adjust those things to stop them from engaging in those practices. I certainly feel like in my lifetime, the public perception of unionization and of the labor movement in general has changed quite a lot. it seems like there's a lot more understanding of what a union does, a lot more energy, at least in my world, of people thinking about what a just workplace would look like and thinking about how to achieve that. I wonder, is that just attributable to like the pandemic and forcing us all to look at society in a big different way? Or is it a force that's existed before the pandemic as well? I think it existed before the pandemic. It has certainly been amplified by the pandemic, if anything, and brought the public's attention to a whole set of workers that they weren't paying any attention to before those we are now calling essential workers.

The irony of how we, for a short period of time, called them essential and then have so rapidly seemed to decide that actually they're not essential if it means we have to treat them as essential. I think that has been a real radicalizing force for a lot of people, myself included. I think that's right. So that's why I said the pandemic amplified that feeling. So I think there was already a recognition that something had to change in the power relations between the employers and the employees, whoever the employers were defined as, because in the gig economy, as we know, that becomes a very complicated problem. But certainly that there was a power relationship that needed to be corrected and improvements in the quality of work life and work compensation. So that preceded the pandemic,

and there were already groups that were trying to rethink, including the labor movement, the traditional union movement itself, trying to rethink its strategies of organizing. Remember, there were attempts to reform labor law under Obama, which preceded the pandemic. I mean, all kinds of service employees, healthcare employees have

organized in ways that were not, and that's, some of that's been relatively recent. Some of the, the home care workers or mobilization has been relatively recent and quite large scale in terms of numbers. A phrase that I've heard you use in talks and that I know you've used in a bunch of your books is communities of fate. So not faith, but F-A-T-E. Can you explain to me why you find that to be a really crucial phrase when we're talking about these types of actions and movements? Absolutely. in the interest of others, which really looks at a series of unions that may be in some ways exceptional, but also prove the possibility of this kind of organization. What we discovered was that the unions that were able to mobilize their members beyond their narrow economic

self-interest, which is after, what unions are designed to meet, those that were successful in doing so constructed what we called, and now call, an expanded community, an inclusive community of fate, not just a community of fate, but an expanded and inclusive community of fate that really made people feel that their destiny was linked to those of often distant others who could never reciprocate. They felt like if it could happen to them, it could happen to us. We have to act now in order to prevent those kinds of abuses of human rights, of well-being, from continuing. We're going to take a quick break and we will be right back with more from

Margaret about the struggles and limitations of organizing. What does solidarity look like when things do not go according to plan, when things start going wrong? We're going to find out right after this. The Apple Watch Series 10 is here. It has the biggest display ever. It's also the thinnest Apple Watch ever, making it even more comfortable on your wrist, whether you're running, swimming, or sleeping.

And it's the fastest-charging Apple Watch, getting you 8 hours of charge in just 15 minutes. The Apple Watch Series 10. Available for the first time in glossy jet black aluminum. And we are back. Union rates have been in serious decline. And at the same time, an MIT survey revealed that 50% of the non-union workforce would join a union if they were given the chance. So why is that? Where's the mismatch coming from? Here's another clip from Margaret's TED Talk. Because the odds are stacked against them.

Many of you have read about the Amazon warehouse workers who failed to win a union representation election in Alabama. They failed because of concerted employer opposition. Indeed, there are many employers and politicians who are preventing the reform of labor laws passed nearly a century ago in another era and another economy. So Margaret, on this show, we're always trying to think about like, how do you, as a regular person, how do you take these big ideas and these amazing theories and actually put them into practice? And I think that something that is very powerful to me about unions is it can so often feel like the only way that these things could change is if I was the person who owned the company, is if somehow I was the boss, then I could make things fair, then people

could be treated well. But what can I do as just a regular person who's working here? Right. I have no power. I sometimes do work as a television writer. And when I do television writing work, I am in the Writers Guild of America. And so instantly, I don't have to fight for it. I'm instantly in the union. And I find that I'm treated very differently in that work because there's a big union that's quite powerful. And so there's set rates and there's set protections. And then when I go do something like stand up or like host a podcast, I'm kind of on my own. So for someone who isn't already working in an area that's been really heavily unionized, which is most people, how do you start to kind of build that power when it feels like,

well, if I say no, they'll just fire me and I can't afford to get fired? I mean, this has always confronted people who are trying to unionize, right? You know, the big moment in the sit-down strikes in the Ford plants and the General Motors plants in the Detroit area in the 1930s was when the Secretary of Labor, Francis Perkins, and the governor of Michigan decided not to call in the National Guard to put down the strike, but rather to tell the National Guard to stand on the side and to intervene if there was actual violence, including by the corporation. That was a big sea change. I mean, so imagine if you were in a world, which we are a bit in,

but not as much as then, where not only did you have to worry about how you were going to actually mobilize others and convince them to be part of it, but where you had the huge machinery of government and the corporate's private armies arrayed against you. Now, luckily, there are now organizations that are there to help. Most of them are available by going on the web. There are things like UNIT that tell you how to organize, tell you the rules of the game, will give you advice. So there are organizations out there that can help, including the traditional labor movement. The AFL-CIO still provides assistance to those who are trying to organize. Those resources are in fact available, and they're available in other parts of the world as well. What advice do you have for someone who is fighting against that mindset of, well, this is bad and unfair and maybe even

