Huberman Lab - Dr. Kay Tye: The Biology of Social Interactions and Emotions
Episode Date: February 5, 2024In this episode, my guest is Dr. Kay Tye, PhD, Professor of Systems Neurobiology at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies and a Howard Hughes Medical Institute (HHMI) Investigator. We discuss the ...neural circuit basis of social interactions and loneliness. We also discuss how animals and people establish themselves in a group hierarchy by rank and how the brain responds to dominance and subordination. Much of our discussion relates to how social media impacts our sense of social connectedness or lack thereof. The topics covered in this episode are directly relevant to anyone interested in the neuroscience of mental health, work-life balance, abundance versus scarcity mindset, and interpersonal dynamics. For show notes, including referenced articles and additional resources, please visit hubermanlab.com. Thank you to our sponsors AG1: https://drinkag1.com/huberman Eight Sleep: https://www.eightsleep.com/huberman Levels: https://levels.link/huberman LMNT: https://drinklmnt.com/huberman InsideTracker: https://insidetracker.com/huberman Momentous: https://livemomentous.com/huberman Timestamps (00:00:00) Dr. Kay Tye (00:02:39) Sponsors: Eight Sleep, Levels & LMNT (00:06:40) Amygdala; “Valence” (00:12:43) Novelty; Reward & Punishment Response (00:20:06) Amygdala & Hunger; Social Interaction (00:26:21) Social Media & Social Connection; Tool: Email & Time Management (00:35:03) Sponsor: AG1 (00:36:30) Social Media; Friction & Feedback, Leadership (00:43:44) Social Isolation, Harlow Experiments, “Loneliness Neurons” (00:51:47) Social Homeostasis, COVID-19 Pandemic & Loneliness (01:01:29) Quality of Social Contact, Social Homeostasis, Social Media (01:08:40) Sponsor: InsideTracker (01:09:42) Social Media, Relationships; Social Isolation & Exclusion (01:18:26) Empathy: Friend vs. Foe (01:28:40) Background & Empathy, Diversity, Emotional Regulation (01:34:34) Abundance vs. Scarcity Mindset (01:37:22) Social Rank & Hierarchy, Sibling Order, Development (01:45:54) Dynamic Hierarchy; Dominants vs. Subordinates; Mentors (01:55:32) Psychedelics: Research & Mechanisms; Psilocybin (02:06:28) Work-Life Balance, Fitness & Extracurriculars (02:11:56) Personal Life, Diversity, Happiness; Typical Day (02:15:42) Science & Academia; Future Directions (02:23:48) Research & Science Outreach (02:28:48) Zero-Cost Support, Spotify & Apple Reviews, YouTube Feedback, Sponsors, Momentous, Social Media, Neural Network Newsletter Disclaimer
Transcript
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Welcome to the Huberman Lab Podcast, where we discuss science and science-based tools
for everyday life.
I'm Andrew Huberman, and I'm a professor of neurobiology and ophthalmology at Stanford
School of Medicine.
My guest today is Dr. K. Tai.
Dr. K. Tai is a professor of neuroscience at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies.
She did her training at MIT and at Stanford and is currently an investigator with the
Howard Hughes Medical Institute, which is a highly curated group of individuals who
are incentivized to do high risk, high reward work and pioneer new areas of biological study.
Throughout her career, Dr. K. Tai has made fundamental breakthroughs into our understanding
of the brain, including
demonstrating that a brain area called the amygdala, which most people associate with
fear and threat detection, is actually involved in reinforcement of behaviors and experiences
that are positive and involve reward.
Her current work focuses on various aspects of social interaction, including what happens
when we feel lonely or isolated.
Indeed, today, K. Tai will tell us about her discovery
of so-called loneliness neurons,
neurons that give us that sense
that we are not being fulfilled
from our social interactions.
She also describes a phenomenon
she discovered called social homeostasis,
which is our sense that we are experiencing enough,
not enough,
or just enough social interaction irrespective
of whether or not we are an introvert or an extrovert.
We also talk about social hierarchies and social rank,
how people and animals tear out into so-called alphas
and betas, subordinates and dominance, et cetera,
in all sorts of social interactions.
I think everyone will find that discussion
especially interesting.
And we talk about the role of social media
and online interactions,
and why despite extensive interaction
with many, many individuals,
those social media and online interactions
can often leave us feeling deprived in specific ways.
We talk about the neurochemical, the neural circuit,
and some of the hormonal aspects of social interactions.
It's a discussion that by the end,
will have you thinking far more deeply
about what is a social interaction
and why certain social interactions
leave us feeling so good,
others feeling sort of meh,
and why other social interactions
or lack of social interactions
can often leave us feeling quite depleted, even depressed. It's
a conversation central to mental illness and the understanding of things like depression and anxiety,
PTSD, and isolation. And it's a conversation central to mental health and in order to build
healthy social interactions. Before we begin, I'd like to emphasize that this podcast is separate
from my teaching and research roles at Stanford. It is, however, part of my desire and effort to bring zero cost to consumer
information about science and science-related tools to the general public. In keeping with
that theme, I'd like to thank the sponsors of today's podcast. Our first sponsor is
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huberman. And now for my conversation with Dr. K. Tai. Dr. K. Tai, welcome. Andy Huberman, what a
treat. Folks are going to hear you call me Andy and wonder if my name is Andy.
I always know who I'm speaking to according to whether or not they call me Andrew,
which is my family and people that I know after a certain period of my life drew,
which are people that know me through my very brief and a non-elustrous career in boxing and Andy,
which are people that met me
as I was coming up through science.
Let's just put it this way, there was another Andrew,
we did a coin flip and I lost.
So Andy is fine,
Andrew's fine, whatever makes you comfortable.
What's important today is not how anyone refers to me,
but rather the discussion about your work,
which is spectacular.
I've known you a long time and I've been following your career and it's just been
amazing and wonderful to see the contributions you've made to science and also to the culture of
science. So we're going to talk about both of those things. To kick things off, let's talk about a
brain structure that most people I think have heard of, but that is
badly misunderstood.
And that's the amygdala.
Most people hear amygdala and they think, oh, fear, that's what the amygdala is all
about.
But you know, and I'm hoping you'll educate us on the fact that the amygdala is actually far more complex
than that and far more interesting than that.
So when you hear the word amygdala, where does your mind go?
I agree that a lot of the bandwidth on the amygdala has been occupied by fear studies,
but we've known actually for a really long time that the amygdala is important for all sorts of emotional processing, since Cluver and Busey performed lesions on
monkeys and found that monkeys would then have flat affective responses to all sorts of different
stimuli. Poop, food, inanimate object, whatever it was, just nothing. No emotion. No emotional response, no motivational significance,
however you want to phrase it, to things that usually would
make you either disgusted or excited or neutral.
And so I think that knowledge about the amygdala
was there from the beginning.
It's not something I came up with.
But then it's interesting. It's
almost a meta statement or meta observation about how scientific research progresses.
Sometimes you make a lot of progress in one particular vein because it's easy to press
forward there. But it's important to also think about all the other parts and filling in the space
in between to make sure you haven't missed anything. So the narrative about the amygdala became
about fear and I think also just when we think about survival when you are an
animal in the natural world especially if you're a prey animal which is the
majority you know that's a lot of animals, then you need to prioritize escaping a predator.
It's immediate throughout your survival versus rewards,
mating, drinking water, getting food.
These things can be done later.
Escaping this predator is paramount.
And so there should be some natural asymmetry
in how we process emotion at baseline.
And so that's something that we've looked into a lot as well.
But I think that the big picture discovery
that my team has contributed to our understanding of the MiG-Dla
is that it represents a fork in the road
for processing emotional valence.
And thinking about all these old psychological theories
about how do you emotionally evaluate the world around you?
What's the chain of events?
Is there a chain of events?
What's happening in a certain order versus what's happening in parallel?
For example, one model is there's all this information that comes in and then we have
to filter out what's important.
What's going to be something that I need to pay attention to versus what do I need to ignore? If I'm driving, I need to pay attention to the road, this light,
this pedestrian just start walking versus what it feels like for my sock to be touching my foot.
Not super relevant right now or my butt against the seat. Nothing I need to pay attention to.
I need to focus on the dynamic information. Then you have to select, the second step would be
selecting whether it's good or bad and what you want to do with it. And so that process,
I think the selection of whether you're assigning it a positive or negative valence happens in the
amygdala. So glad you brought up this word valence. I think it's a word that some scientists,
but most of the general public, are probably not familiar with. So let's this word valence. I think it's a word that some scientists, but most of the general public are probably not familiar with.
So let's talk about valence.
And then I want to go back to the amygdala
and kind of explore some of its diversity of function a little bit more.
So when I hear the word valence, I think goodness versus badness of something.
Is that...?
Basically, basically it's been used
in a lot of different fields.
I think of that, you know, negative and positive numbers
or, but it's an analogy that we take to just mean, yeah,
net positive, net negative,
and it's intentional departure from the word value.
Value becomes very scalar. Everything's
on, you know, it can be in the same direction with different magnitudes as
often how we think about value. It could be representing both valences, but
often it's a small reward and a big reward or small punishment and big
punishment is how experimentally we parse value. And so valence is just asking
about how your brain responds to things that are good or
bad, what are neurons that might respond similarly to things that are good and bad.
Those might be importance neurons rather than positive or negative valence neurons.
So yeah, I think it's just a term that signifies that next step.
So when we walk into, say, a novel environment, do you think that our amygdalas are active
and really trying to figure out whether or not an environment, a set of people or a person
is safe and really just check that box first in order to be able to do other things. You know, is this business of determining valence and the role of the amygdala in that kind of the
first gate that we have to walk through anytime we're in a new environment. For instance,
you showed up here today and you mentioned, you know, I think I locked my car and I said,
you'll be fine in this neighborhood either way. And then you walked in and presumably you were
taking in the new environment,
meeting some new people.
We had a little discussion about caffeine,
a little discussion about alcohol.
And presumably, because you and I know one another,
you felt safe, I would hope so.
But presumably the amygdala is always performing this role,
even if we have some prior knowledge about something,
just figuring out, am I safe here? Where where are the exits where are the entrances who's
here what's their story do you think all of that is is operating and do you
think it's always conscious or is it largely unconscious to us okay so there's
a few different questions there first I, I want to address the question about novelty.
And then I want to come back to the other issue of conscious.
But the way that amygdala works is its job
is to assign meaning to anything that
could have motivational significance.
And so if it's a brand new thing, we're paying attention.
We're seeing if it mattered.
Did it matter?
And so I think anything that's novel,
even if we don't know what it means,
a loud sound you've never heard before,
even if it signifies nothing of motivational significance,
the first few times that you're presented with it,
you'll get an immigrant response.
So you see this in the lab,
play the tone for the first time,
and then there's a response that rapidly decays
when the tone doesn't end up predicting anything
that the animal can detect.
Or human, is this also true in humans?
Yeah, this is true in humans.
If you're the type of person that puts your phone on do not disturb versus has it on vibrate
and you know sometimes it's always vibrating and it's just it vibrates all the time whereas
I put my phone on do not disturb and so when someone else's phone rings it's very startling
to me but they don't even notice because that's just the sound the phone makes, it's very startling to me, but they don't even notice because
that's just the sound the phone makes. It makes it all the time. So I think it has to do with how many times are presented with it. And it's a startle response. So the first few times that you are
presented with a stimulus, the amygdala will respond and then it decays very quickly. And then
only if that stimulus predicts something important, or something rewarding or punishing,
then will it begin to respond again.
So it's like you're giving everything novel
a chance to tell you in one trial,
in single trial learning, if something's gonna happen.
And so I think a fire alarm is a great example. Fire alarm goes off.
Instantly, you're looking around. Is there anything happening? Even just people rushing out.
There's this salient thing that you're going to respond to. And if you have a lot of fire drills,
then you might respond differently after a while. So I think that's the habituation component.
You mentioned that the amygdala will respond
to a novel stimulus.
And if it predicts something interesting
then other things happen, we'll talk about those.
If not, the amygdala stops responding.
And you said something really important,
which is that the amygdala will respond to something
that is predicting reward or punishment. And I think most people don't realize that. In fact, I think a lot
of early career neurobiologists don't realize that, that the amygdala is not just involved in fear
and punishment. So when we talk about the amygdala, presumably we're talking about the amygdala
complex, a bunch of other things. So is it true that there are neurons in the amygdala complex, a bunch of other things. So is it true that there are neurons in the amygdala complex
that predict reward and others that predict fear
and punishment?
Yeah, so as a graduate student, I worked on a part
of the amygdala called the basolateral amygdala.
It's still a complex within the broader amygdala.
This brain region is cortical-like
in that it's mostly glutamatergic neurons
with some GABA-ergic neurons mixed in, but without the same structure that the cortex
has. And I studied the amygdala in the context of reward. I found, essentially, that when
you induce plasticity, you get a synaptic strengthening. When animals learn things, amygdala neurons fire in response to cues
that predict rewards.
And this was coming into the context of a field
that had shown that this happens with fear.
And so this became, I remember the very first time
I gave a presentation at a scientific conference,
I was a junior graduate student.
I was given a 10 minute talk at the inaugural amygdala
Gordon Research Conference.
Many famous professors were speaking,
and there were two talks about the amygdala and reward.
And I was one of them.
And the response to the talk was just how is this possible?
How can the amygdala, how can you get the same readout
for reward and fear?
And really it came to be there's two possibilities.
I mean, there's more possibilities,
but the main two possibilities are number one,
that the amygdala wasn't specific for fear at all.
It just responds to anything important.
If it's important, it responds, period.
The other possibility is that the amygdala is sending,
has different neurons that respond to positive and negative
predictive stimuli and sends this information
to different downstream targets to respond differently.
Obviously, I respond differently to a reward.
I walk towards it.
I consume it.
A punishment, I'm avoiding it. And so clearly the
behaviors are diametrically opposed. And so to me, it seemed very possible, at least, that there
was a divergence point and maybe this could be it. And so we just did some very simple experiments
when I first started my lab to trace the projection targets of amygdala neurons and record.
And so everything's all mixed up together.
So it's not obvious that this would be a fork in the road.
But when you look at them, you do see that there are projections that come from the amygdala
that are predominantly encoding either reward or fear.
And there's many different projections.
And this is just the beginning, but this was a time when it was
a novel concept to even think that neurons from one region could have
completely different functions going to different downstream targets, which now
seems totally obvious.
Um, and it, there's hundreds and hundreds of papers showing in now, but at the
time it was difficult to get this work published
because that's just not how people thought about
information moving through the brain, I guess.
Well, I think first of all, such important work
and so wonderful to be early in the phase of recasting
how the brain works, which is what you did.
I think most people in the general public
still think amygdala fear.
And clearly it's able to signal reward and punishment
as you discovered and are now pointing out.
I'm curious, does the amygdala have a direct line
to some of the organs of the body
that can change our bodily activation
state, heart rate, breathing rate, muscle tension, because I think most of us experience
fear and reward as both in our head, in our brains, but also of the body.
Great question.
Great question.
So, I'll tell you the clues that lead me to my current working
model, which may, you know, is not necessarily the final word, but I would say that I think
the amygdala complex, as we're discussing it, these 13 sub nuclei that reside, you know,
in the temporal lobe, they are important for assigning importance, but they're not important
for producing the actual autonomic
arousal that we associate with panic or fear. The reason I say this is there's a famous
case study patient, SM, who has bilateral damage to her amygdalae and, you faces, no responses to fearful stimuli, but if you, if capable
of having the panic response due to low to suffocation associated with suffocation.
And so there's still the ability to produce that panic and arousal response.
It's just not the cognitive evaluation of it.
I think that's what we think the amygdala is doing,
is assigning that it does receive
information from the rest of the body.
There are, for example, ghrelin receptors in the amygdala,
things that can sense hunger.
And we've done some work looking at this,
kind of inspired by, I'm not sure if you're familiar
with this study.
It's a controversial study, Dan Ziger 2011, but where the Supreme Court judges, they
looked at Supreme Court judge rulings on parole decisions across the day relative to
meal breaks.
And you can see right after, it's like breakfast, you know, 90% everybody's getting full.
Everybody's getting out.
Yeah.
And then it just drops till 10%.
Then there's lunch and we're back to 80%.
And then it just precipitously drops to single digits again.
So the judges are changing the leniency of their rulings depending on how well
fed they are.
You know, there, there are counter arguments to this, but that is strongly
what the data suggests.
You know, it is not a controlled study.
It is just a striking correlation.
But it's not a completely novel concept, the hangry phenomenon.
I'm sure, I don't know, everybody's different.
I certainly experience it.
But we think that when you are getting strong signals from the body, for example, you know, I think the amygdala
is gonna be able to detect a lot of different
homeostatic inputs even though we haven't,
we don't have evidence for that yet,
but for specifically energy balance,
when you're hungry, your amygdala can detect it perhaps
through ghrelin receptors or other mechanisms.
And then what we see is that in that food deprive, after one day of food deprivation
for mice, you can see this shift in the balance between the positive valence encoding projection
neurons and the negative valence encoding projection neurons. And at baseline, fear
trumps all. The negative projection neurons can silence the reward
projection ones, which makes sense.
If I need to run away from this predator,
I can't worry about eating this food right now.
But if I'm in a near starvation like state,
which for mice, they have very high metabolism,
so one day without food is a really big deal.
They only last a few days.
So at this point, they are kicking into survival mode
where actually getting food becomes the greater need.
And you'll see animals hunting in ways they normally wouldn't
hunt when they're really desperate.
And so this mode of food deprivation
shifts things so that the reward pathway actually
has stronger power
to influence and silence the fear pathway than before.
Wow, the brain is so smart.
It really is.
It can take what we normally think of as a priority list,
fear and staying safe is more important than food reward.
And then if food and acquiring food is critical to survival,
it can invert all that is what you're saying.
Exactly.
Amazing.
And it happens in a day, it seems reversible. So that's something that we're looking at right
now and thinking about how specific is this to food, is this true for lots of different things? What about exercise?
Other stressors that are potentially more positive?
The amygdala is able to detect a lot of different signals
from the environment, and we're not sure how all of that
gets in there.
So I think one of the detection of the environment
has been really well worked out in terms of
our basic sensory modalities.
But think about the things that really affect your emotions day to day, at least for me
as a human in this society, the things that affect my emotions most day to day are almost
entirely social interactions, very subtle ones, ones that don't seem to threaten my life or safety.
You know, very small, subtle social interactions are what, you know, have the greatest bearing,
I think, on my emotional evaluation and my emotional bandwidth.
And what is that? How do we detect that? How do we assemble this information, apply
all the nuance, you know, put on the onion layers of social programming to come out with
whatever, you know, I interpret this gesture to mean, it's pretty incredible. And so that's
kind of where my research program has been sliding.
Such an interesting area. Let's drill into it a bit.
And to put it in context, maybe we talk about social media.
So on social media, whether or not it's Instagram or X,
those seem to be the two major platforms.
I'm not on a TikTok.
People say stuff.
Sometimes they say positive things.