exploitative, but if I don't do this work, they're going to find someone else and I need this job. It's tricky. That is tricky, always tricky. And that's where these organizations can help, and publicity can help. So if we look at the cases of the Amazon warehouse workers, for example, or some of the Starbucks people, and the kind of retribution that they have been receiving, it's now being somewhat rectified, in part because of the publicity. So Howard Schultz had to change the processes and policies he was using where the stores that were unionizing weren't going to be treated worse than the stores that were. The workers weren't going to be treated worse than the ones who

weren't. It's a campaign and it's an effort and there will be no question about it. Some people will end up losing. They'll be the martyrs to the cause. But the idea is to try to prevent that martyrdom as much as possible, to provide an environment of support in terms of mobilization of publics who can be supportive, as well as using the laws and finding lawyers who will help to protect those who choose to organize. It is a right. It is, in fact, allowed to organize. Are there things that are very exciting for you when you think about the future of organizing and labor movements?

I think the most exciting organizing things that are going on are less about labor and more around the environment. I mean, I am just in awestruck with what young people have been doing in terms of mobilizing other young people in all kinds of efforts to bring public awareness to how important the environmental question is. And I think the unions could learn a lot from those environmental activists in terms of really speaking to where people are and addressing the kinds of questions that you're raising. So I think there's a learning that could go the other way as well. And often social movements do learn from each other.

The labor movement helped the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement taught the women's movement. We learn from each other in social movement world. I love that. I think that's so crucial and important. And we've talked a little bit about how you can get attention and publicity and how that can change things and how, you know, strikes are one way, but also visibility and even just having in the sense that like you can post a story online and everyone can see it. It doesn't have to go through a newspaper or through some sort of powerful person. Has that changed organizing for better or has that also made it more complicated

because it can be buried by misinformation? So how did you get information about unions in the past, particularly when distances felt long and media was not so rapid. You look at the stories that were written up in the traditional newspapers, which I've done at various times, and they have no relationship to what's actually going on from the perspective that I know as someone who's looked at the archives and the history. People are changing the narrative all the time. So what one needs to do in this case, as in any organizing case, is to capture the narrative and to create a narrative that appeals to lots of people and that in some ways overwhelms

the narrative that is based on misinformation or on anti-union biases or whatever it is. I'll come back to the Amazon workers and the Starbucks workers because they're some of the most recent and they're in the news these days. They have really been capturing the narrative and that's been critical. So they have really changed the view of what these unions are trying to do, who they represent, who the people are. They're not allowing the corporations to tell the story. It seems like one of the things that I'm taking away from our conversation is that so many of the things that I believed about the labor movement or about unions are either half-truths or outright not accurate, and that there's so much of the history that is

directly relevant to the situations that are arising today, and that I really need to educate myself more about where things have been so that I can see where things could go and how we can push them in the right direction. How can we see what are the most useful moments in history to look at for the future now or where we are in this current moment? There are so many great books on labor history. In the U.S., you know, Nelson Lichtenstein's State of the Unions. I'll give a call out to that. It's a terrific book. It's not up to the very moment, but it gives you a sense of the important moments in the history of the American labor movement. And there are a number of equally good books. But the real issue is how do we draw from labor history? When do we draw from labor

history? When is it relevant? And I think it's relevant in the following sense. One, it's important for people to recognize what unions have done and what their absence does. So the fact that unions were once so strong, relatively, meant that certain kinds of legislation got passed. Now, not to everybody's taste. I mean, the New Deal legislation is something that there's a whole movement against, and we have governments that represent, I mean, presidents that represent that from Ronald Reagan on, maybe even Nixon on. So, you know, that's part of the history is that the unions gave us a lot, but they also gave us a controversial lot. there's at least part of the American public is very resistant to cease in a way that is problematic that the state is providing things it shouldn't or government is providing things it shouldn't

be providing. It also comes out of a collectivist tradition, which you seem to be celebrating and I certainly do, which is the idea that we are a large and expanded and inclusive community of fate in the best of all possible worlds. And that we do have to act together and in solidarity to make things happen. But America is grounded in a very individualist tradition as well, which sees these kinds of things which bring us into solidarity as problematic because they may in some ways abridge our individual freedom, our individual liberty, particularly when they get institutionalized into a union. So both of those things are part of the

history. Part of the history is what the unions have accomplished. Part of the history is who resisted the unions and why. Part of the history is what happens when the unions decline and what we lose with that decline, which is a whole lot of social protections. And part of the history is who prefers that way of having the society organized. What are the experiments? What are new forms of unionization that are developing now? warehouses and in places like Starbucks and in the gig economy is a whole different kind of organizing that's going on, different ways and different strategies of organizing, different ways of creating PR around what's happening, different ways of mobilizing resources for those who are attempting to form labor organizations of different kinds and create worker voice and worker power.