Sometimes they say negative things. sometimes they say negative things, sometimes
they say things that are sort of neutral. So it seems to me that nowadays if one is on
these social media platforms that we are – we've sort of crowdsourced this phenomenon
of social interaction in a way that we hadn't before because I grew up prior to the advent
of social media
and I could bring my physical body
into certain environments and not others.
Even at high school, I could hang out.
We had an area called the Bat Cave
where, you know, skateboarders and some other
at that time, misfits hung out,
with the quad where the cool kids hung out, et cetera.
You could pick your niche.
Social media is not like that.
You can pick followers, they can pick you, et cetera.
But I think since most people have social media nowadays,
seems, or are on there in some ways,
that we've placed ourselves in the center of an arena,
which we have a ton of incoming input.
We all, most of us have amygdalas. two of them amygdalas, you pointed out, one on each
side of the brain.
And presumably we're on these platforms to receive positive feedback and avoid negative
feedback.
However, there does seem to be a cohort of people who seem to like the friction of combat or kind of, let's just
call it high friction interactions or moderate friction interactions.
They like to argue.
They like to parse ideas.
It's not all bad necessarily.
So have you ever looked at social media in your own mind, looked at social media through
the lens of amygdala filtering or through
the lens of neural circuit filtering and kind of wondered what's going on there that someone
with, without your in-depth knowledge of these brain circuitries would not think to look
at that landscape.
Or maybe we could just do that now as a playful experiment. I like that.
So a lot of people ask me about social media from the context of, is this social contact
meaningful, is this positive, does this count, does this help you not feel lonely?
And of course, I don't know the answer.
We haven't done that particular study yet.
And I don't know of that specific study having been performed.
But my prediction is that it's not going to do much
because I believe that a key component
of what I would consider social contact heavily depends
on having some interbrain synchrony,
some interaction that is synchronous.
And I think with social media,
sometimes there can be an engaging dialogue
that plays out in near real time.
But generally speaking, it's asynchronous.
You're looking at things that are happened
that you're not a part of.
You're excluded from all these things.
They happened in Australia yesterday
and I'm on there saying, cool, love it.
And then the person's already asleep.
Yes, exactly.
So that's what you mean by asynchronous.
Asynchronous like that.
We're not experiencing things at the same time.
It's not a shared experience,
in terms of that, having that bond necessarily.
And so I've never actually been asked
about how the amygdala process is social media.
I guess I think what happens is,
the amygdala is just responding to stimuli.
It's sending up bottom-up signals, you know, it's a caricature of bottom-up and top-down
processing. Let's give an example that I'm walking down the street and all of a sudden
I hear like a really ferocious dog barking and I go going crazy and then I get super
scared and then I realize, okay, there's a fence. So the amygdala detect, you know,
heard the dog barking and the dog barking and you know, I'm freaking out. And then I realize, okay, there's a fence. So the amygdala detect, you know, heard the dog barking,
it is a dog barking, and you know, I'm freaking out.
Then my prefrontal cortex realizes they're at the front,
but it looks very sturdy.
This fence looks stable.
And then I'm relaxing and I'm resuming my walking normally.
You know, I think that's sort of the dance
that our brain is doing when we have top down
and bottom up information that we're trying to stay focused.
So for me, I think when I'm on social media,
there's so many stimuli that are evoking responses
and to be completely transparent.
And I know this is not something that everybody else does
or can't do or is necessarily what's best for them.
But I work very hard to control input from the top down
in terms of I really, really limit the amount.
I basically don't check email or go on social media.
I would say I'm on social media or email
less than one hour per week.
Basically per week.
All I have to say to that is congratulations.
We'll talk about social media again in a second, but as a fellow professor, email once
a week.
I've heard of people scheduling their times for email responses, but once a week, that
is awesome.
I have people who help me get through it and filter out what's important.
But otherwise, I just, whenever I do my own email, I say yes to all these things,
then I make all these plans,
and then I have to do many trips,
and I'm responding fragmented, fragmented,
and it's just over committing.
And I think I know my limits.
Sometimes it's difficult for me to be in my amygdala mode,
responding to stimuli,
and letting my prefrontal cortex do its thing.
So I've set some very heavy prefrontal,
cortically selected limits of the input I put in
so that my brain can function and be clear.
I can't be creative.
I can't have epiphanies if there's all this clutter
of like writing this person back and blah, blah, blah,
blah, tweet, tweet.
It's just, you know, get the trash out.
Wipe squeegee, squeegee the brain down
so that we can actually
grow something beautiful and new.
Well, and I want to reemphasize what I said in my introduction, which is that, I mean,
you are, oh, so productive.
And when I say productive, I don't just mean productive like plug-and-chug.
The work you've done is incredibly creative.
You transformed our understanding of what this
famous structure, the amygdala actually does. I mean, you've made so many important discoveries as a consequence of presumably other things, but including wiping away all this incoming and clutter.
As you said, controlling the top-down inputs. I have to ask, just from a practical standpoint,
during that one hour a week, are you reading every email that came in or are you just being very selective about which emails?
So you're not opening most emails? No, I don't open most emails. No, I just, I search for the ones
that my assistant identifies as the one I need to open. There's like a list of things that I'd be
interested in and then we'll go through the list and then, you know, sometimes it requires me to go and find the email and respond to it myself because that is, and then I would
do that for, you know, 10, 10 minutes a day or something.
Do you recommend?
Get out of there as soon as I can.
Love it.
Do you pass on this advice to the people that you train?
I think it depends on what resources and what's your what's your job right now right so I
think as a trainee I definitely did my as a professor I did my own emails but at a certain point
I was just never getting to the bottom and then it would just stress me out make me feel
overwhelmed and what is my job my job is to number, be a stable core of a sustainable research program.
That just requires me having a lot of mental health and well-being and clear-mindedness.
I need to be able to come up with creative ideas.
I need to be able to sprint when there's a deadline.
I just can't exhaust my system with unnecessary,
I would call them quadrant four
in the time management quadrant,
if you're familiar with this, you know.
Yeah, what is it?
It's important, urgent.
Yes, important.
Certain things are urgent, but not important.
Some things are urgent and important.
And some things are neither important nor urgent.
That's most emails are, like,
if you read time management literature
and you have the luxury to have someone else help you
or something that's like so well trained
to be really good at chapter,
chaptering things that are important.
And you know, sometimes I miss emails,
but emails are not the way my trainees would reach me.
They would reach me in a different way.
And then emails are for everyone else
that I didn't give my number two, you know.
I feel so honored to have you here, contact.
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I think this is wonderful advice for people to hear.
We have a future guest on this podcast named Cal Newport.
He wrote the book Deep Work
and he has another book called A World Without Email.
He's a computer science professor at Georgetown
where he talks extensively about the tremendous
career but also relationship and life value of doing essentially what you're describing.
Although I do think, Kay, that you represent kind of the extreme of what I've become aware of in
terms of people that can limit the amount of time on social media platforms and email.
Anyway, I just wanna say congratulations.
I just wanna say that again.
I think even if people don't reduce to one hour per week,
I think that making some effort toward reducing
the amount of incoming, as you said,
controlling the top down inputs to the amygdala,
but also to the rest of the brain
involved in creative processing, et cetera, is so key.
And we actually do have agency.
It's just tough sometimes to build up that discipline.
So you're doing a tremendous service by sharing that somebody as successful as you does this,
presumably as successful in part because you do this.
Could we by extension say that many people, since billions of people are on social media, are likely
triggering the activation of their amygdala, clouding out other more potentially productive
activation of their neural circuits by just making themselves freely available to the
thoughts and words and impulses of others.
I mean, to me, it seems the answer would be yes, but I'd like to know what you think.
I mean, I think, and there's something to be said,
there's definitely been moments where I've, you know,
gone deep into social media and spent more time
in a certain burst, right, that is isolated.
And I think that there's a lot to be learned
from social media.
So to actually, to bring it back to one point
you mentioned earlier, on social media, sometimes people just want accolades
and sometimes there's a lot of friction.
One of the reasons I stay on social media,
even though I'm making this big effort
to sort of declutter my consciousness
is because of that feedback.
Especially when, you know, for someone like you, I
imagine this has got to be super true. And even for me at a
certain point in my career, it just felt like people don't want
to tell me bad news to my face as much anymore. Everybody's so
positive all the time. And, you know, what they what are they
really thinking? And social media allows you the protection of anonymity to say what you really think
without consequence essentially.
And so on the one hand, the consequence free nature of being able to just say things can
be very dangerous.
But at the same time, for me, I really value just being able to receive it.
I'm a big girl.
I can filter out what I want when I get all the inputs.
But if I don't receive the inputs, sometimes it's hard to learn from the feedback I'm not
getting.
So even sometimes feedback is given in a not very nice way.
I can still create a model for someone else that has this perspective that I can take with me
and that can be another perspective I can honor easily in the future because I have this
theory of mind for someone, someone would get upset about that. You know, that's something that
could be harmful to people who are, you know, have this theory of mind. So I think it's super
valuable from that perspective, and
that's why I continue to use it.
Great. Yeah, I really applaud that as well. I always read my teaching evals because they're
anonymous. And yes, I do wonder what grade the different people who gave different evals
got. I don't know that information. I sometimes wonder, did they attend the class
or are they just angry they didn't do well on the exam?
But that really represents the small fraction of feedback
that I wonder about.
Most of it that's valuable to me is the,
hey, you know, liked the course,
but these parts really sucked, Professor Huberman.
Or this part was completely unclear
or completely hated the way you blank, blank, and blanked
because that feedback is something
I can really work with to improve.
So I think course evals are similar
to what you're describing.
I think there's value there.
If I were to just look at the positive feedback
and then ignore the negative feedback
and then write those people off,
then I don't think I could improve as a teacher. Actually, I always encourage comments and feedback and suggestions
in the YouTube comments for this podcast for that reason. And I do read the comments. I go
through and I read and a few of them sting. But the positive feedback is great too. Sometimes
it's more of this please or less of that please. I think there's information in that.
So I think it sounds like you've been doing all of these things naturally.
So actually, since I've had my research group, my lab, we do an anonymous lab survey.
It's supposed to be about every 18 months and then it's a whole long process of going
through it and it's just evolved.
I think it's the fourth or fifth time we've done it.
And so it's now, I think it's like 70 questions.
It's so many questions.
Maybe we should trim it down, but it ends up being hundreds of pages of text, short
answer, sometimes long answer, feedback from, anonymously, from people in my lab.
My lab is pretty big, so it's, you know, I'm not even trying to really guess who is saying it.
It's just feedback and it takes me months
to go through with it and get all the feedback
and it is so useful.
I mean, in a class, the amount of content that you have
is restricted to this very specific time and space.
Whereas when you're mentoring someone
over the course of years,
there's a lot of different points of content and interaction. And you're in the lab all
40 hours a week or whatever. And going to a meeting here, there's just a lot of different
ways to improve and ways that we've never, I haven't had any training in how to be
a really great mentor. And so I'm getting that training now. I'm making my own course and my
mentees are my teachers. And I really am grateful for the tutelage that they provide for free
in this anonymous lab survey. Sometimes it makes me cry, but sometimes it makes me feel really
good about something that I'm doing that's working. And in any case, it makes me feel really good about something that I'm doing that's working and in any case it makes me feel that I have ground truth. I guess I still don't know but when people say things that
sting
it makes me feel like they're saying what they really think and they're not holding back it doesn't you know and
bad news feels
like reality and so that is very
feels like reality. And so that is very something about that is rewarding. Just to feel like I have reality rather than I'm getting something else, you know, that the model doesn't quite fit.
It's very unsatisfying with the model doesn't quite fit. So I love the word ground truth.
There's something so beautiful to that. And I resonate with what you're saying.
I resonate with what you're saying.
Let's go back to social interaction, something that your lab is doing lots of work on nowadays.
And maybe we could shift to the sorts of social interaction
that most of us are familiar with.
The sitting across the table, having a coffee with somebody,
that taking a walk with somebody, maybe a phone call.
Yeah.
Maybe a tough conversation, maybe a playful,
you know, you know, unscripted conversation,
maybe a meal at a holiday dinner.
You know, there's a huge range there.
What do we know about the value of social interaction
at the level of sort of core biological needs.
I get the level of neural circuits and maybe even hormones.
I mean, most people have heard of oxytocin.
They think they love hormone, but there's so much more there for people to understand
and know about how important is this thing that we call social interaction and how bad
do things get when we're not getting the right kinds of social interaction and how bad do things get when we're not getting the right kinds of
social interaction?
You know, I think this is a great question and I'm glad that it's become something that
has been recognized at a more global and national scale, just the importance of having social
support in our lives for our well-being.
But social isolation or even just perceived loneliness
has immense health consequences for all social species.
So shortened lifespan, increased mood disorders,
increased actually morbidity and mortality for diseases like cancer or heart
disease that might not be what we would normally think.
And so I think understanding how each of those processes is happening, those mechanisms are
far from being worked out.
But the correlational evidence is undeniable.
We're now taking this into the lab really for the first time.
And so something so simple as social isolation,
how can we don't know way more about it?
And I'm someone who stumbled into the field
of social isolation by accident prior to the pandemic.
And so I'll just say the whole story
on why there's such a gaping hole in
our knowledge as a neuroscience community about social isolation really comes from Harry
Harlow's work, this original work of maternal separation that was undeniably cruel.
It caused irreparable damage to these baby monkeys and they never recovered.
And sorry to interrupt.
I apologize, I'm striving to not interrupt in my life,
but so that people are on board,
could you just briefly describe the Harlow experiments?
Yes, so they're very famous experiments
where they separated baby monkeys from their moms
and then had either a wire sort of thing holding
a bottle. So, okay, what do you miss most about the mom? Is it the food or is it the comfort?
And then they had, so they had a wire thing with a milk bottle versus blankets and cuddly soft
things. And the baby monkeys would go to the cuddly soft thing.
But a blanket is not a replacement for a mother. Nobody's saying that it is.
And through these experiments, there was extended maternal separation and it was deemed cruel.
There was permanent irreparable damage when you re-housed these monkeys. They never re-socialized normally.
They had lots of different mental and physical health
problems.
And I think in humans, we know that solitary confinement
is considered torture.
Social isolation is a difficult thing to study
in a lot of conditions.
And we stumbled onto it by a complete accident
through working with a postdoc,
a former postdoc in my lab, Jillian Matthews, who was a graduate student,
doing an experiment on, it was just trying to figure out if these dopamine neurons
would also respond to cocaine the way VTA, sorry, these ventral tegmental area
dopamine neurons were known to respond to cocaine,
wanted to see if these other dopamine neurons respond to cocaine.
So sort of a incremental study. mental area dopamine neurons were known to respond to cocaine. Wanted to see if these other dopamine are to respond to cocaine.
So sort of a incremental study.
So when you do these cocaine studies, you inject the animal with cocaine or saline and they'll leave the naive animal in the cage.
And then you take brain slices, record from the neurons and look at the
synaptic strengths.
And so, you know, the expected outcome sort of was that these dopamine
neurons would be similar to other dopamine neurons that showed in, you know, long lasting
potentiation after a single dose of cocaine. But what happened instead was that, yes, there
was potentiation of the cocaine. There's also potentiation in the saline animals relative
to the naive group. And this was a huge puzzle. What was this?
And it turned out through many, many different experiments
that it's actually because when you inject animals
with cocaine, you're separating them from the group.
Because they act all too crazy.
And this is just the way people do the experiment.
So you inject them with saline, you separate them.
The naive animals just stay there.
So with their other litter mates.
With their other litter mates.
I see. So the control group, the saline control group is actually a
social isolation condition. So by accident, this control group that didn't make
sense was how we stumbled onto. So then we tried, is it novel cage? It's not the
novel cage. It's the social isolation. And so that is how we became a lab that
studied social isolation. It was a complete accident.
We weren't sure what we were looking at.
And then we found these neurons and we manipulated these neurons and they produced something
very different than other dopamine neurons, which normally if you stimulate dopamine neurons,
these ventral tegmental area, midbrain domain, like 90% of the time when you hear
people talk about dopamine neurons, they mean these ones.
And they're the ones where you press the lever, stimulate the neurons, we'll press the lever
thousands of times.
And they love to be stimulated.
Yes.
And if you're a human and you do cocaine, most people love cocaine.
They're very pro-social when they're on cocaine.
And so that's what dopamine neurons were thought to be doing.
But these other dopamine neurons in the dorsal raffae that I will also say is in the brainstem
near to an aqueduct where you could detect signals from the body.
But these other dopamine neurons in the raffae, they, when you stimulate them, animals don't
like it.
They will not work for reward.
They actually will move away from a space
where they're being stimulated.
Conditioned place and real-time place aversion.
I don't like the feeling of these neurons being activated.
Please stop it.
And yet, they would be pro-social.
And so for a long time, this was super confusing.
We couldn't understand it.
And then just because at the same time we had a hunger study
going on in the lab, we just thought about it like,
I can eat food because it's delicious
and I wanna eat this yummy treat or I can eat
because I'm super hungry, I feel shaky,
I'm just gonna eat this nasty fiber bar
without my backpack because I'm so desperate
and I need my blood sugar is dangerously low.
And so there's two reasons that you can eat and my blood sugar is dangerously low, you know.
And so there's two reasons that you can eat and one of them is uncomfortable.
Hunger is not comfortable.
You don't, it's not a good feeling to be hungry.
And so we thought about this and that's kind of how we circularly came around to thinking,
I think we've discovered the loneliness neurons essentially.
And so what is loneliness and loneliness loneliness is this unpaused need state
of wanting social contact that would have
this pro-social effect as well.
And so that's basically the very serendipitous loopy loop
way that I came to be
studying how loneliness is represented in the brain.
Amazing.
Before we talk a bit more about these loneliness neurons
and some of their inputs and outputs in the brain,
how has the discovery of these neurons
perhaps changed the way that you organize your day and week
in life, right?
If at all.
For instance, are you more aware of how much time you spend alone versus with others?
Are you more careful or discerning about who you spend your time with?
I ask this because, you know,
there's so many examples for me in the neuroscience literature
where, you know, I learned something new about how the brain works.
And I think, oh, yeah, you know, it makes a lot of sense why my sleep isn't great.
You know, it turns out that light exposure to the eyes at particular times of the day
really sets the whole body and brain into particular rhythms that explain
why I was a little depressed when I was in graduate school, staying up all night doing
experiments and I'd sleep much of the day and feel like I was getting eight, nine hours.
I don't get eight to nine hours now, but when I wake up early, for me personally, there's
a bit of an antidepressant effect as long as I slept the night before.
Seasonal eye effect disorder is real.
Right. So, you know, I think as new information comes online,
at least for me, it's changed the way that I organized my life,
to in subtle or in not so subtle ways.
So the idea that there are neurons in the brain
that encode loneliness, the absence of social contact,
does that have you thinking, you know,
after a few days of managing the lab with, which
as you point out, you have a very large lab, lots of social interaction, but it's a work
context social interaction.
Does that, has that led you to think, hey, you know, we should go out to dinner as a
lab or I should spend time with somebody who's not in science or I should spend time by myself
because I've had too much social interaction.
I'm not asking for strict protocols here.
I'm just wondering if you're willing to get,
like play in the sandbox of this with me a bit.