So I think there are lots of experiments going on and some of them are beginning to be quite successful as we've seen. Some aren't so successful and you look at the history of unions and that's always the case. The history of anything, the history of government. You try things, they fail, they succeed,

they partially succeed, they have to be tweaked. And that's what's happening right now. And I think we have to, one of the things that's also happening is rethinking what teachers unions looks like, what police unions look like, what hospital workers unions look like, so that they really are something that are serving not just

those who are working there, but also and not but but the general public and those particular kinds of consumers who need to use their services. I just want to add and acknowledge my own bias here, because definitely the idea of unionization is one of the topics that I've changed my mind about the most in my adult life. One of my first jobs was teaching at a public charter school that was not unionized. And at the time, I felt like that was a non-issue, right? I was pretty bought into the idea that the teacher's union was a union that was protecting the worst employees from being fired. I felt like as an organization, they do not have students' best interests at heart. That was what I felt at the time. And so I would say my opinion was like mostly neutral to negative.

But then the more that I learned about the history of unions, the more that I saw what actually happens in the workplace as a whole, not just on my little individual school, the more that I started to really see the importance of a union. And now I've kind of come all the way around to working in the entertainment industry and being actively involved in a strong, powerful union. And I guess it seems like many people have a somewhat similar experience to that, where they work and as they work, they're won over by the idea of unionization as they see the difficulty of holding any sort of line on norms or pay or workplace standards alone

as an individual, how hard it is to make any sort of change just as one person. standards alone as an individual, how hard it is to make any sort of change just as one person. So I'm curious, one, to get your reaction to that and two, to know whether you think the best case scenario would be a world where everyone is unionized. Like, do you want to see 100 percent unionization or does that not really make sense? I don't think it makes sense to be 100 percent unionization. I do think what makes sense is to be 100% covered by rules and regulations enforced by law that ensure that your work is compensated, that you travel. If you're forced to travel, you are traveling under certain conditions. I think the unions in some of those, some of

the stuff that you were describing, unions are second best to a set of laws and rules and a state of the world that takes those things for granted for every person who enters the workforce, right? And the unions have been critical to that because they are a power base to make that happen. So, have been critical to that because they are a power base to make that happen. So it's not just about your individual workplace. It's about ensuring that those rules get put in place for everybody. One of the things we haven't discussed is how the diversity of the labor force has changed. When I talk about the industrial unions of the 1930s, it's mostly white men, right? It's now black and white men, it's now women, it's now people of multiple backgrounds and with multiple skills and capacities. We have all kinds of ways of protecting that diversity that are in law

and all kinds of ways that we don't, as we're seeing in the current legal regime. So part of my advocacy of unions, part of why I would like to see a higher percentage of people in unions is for its political power, which will translate into economic changes. But we need that political power to actually persuade those who in principle are representing us to take our interest to heart and to ensure that our workers, which includes almost all of us, but not 100%, are in fact given the kind of treatment we deserve as contributing members of this society. And final question for you. What is something that has helped you to be a better human, whether it is a book, an idea, a movie, a piece of music, a person, could be anything.

What's one thing that's helped you to be a better human? I actually think here I will turn to the labor movement. Being the Harry Bridges Chair of Labor Studies, which I had the honor to be at the University of Washington, brought me into close contact with the ILWU, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union. What a remarkable set of people. Remarkable set of people. They were the ones who taught me what it really means to build a community of fate and one that is inclusive and encompassing. Just thinking about them brings tears to my eyes. They put their money where their mouth was, or their mouths where their money was, both things. They developed beliefs about how important it was to act in the interest of others, and they acted on those beliefs. Thank you so much, Margaret. It has been such a pleasure

to talk to you. I really appreciate you making the time to be on the show. Thank you, Chris. It's my pleasure. That is our show for today. Thank you so much for listening to How to Be a Better Human. I am your host, Chris Duffy, and a very big thank you to today's guest, Margaret Levy. She has written a bunch of fantastic books and given a ton of in-depth talks about the issues that we touched on today.

So you can find a lot more from her online. From TED, our show is brought to you by Jimmy Gutierrez, Anna Phelan, Rithu Jagannath, Erica Yoon, and Julia Dickerson, who care about each other's entwined fates. From Transmitter Media, we're brought to you by Greta Cohn and Ferre de Grange, who act in the interest of others. And from PRX, Jocelyn Gonzalez and Sandra Lopez-Monsalve, with whom I truly feel solidarity. Thanks most of all to you for listening to our show. Please, if you like this episode, share it with a friend, share it with a coworker, send it to your whole workplace

and leave us a positive rating or review to help us spread the word. We will be back with more episodes for you next week. Until then, take care. The Apple Watch Series 10 is here. It has the biggest display ever. It's also the thinnest Apple Watch ever, making it even more comfortable on your wrist,

whether you're running, swimming, or sleeping. And it's the fastest-charging Apple Watch, getting you 8 hours of charge in just 15 minutes. The Apple Watch Series X. Available for the first time in glossy jet black aluminum. Compared to previous generations, iPhone Xs are later required. Charge time and actual results will vary.