How this information perhaps has shaped
some of your choices.
You personally, and to be very clear,
I'm not asking you to dictate what other people do.
No, of course.
Has it changed your social life?
So it's really interesting that you ask this question.
And now that you're asking it this way,
I mean, of course when I learn new things,
I take them and implement them into my life.
But to be honest, in the cycle of learning and studying
and being curious, I actually think where I reside more
is when something's going on with me,
my research program, research is me search,
it becomes what the, it dictates
what the research program evolves into.
And so for example, so I've just started studying loneliness a few years before the pandemic
hit, and then the pandemic hit, and it was just a step function
like change. I went from I'm never alone unless you call being
in an Uber alone, or being on a plane, and just, you know,
constantly people in my office, even when I'm going to the
bathroom, someone's waiting for me outside, like, you know, I'm not, it's like I'm hurrying in the office, even when I'm going to the bathroom. Someone's waiting for me outside.
It's like I'm hurrying in the bathroom.
I'm never alone.
There's four people in my bed kicking me in the face.
I'm just, there's just so much social contact.
And then boom, there would be a day.
I wouldn't see another, just not zero,
but just extremely sudden drop of social contact when there's no more work. And it was just extremely sudden drop
of social contact when there's no more work.
And, you know, it was just that period of time
and it was very depressing.
It was just this huge, I felt like I was in free fall
and it made me, you know, at first it was really disruptive
and I was worried about myself, you know?
And then at some point I adjusted
to it and then I got used to working from home. I got started at a garden, like I got, you know,
I just started a different life pattern that involved a lot of alone time and, you know,
something, an alone time personal life aggrew where there wasn't any space for anything to grow
before and then I became comfortable with it. And so then I start thinking about
that that's really where the idea
of social homeostasis was born.
This idea that, okay, why is it
with acute social isolation, humans, monkeys, mice,
you know, you acutely isolate the individual
from the social group, you reintroduce them to the social group, rebound of pro-social interaction.
Oh, so happy to see you. There's like all these affiliative interactions, a burst of affiliative interactions.
Whereas with chronic social isolation in humans, monkeys, mice even flies, you reintroduce them to the social group and you get territorial behavior,
aggression, avoidance, antisocial behavior, or just, you know, sort of a very different
negative valence response to the exposure to the group. And so this, maybe people brushed it off for
a long time as just, oh, it's confusing, this literature is inconsistent.
Or maybe there's one model that makes it all make sense,
that is social homeostasis, where you're used to getting this
at a certain point, and so my effector system gets activated.
I detect that I'm alone, I want more.
The deficits detected, then my effector systems
gets activated, this, and then I start spinning all the systems
that try to get me back into contact.
I'm calling my friends, I'm texting my friends.
If I'm a mouse, I'm making ultrasonic vocalizations,
I'm exploring outside of the borough.
And then, you know, if my friends don't call me back,
they're like, sorry, we don't wanna see anyone
till end of COVID, bye, whatever it is, you know.
It's not working, my correction efforts are failing,
or maybe a certain amount of time we don't know.
Then I give up.
I stop calling.
I stop going out.
I just make a different life.
You don't leave the burrow, whatever it is.
And there's in animals and humans, at least behaviorally,
there's a near step function like drop off of attempts.
You can see a sort of date.
Oh, then they just give up on dating after this one, you know, whatever happens.
There's some straw that breaks the camel's back
and then this person doesn't want to date anymore
or doesn't want to go out anymore, whatever.
And what is that?
So that adaptation, then you're at a new baseline.
You're expecting now your new normal.
I'm expecting to have a gardening day at home alone,
not see anyone.
And then, and then bunch of people come over,
it feels like a surplus.
So my previous optimum,
you know, reintroduction to the social group,
is now feeling like a surplus,
an overload, overstimulated,
and that's, I think something
that a lot of people experience,
this whiplash of going into the pandemic
and coming out of it.
Different people to different levels,
it depends on how much you, you know, isolated while you were in the pandemic and coming out of it. Different people to different levels. It depends on how much you isolated
while you were in the pandemic.
But I think thinking about your social set point
as being flexible and dynamic was a new concept to me.
And then in my mind, the question is,
what is the part of this process
that is causing all these harmful health consequences,
like shortened lifespan, mood disorders, et cetera?
Is it the initial detection that I'm missing something
and effect your system activation?
Because if that was the case, maybe I want to band aid that.
Maybe I want to get a pet, get a Zoom buddy.
I don't know.
You would have different prescriptions
and advice to give people if that were the case, versus you would give almost opposite advice if the
thing that's causing it is the set point adaptation.
Then you want to stave it off, versus if you wanted to accelerate getting into the set
point.
Which is better?
Is it the adaptation, or is it kind of trying to fix it?
And so in one case, you would want to ease off the having the set point happen,
the set point transition happen. And the other case, rip it off like a bandaid called turkey,
just adjust and then you'll be fine. Then you won't worry about it. Then you won't be
lonely anymore because you'll just be comfortable being alone. People talk about cognitive flexibility.
And I think it's sort of like that, but it's social flexibility. I want to be able to be alone.
I also want to be able to be in a large group
and be comfortable.
And so I think what I've done, if anything,
to change my lifestyle to accommodate
these new insights I've had is to consciously create
dynamic social experiences.
Lots of social experiences, yes,
but also protecting alone time, which I never did before.
I just gave it all away.
And I realized that having that just made my
social homeostatic system feel more elastic
and flexible and resilient and less like a crisis
if something, I'm very comfortable being alone.
I'm super comfortable being alone.
I'm super comfortable in my own skin now.
And it requires investing in that relationship.
I like how you framed earlier.
I think we were not recording it,
but the relationship with yourself
as being a very important relationship.
And when I think about brain states, you know,
we don't know this yet, but my working model would be that different individuals,
we represent their identities, and whenever they're present,
it creates a unique ensemble of that combination of people being present.
And being alone is also a unique state that cannot be achieved.
I have the brain state of being alone.
I cannot achieve it if anyone else is around.
And that's just what, that's kind of the working model I have the brain state of being alone. I cannot achieve it if anyone else is around. And that's just what, you know, that's kind of the working model I have.
I think what you're saying is essential for people to hear because it makes sense that
loneliness would hurt. It makes sense that some people are more extroverted, which I think is
defined as getting energy from social interactions
and resetting energy through social interactions as opposed to introverted, which by the way,
folks, introverts like myself do enjoy social interaction.
It's just that we reset through more solo or one-on-one time than we do in larger groups.
That's my understanding of the introversion, extroversion literature.
We can revisit that.
But this notion of social homeostasis is, I think, so key.
Important enough that I think we probably want to redefine it as many times or restate it
rather as many times as is necessary because I believe what you're describing is the same
thing that one would experience with food.
If we eat a lot, we're consuming 3,500 calories a day and then suddenly we only have access
to 1,800 calories a day.
It feels like a deficit because indeed it is, whereas after some period of time at 1,800
calories a day, 2,200 calories a day feels like relative abundance, relative abundance.
When the pandemic hit, I certainly was unhappy about the state of affairs in the world, of
course, but I recall feeling like, oh my goodness, I finally don't have to commute 90 minutes
in each direction to Stanford because I lived in the East Bay at that time.
I felt like I had time to do things I hadn't done in a long time.
And thanks to Zoom, I was able to get certain things done, not others.
Then after about six to eight months, when I realized that this is going to carry on
for a while, I remember feeling quite lonely and making some efforts to repair that.
I think social media, not to harp on social media, could do either one of two things,
and I don't know which in the context of social homeostasis. Either going on Instagram and seeing
a lot of familiar faces and comments and accounts could make me feel like I'm getting some social
interaction such that then when I close that app and move to my work at my desk or something, which these
days is mostly done solo, that I would feel like I had social interaction.
Or perhaps it's the equivalent of calories that then makes me feel more isolated when
I'm not in the app. Perhaps.
I find it to be distinctly different than like the experience I had last night of going
to dinner with someone I know quite well, sitting down and having an open-ended conversation
and deciding to close out the night only when we realize, you know, we got to get up tomorrow
for work, so, when our separate ways.
There's something that felt very sating about it.
So I wonder in this context of social homeostasis,
whether or not the analogy of social interaction
to caloric intake, is there another dimension to it
where it's not just the total number of calories
or the total amount of social interaction,
but the quality of social interaction,
the type of social interaction that actually feels
like nourishment as opposed
to just calories.
I love where you're going with this.
And so when we wrote this review the first time, we were conceptualing this idea of how
your social set point can change based on if you're acutely isolated or chronically isolated. And the y-axis is the quality slash quantity
of detected social contact, which is so fuzzy.
And, you know, it's again,
one of the most challenging frontiers of this field
because how, even if we measured every single component
that the brain can detect of the social,
the social contact, so much of it is about expectation.
You know, like if I think I got a gesture,
if I get a nod from the president, I'm like,
oh my God, did the president just nod at me?
That's so exciting.
Versus if I get a nod from my partner, I'm like,
oh my God, are they mad at me?
What's going on?
Why did I just get a nod?
Right, it totally matters.
The gesture, you you need the identity.
There's many different cognitive systems
that need to all plug in to this wheel to make it spin.
So I think that that is one of the,
I think that's going to keep us busy for a while.
But in terms of your question about social media,
and when you switch from getting social media feedback
and then doing work, I think it really depends.
I mean, social media is such a large category.
You can have many different types of responses.
Generally, I think the bounds.
So when you say social media versus a real life interaction
where you're with someone, maybe you're touching, maybe you're not touching, but even if you're
having conversation, you have interbrain synchrony.
You are having a lot of interbrain synchrony.
You're in the same place, but you can have interbrain synchrony even on the phone, right?
Just a voice call is actually a lot more interbrain synchrony than messages. I think text messages can
bring a lot of anxiety and there's been a lot of commentary about that. And same thing with
social media. I think the thing about social media that is perhaps the most
harmful or negative, I think in terms just harmful or negative.
I think in terms of when I'm thinking about social nourishment,
sort of making that term up on the fly here,
but it's almost a withdrawal.
When social media is posted, it's not to you.
It's to everyone.
And you could be one of the people that receives this message,
but it's not even to you.
I might not even be talking to you. And I'm doing something that's without you. Otherwise, you'd be one of the people that receives this message, but it's not even, I'm not even talking to you.
And I'm doing something that's without you.
Otherwise you'd be in this picture
and not reading on social media, listening to whatever.
So it's like by almost exclusively,
you're posting about activities
that you're being excluded from
and someone's not even really talking to you
unless they're direct messaging you.
But then I kind of consider that a different category.
If it's like a one-to-one communication,
social media to me is a blast, right?
It's not, it's just catching up with someone
on social media, I don't really see the merit of it
because I'll just catch up with them when I catch up with them
and their kids will just be like way older,
but I don't know, I'll actually really catch up with them
and just see pictures of, I don't know.
I feel mixed about it because it's not a real connection
and it doesn't for me,
state my social appetite to catch up with,
to look at someone else's profile on social media
that doesn't actually do anything for the connection.
I don't know, but I seriously doubt tons of oxytocin is released when I
follow someone's feed about their vacation.
So I don't know.
I think that it definitely matters the quality.
And social media is different than real life interactions for many reasons.
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I really appreciate your willingness
to explore in this context.
I think your mention of the fact that real life interaction involves interbrain synchrony.
It could be by text, scaling up from that by phone, FaceTime or something akin to that,
video chat. On social media there is comments back and
forth, although that's time consuming and it's difficult because there's anonymity,
people are in different places, different time zones. If you don't know someone,
it's different context. So I'm really, thanks to what you're describing,
I'm really starting to think about social media as so different than
I'm really starting to think about social media as so different than in-person social interactions or by phone or video chat social interactions and how those would differentially
impact social homeostasis.
It's leading me at least to conclude that at least for me, that most social media interactions
would create more hunger as opposed to a sating of the need for social
interaction.
It's, I have to be careful with the analogies here, but since I can do this, I was almost
going to make an analogy between pornography, in-person sexual intimacy.
I suppose there's something in between where people could talk by phone, but we don't want to explore this in any kind of salacious way.
And then sexual intimacy with emotion,
with positive emotion, right?
There's a scaling factor there.
And I'm not putting judgment or valence.
I'm certainly not, that's not my place,
as a good friend of mine says.
I'm not a cop, you know?
I'm not telling people what to do, they can't do.
But it's so interesting to think about these circuits within us that create these, what
you and I in our field call, a pedditive, the desire for or aversive, the desire to
move away from type responses and how so much of our life, aside from you because you're
regulating your social media and your email intake, but so much of our life, aside from you because you're regulating your social media and your
email intake, but so much of life now is offering us the opportunity to tickle these circuits
or even hit them hard with a sledgehammer, but we're not thinking about these homeostatic
mechanisms of whether or not they're creating more hunger for or more satisfaction from. And I cannot emphasize enough how critical this is. And I think that's because, you know,
I'm somebody who does spend a fair amount of time on social media. A lot of my work exists on
social media, YouTube, et cetera. And I would hope that the work that we're putting into the world
with this podcast is creating a satiation or the desire for information rather than a hunger
for more. I do hope that. But I recognize that educational material on social media represents a tiny, tiny fraction
of what's there.
So social homeostasis I think is a term that if people haven't already stamped into their
mind, they should be stamping into their mind.
And Dr. K. Tai deserves credit for that.
I will say that so you don't have to.
I've heard you say before, you wrote in a review
something akin to social contact
is either positive or negative
when it's deficient or in excess,
which is I think what you're describing
is social homeostasis, is that right?
When we talked about the quality and quantity,
there's just in terms of contact, just amount of contact,
there's such a thing as just the right amount.
There's some sort of thing that's too little.
There's such a thing as too much.
There's overcrowding, right?
It doesn't matter who it is, it can be your family.
It could just sometimes it's like a lot.
Maybe your family.
It depends, depends.
Do you know the famous Rham Das quote? No. Think you're enlightened. Go spend lot. Maybe your family. It depends, depends. Do you know the famous Ram Das quote?
No.
Think you're enlightened,
go spend a weekend with your parents.
No disrespect, mom and dad.
I know, right?
But I think with quality, it matters so much.
Like I was sort of saying before,
you know, the same gesture from the president
or my partner, it's going to feel
very different to me, whether that was a slight or it's relative to what is appropriate for
our rank, for our prior history of relationships, for the environmental context.
And so I think with social media in general, and I agree, social media is great for a lot
of things.
I mean, and I think that having a podcast like this
that is accessible to the public
makes research more sustainable.
So I have a lot of things to say about science communication
that I'm very grateful for.
But in terms of social media,
think about the mutual investment.
When you are interacting with someone on social media,
what are they investing in this connection?
So if I put out a post about my vacation that is public,
I'm investing.0000000001% of my bandwidth
to make contact with you.
You know what I mean?
And so it scales up from them.
If you're making a voice call with someone,
you're giving them at least most of your attention
for the time that you're on the call.
That's a lot, right?
Whereas, you know, so just thinking about the investment
is another component.
There's the real time component
and then there's the investment component.
Who is it coming from?
It matters.
If you're anonymous, I really, I cannot tell what this means.
You know, a compliment from, or a hate comment
or a love comment from anonymous person.
I don't know what to do with this.
You know, like I just literally don't know how to,
you know, it doesn't really,
it doesn't really do anything for me
because I don't know how to interpret it.
It's almost, you know, uninterpretable
without this other dimension that my brain is,
has evolved to look for, I think.
So that's speculation.
But I think social media is operating in a way
that is not ethological and not designed
to make us feel better.
It's just designed to make us want to use it.
And I think a lot of this comes down
to things that are relative.
There's the famous, there's the
famous observations if a monkey sees another monkey get a cucumber, it's happy with the
cucumber. But if a monkey sees the other monkey get grape, monkey wants grape, you know, you
want, you want to keep up with the Joneses. You want what, if you see someone else having
something, suddenly it feels like a loss that you don't have it, that you didn't even think of this thing that you needed.
And so I think social media is exposing you
to a lot of things that you don't, you know,
that it's like this parameter space you didn't have.
There's all these things you didn't know
you were missing that you didn't need to miss out on.
And so we have this whole project now,
we have two projects, one that's looking
at social isolation and following what happens
with social isolation across the time course to try to understand, is it the amount of
time or is it the amount of effort that you put into correcting that deficit that makes
you, leads you to the giving up, you know, kind of state change. And another project that is about the quality
of social contact, specifically social exclusion.
So a different kind of deficit.
You're with your other animals, but there's this,
this, you know, it's four animals that have our,
our cage mates and three animals are on one side,
able to drink a chocolate milkshake
and the other animals excluded.
This one excluded animal will go up against the divider and look frantic,
and exhibit lots of behaviors that we would associate in humans with fear of missing out,
trying to reunite with the group,
trying to get the attention of the group,
trying to get over there,
a lot of attending looks frantic.
And studying what we think is actually going on.
And so I think coming up with paradigms
to try to probe social isolation, and we don't even
know what behaviors animals exhibit when they're lonely.
This is a challenging field because there's
no number of lever presses.
There's no script to follow and there's no trial structure. And so for a neuroscientist,
neuroscientists were trained to be rigorous about our statistics because of the stochastic
nature of neural activity and how do we process things without a trial structure? How do we be statistically rigorous when the animal is just free-floating, deciding whatever
it wants to do?
And so that is kind of the crucible that my lab is working through right now to establish
pipelines and techniques and ways to quantify social behaviors and peel off all the layers.
I love where your lab is headed, which just means we're going to have to have you back on
here again at some point in the future to get the answers to those questions that you're now
addressing. I've long thought that we really know how we feel about somebody when something good
happens to them or for them. And I never quite understood this at
the level of mechanisms. How could I? It's not one of my lab studies. But I think that there's a
natural sort of empathy, if one is a healthy, empathic person, to seeing a member of our own
species and hopefully also to observing the members of other species,
you know, experiencing some discomfort.
We don't like that, nor should we.
So another human is in emotional pain, right?
You know, the whale or the cry of loss is like one
that just I think for any person who is empathically tuned
is just like, oh, or an animal.
You hear an animal in pain, like goodness.
I mean, I'm not here to diagnose sociopathy,
but if that doesn't evoke at least some sort of response
of like, oh gosh, like what I wouldn't do
to remove that pain, that their pain is your pain, empathy.
That seems like a very reflexive circuit,
or at least I would hope so.
That seems like a very reflexive circuit, or at least I would hope so.
But when somebody experiences something positive,
I think it's normal and healthy
to have a graded set of responses.
If it's somebody that we really love,
we may not even know them.
We think, yeah, you're just reflexively happy for them.
Somebody that we dislike,
I think there's a more natural tendency to be like,
oh, right?
As opposed to if that person were in pain,
I would like to think that even if one didn't like them,
that you would think like, oh, that sucks.
I'm really sorry to hear that.
So I feel like there's some asymmetry
in these empathic interactions.
They're both empathy.
One has negative valence, pain.
The other one has positive valence.
Another member of our species or other species
receiving reward and we can delight in that.
I mean, I'm almost embarrassed to admit
how many ferret and otter and raccoon accounts I follow
because I love seeing them eat.
I love seeing the little hands of the raccoon.
There's some great raccoon accounts by the way. And I delight in it. I like delight in it. I want to see the raccoons
win. I don't know why. I just, I love animals. And so I suppose that's why. So do you think that
that we are asymmetrically wired for this empathic attunement? Can we observe that in other animals?
I realize this might not be squarely in the wheelhouse of what your lab is focusing on, but I think it relates enough
to the topics that we're covering today that I just, you know, if you'd like to speculate on
what might be going on there. Yeah, I can definitely speculate. It's something that we
think about a lot, but again, you know, there's some level of this, which is semantics.
I think of empathy as being defined as being able
to understand another animal's emotion
and also taking it on.
So I think something that's a little bit different
than emotional contagion, right?
I see a panic, I'm in a group of pan,
it's not the same thing as empathy.
Empathy is often used in sort of certain contexts like feeling sorry for someone and it's maybe different for feeling happy for someone. And this is something I
was just talking about with one of my graduate students the other day. Why is there an asymmetry
in empathy for positive and negative or is it just what we've studied? It's easier to study this.
So there's a number of, you know, we don't know the answer,
but I guess another conceptual framework to put out there,
I'm not saying it's correct.
It's, I think just a good tool for debate,
but it's not so much that there's good people
and bad people and that good people are empathic
and bad people aren't.
So it's quite so simple.
I guess the way I think about it is whether you view this other social agent as having aligned
goals or agendas as you or are they adversarial?
So, if they're in your alliance, whatever that means, broadly defined versus adversarial,
you would have a different feeling and you know
It's it's you see this I guess I was just I was watching this okay
This is just sort of over sharing but this is a podcast not a primary research journal
So I can just say things right so I watched some trash TV sometimes and you know these reality competition shows where it's like
Then you vote the two best friends into elimination and they have to they have to eliminate each other
But you know then the best friends into elimination and they have to eliminate each other. Mildly sadistic. But then they're best friends and they like, you know, and then it's basically mutually exclusive.
Either you can care about your friend and feel bad not wanting to send them home or
you kick in, you just, you know, it's game time and you compete. And so you can see different
individuals wrestling with these two brain states and how to, like what to do. But they It's game time and you compete. And so you can see different individuals
wrestling with these two brain states
and what to do.
But they are essentially, my speculation is that
viewing someone as a competitor and they're an adversary,
they are standing in the way of me getting what I want,
empathy goes down.
It's like inversely correlated to empathy
if you are viewed as a competitor.
So things that would contribute to you creating a model
where a social agent, it is an adversary,
as opposed to a potential ally,
is really what it's gonna come down to,
to the degree that you feel empathy.
You know, like you, the second someone,
you realize someone's out to get you no empathy, no, and no more empathy
for this person who I just realized is out to get me or
something like that. Or, you know, in the case of being
isolated for a long period of time, you've learned to exist
on your own. Now, maybe everyone's your competitor
or adversary, you know, I'm none of you guys are really
helping me do my data. Like, I don't really need you guys for
anything.
So I mean this food or what?
I think it just becomes different when you're part of an ecosystem
and you realize that there's consequences and there's every action that you take.
Every act of altruism will be recognized. And there's some score being kept when you're part of a society.
And then when you're not, there's none.
There's none of that.
And so I think the degree to which you're integrated in society,
it's almost like the extracellular matrix.
This isn't out there analogy.
But when you think about synapses being made, cellular matrix, you know, this is a really, this isn't out there analogy, but you know,
when you think about synapses being made, connections between people, there's also all
the support material that facilitates certain patterns and certain connections from happening
or not happening.
And I think that's, it's stuff that we haven't quantified yet, but it doesn't, you know,
I think those things
should be studied. Years ago I worked with at-risk kids and a fair number of them had
just arrived from a region of the world that had undergone dramatic socio-political evolution
and change. And it was remarkable because we would put out a tray of food to eat and then the format was everyone would serve themselves
and then you could
Go get more food if you if everyone finished
and a couple of these kids that had come from these very deprived environments
Would just take
More than their their share it was clear that by taking that, other kids weren't gonna get any.
And I remember telling them,
listen, we all have to eat more or less equal parts,
and then we can, there is more, we can get more.
And I'll never forget this kid's response.
He just turned to me and he said, you can't hit us.
And I said, that's true.
I can't hit you.
And he said, so I'm just gonna take as much as I want.
And this took several weeks actually to work out, right?
Because of course I would never hit him.
Everyone's his adversary.
Everyone's his adversary.
And it was remarkable to see the evolution
of these kids across that.
It was about three and a half weeks
at which point they actually became incredibly
good at sharing, but it took a lot of work.
It was almost as if even though they knew more trays of food could arrive, not limitless,
but there was an abundance of food, in the moment they were solving for that short horizon
moment.
And here we're talking about human beings, capable of speech and expression of emotion,
et cetera.
And he understood the fundamental rule, which was I couldn't hit him.
Therefore, he could basically do what he wanted without that consequence.
Which is the main consequence he'd face, apparently.
Right, exactly.
And I remember it was so striking, I'll never forget that.
And the evolution to a different,
more altruistic state was wonderful,
especially because of what I think what it did for him.
But I'll never forget thinking,
this is a human being who's essentially functioning
like an animal, like an animal.
I mean, I had a bulldog mastiff
and he was kind to other dogs,
but if there were unattended to toys at the dog
park, he was going to pick them up.
And he put them right in front of himself and this was down in San Diego and he'd sit
with them right in front of him.
And I'm like, Costello, you're not going to play with all those toys.
But if another dog came and he wouldn't, he would just sit in front of them.
But another dog would come and try and take one of those toys and he would, he had these
giant mitts and he would just boom, stamp it out and drag it back.
And so it seems that there are these very primitive circuits
about resource allocation and protection of resources
that in the absence of understanding
that there's a much bigger landscape
like Costello Venturi figured out like Tug's a fun game.
Although most dogs couldn't play tug with him.
There were a few that could.
He was a 90-pound bulldog,
he was just a neck like this.
But to see this in a human being was just so striking.
As you're describing this,
it's like this adversary versus neutral versus friend.
It's just so striking and it's gotta be
that the brain, as complex as it is, I've often wondered and our colleague Marcus Meister once said that, you know, circuits in
the brain can broadly be divided into these sorts of circuits, into yum, yuck, and meh,
right, which is far too simplistic, right, but who am I to argue with the great Marcus Meister?
And I'm not going to.
But it's sort of interesting, we sort of bin our responses into yes, okay, let's cooperate
or yes, let's cooperate.
You're summarizing valence.
Yeah.
Or no way, no chance.
Like mine.
Yeah.
Versus like meh, meh.
And you know, as complex as I'd like to think the brain is and we are, I mean, maybe when
it comes down to behaviors and how we interpret input and our decision-making, maybe it's
really all about feelings of safety and feelings of relatedness.
Yeah.
I think it's also about the experiential statistics that you have been exposed to.
So this boy who says,
I'm gonna take all this food because you can't hit me.
I mean, we don't know,
but the picture that grows out of my imagination
is this boy's had a lot of experiences
of people hitting them.
A lot of experiences of not enough food
and not a lot of experiences of strangers
being nice to them. Not a lot of experiences of strangers being nice to them.
Like not a lot of people that you could trust.
That's the experiential statistics
that would fit this model.
Someone like you who's coming in and being like,
oh no, I'm gonna give you guys more food for free.
I'm gonna give you even more food for free.
The experiential statistics are you've come from
a world of abundance where people are generous.
Generosity, you've learned being generous can make you have a lifelong friend
and all these amazing opportunities that make your quality of life that food is you're never
going to think about food again. It's about the relationships because that's your experiential
statistics. And so I think this is such a profound concept about about neuroscience and the brain
about our social structures and how they form what makes
a structure egalitarian or despotic. How can we as individuals take a structure that is one format,
let's say, a despotic hierarchy and evolve it into something that's more egalitarian. And what are the levers and what are the parameter spaces
that we can pull on?
And I think these are questions that,
I mean, it's hard to think of what could be more important.
But that perspective of thinking about
from experiential statistics,
I think really supports the need of diversity,
bringing in people to academia
who've had very different experiences,
experiential statistics, different biases
of what they're gonna think is interesting
to work on and study,
and obviously in every sector of our society.
So I think how can we get more diverse sets
of experiences represented at each decision-making body
that really matters?
Yeah, amen to that.
And also to be able to understand that differences
in background experience require that we... Earlier you
mentioned theory of mind, this ability to get into the mind set of others and sort of
assume or presume certain mindsets in order to hopefully create a more benevolent environment everybody. It requires realizing that some people's social interactions have been terrible
or traumatic or it requires a departure from self essentially. It requires this empathy
or something like empathy in all directions. right? I mean, in all directions, it requires that everyone at least make some effort to try
and understand that.
I do wonder, and maybe someone would put on the comments on YouTube, maybe you're aware,
Kay, of whether or not kids are being trained in that beautiful period of time of life where
neuroplasticity is so robust, although it does continue throughout the rights, lifespan it is especially robust early in life to be in a healthy way, empathically
attuned, to be able to have theory of mind, more robust theory of mind.
Yeah.
So I think it's really, I mean, I'm a parent.
I have two kids that are in public school and I think they're public schools rated, you know.
It's fine, but it's all right.
But at the school, they definitely do get education
about more holistic health and emotional regulation,
I think, and considering others.
That's a big focus of the school.
And I think that's actually really important.
I mean, you know, again, I'm super biased
from my upbringing, but my kids are gonna learn math
whenever it's time to learn the math,
they'll learn it whenever they need it.
You know, whenever they need it,
they're gonna learn it in a couple, I don't know,
a couple of weeks and figure it out, do the thing. Most of, whenever they need it, they're gonna learn it in a couple, I don't know, a couple weeks,
and figure it out, do the thing.
Most of the things that they learn,
they're gonna forget them,
and then have to re-learn them.
So what are the things that you're gonna really need to know,
no matter what you choose to do?
And I think regulating your own emotions
and engaging other individuals
in a healthy, sustainable way
that, you know, and I mean sustainable in terms of
the longevity of the relationships.
And I think those are the things that end up really
mattering.
So I think also this question about exposure
to abundance and scarcity is really interesting too.
I mean, I don't know if that's the direction
we want to go into, so.
Please, yeah.
Well, I think this whole,
it sounds sort of New Agey when I say,
the abundance mindset, right?
I mean, you see this in people who are like recently divorced
or newly single for whatever reason.
Like, is the world a place where like finding partnership
is relatively straightforward with some work like finding partnership is relatively straightforward
with some work involved?
Or is it like, there's only one person on the planet for you and they might be dead already.
Is there, if someone else's business takes off, maybe someone you went to college or
high school with, or their lab is doing really well, you're seeing them tremendously successful,
but maybe they made $100 million dollars in a new in a company acquisition
Do you immediately feel like oh those are resources that I don't have?
Even though I'm not in that business
Or do you see it as wow that there must be a lot of money out there that that people could earn and potentially make I really
You know prescribe and believe in this abundance versus scarcity mindset framework. I think there's absolutes, like the example we just
talked about this, the kid, that, you know, there's just not food. There's scarcity of food, fact,
you know. Of course, there are individuals that experience scarcity of various different needs,
but many of us, we reach a threshold of abundance, and then it becomes
relative. We have everything we absolutely physiologically need if we're not comparing
ourselves to anyone else. But then once we enter the social arena comparison is essential.
Why do we compare ourselves to others? It's ingrained because social status is something
that we need to attend to. A large part of our our brain is devoted to representing our relative social rank, what's our place with social network,
what's the dynamic, how do we fit into the social landscape in comparison, I think is just a way
to do that. That's been evolutionarily conserved perhaps for less of a good purpose at this point
because so many of our basic survival needs
are met for the large majority of humans on the planet today.
Not for everybody, of course, but yet,
what is the percentage of humans who
feel they have everything that they desire?
How many people feel like they don't want for anything?
And it's interesting because having things doesn't make you have an abundance
mindset. Having abundance does not is not sufficient to give you the mindset of abundance.
That's such an important statement. I mean, just I don't think they could be restated
enough. You've studied social rank.
enough, you've studied social rank.
People hear social rank in hierarchy, and I have to guess that at least some neurons
in their amygdala and other areas of the brain get buzzing,
because as soon as people hear social rank,
they, I think, naturally start thinking,
well, where am I in this social rank,
and how do I feel about how that rank is established and all sorts of interesting and important
questions?
Some people get very angry that there are billionaires on this planet, especially given
that in most major cities you don't have to go very far to see people who have very limited
resources. So social rank is something that I think exists in every little niche,
you know, at work, maybe even in the family, there's social rank. I have a sibling. I remember
who got more of a piece of cake, like even a slight difference in that, you know, was something
that my older sibling would point out because she was more effective at getting the slightly larger piece
of cake because I was, until I was, you know, big enough to offend for myself. And my friends
with larger sibling pools in their family, it was especially competitive. I don't know
if you've ever gone to a meal with somebody who had a lot of siblings.
They eat fast.
They, they, different resource allocation methods than if they were an only child versus one
sibling.
There's variation here, I'm generalizing.
But yeah, let's talk about social rank.
What do we know about how social rank is organized in the brain, how we perceive our own social
ranking and what's the modern science on this
stuff?
I find it fascinating.
I'm not scared of any topic, well, most any topic.
And I think this is one that affects us all.
Yeah.
I mean, I'll first say that social rank is something very specific to a certain type
of hierarchy that assumes a linear hierarchy, which sometimes forms, but oftentimes there's
different types of hierarchies
that are flatter or more amorphous.
It's not really clear who's the alpha on the playground.
I don't know, there's this click here.
You know, there's-
And it can be dynamic.
Right, right, it's dynamic.
It's not always organized as such,
but if you get animals into a sort of small space,
you will see in many species, especially in the males, forming a
linear hierarchy. And we wanted to explore this. And so I think one of the biggest challenges
with studying social rank, and this is something we've struggled with as well, is how do you control for the individual identity versus the actual rank?
So what I mean by this is, let's say there's a study that says that neurons in a certain
brain region fire to animals of different ranks according to the rank, fire most of
the alpha, less, less, less, less down to the rank.
Does that tell us that this brain region encodes social rank?
Maybe in a loose sense.
And I'm sure that when rank issues come up, a lot of the brain lights up for
different, different reasons.
But for example, let's say the amygdala would respond more to the alpha, maybe
because it encodes social rank, but maybe also because whoever is the dominant is
the one who's most likely to have consequences.
And so all of my interactions with the alpha are relatively high consequence.
And so I'm sort of stressed out whenever I'm talking about alpha, paying attention.
And you remember all the interactions you have with your boss more so than someone else.
There's an intention hierarchy subordinates attend more to dominance.
And so it's almost hard to make this comparison
because it's not all flat.
Like the clean experiment, which we are still trying to do,
it's difficult to do the perfect experiment,
would be if you take an individual and change their rank.
So for example, I like to use this example with Barack Obama.
So just indulge me, I know that this is from a while ago,
but once upon a time I met Barack Obama
for a very brief moment when he was president
and maybe there's some neurons that light up.
Oh, wow, you know,
there's the Barack Obama slash president neurons.
But if they are identity neurons,
once he was no longer president,
if I was to be presented with Barack Obama,
then they would still fire.
If they were rank neurons, then maybe after he was no longer president, these neurons
fire to whoever is president now.
And so I think that experiment is very difficult to do and has not been done, but we're working
on it right now in another experiment where we take animals and they're living in groups
and we rank them all and then we rehouse them.
So everybody has a rank that they start with.
Then we put all the alphas together,
put all the betas together, et cetera.
So that everybody forms a new rank.
Then you have animals that went up rank,
went down a rank or stayed the same for every group.
And so that's something that we're looking at right now.
So initially you take a pool of animals
and then let's say you got your number
one, two, three, four, just for sake of simplicity.
Let's say I take the number four lowest in that hierarchy, but now I make them the
top of a new hierarchy.
That's right.
Got it.
And so it's really preliminary and we'll see what happens, but we're investigating.
It seems that when you take alphas, intermediates,
or subordinates and put them together into new hierarchies,
it takes them different amounts of time,
and the dynamics are very different
in forming the new hierarchy.
And so-
In any kind of predictable way
that you're willing to share, or is it just too early?
I think it's too early, but I'll just say,
I guess it seems like the intermediates might be taking the longest amount of time to form the
hierarchy. They don't know where they sit in the hierarchy. They were flexible or something.
Whereas the dominance, they're going to duke it out and then we're going to battle,
there'll be defeat, it's quick, the fight doesn't last that long. Subordinates,
we have to still observe, this is all still being, we'll see if everything replicates,
but certainly the dynamics are different.
What the exact readouts, we're working on,
what the features are, what key features to see.
But it's kind of uncanny because these are genetically
inbred animals that are all housed in,
these should be all, everyone should be the same,
theoretically, But this makes
me think that during certain developmental periods, rank is shaping your long lasting
development. I think it's a simple similar phenomenon, perhaps to the older child, younger
child phenomenon, where, you know, if you're the oldest, you go into the world and you
have lots of different roles, you might be the bottom, you know, you're the oldest, you go into the world and you have lots of different roles.
You might be the bottom,
you're gonna play on sports teams
and be in different classes and all these jobs.
But the leadership desire slash potential skill
seems to be correlated in a very non-scientific way.
Is that right?
Yeah, the number of presidents that's often oldest
or only children, this type of thing,
it's a loose correlation. There's a lot of other reasons why often oldest or only children, this type of thing, it's
a loose correlation.
There's a lot of other reasons why it might not be behavioral, but there's sort of fluffy
correlations about that.
I think there's something to it though, when plasticity is happening, this becomes your
most familiar state of assuming a certain role and that attractor state deepens
with more time spent there. I find that so fascinating. I've also observed and I think I've seen
a few papers on, I don't know how rigorous these papers are, that youngest or let's just say not
oldest siblings, here we're setting aside single children
that don't have any siblings,
but that youngest siblings do tend to quote unquote
break the mold more in terms of socio
and cultural norms of the family.
They venture further in terms of experiences
and value systems.
They're often seen as having had fewer constraints
than the older sibling,
which may or may not be true, but that the youngest siblings often will take on risk
that older siblings won't. And that's certainly been my observation.
More nonconformists.
Right. I mean, I'm a younger brother of an older sister, but then there was times in our childhood
where she was out of the house
and I was at home just with my mom.
So that sort of changes things.
And this is very dynamic.
I realize we're playing here in an Inna Kavaluze space.
But I find social rank stuff to be super interesting.
I grew up in a big pack of mostly boys.
That's just kind of how it worked out in my neighborhood
at the time.
And it was very interesting because it was very clear
it was a dynamic hierarchy where if we were skateboarding,
certain kids were alpha, if we were playing soccer,
other kids were alpha, if we were doing anything artistic,
if it was kind of geeky knowledge and nerdy stuff,
then might've been somebody else who had the knowledge
and had the information
that people wanted.
So I think dynamic hierarchies are really interesting.
And I think get us out of that sort of more standard alpha,
like kind of chest beating,
telling everyone what to do, dictatorial model.
I mean, and this is now fully out of any science landed
into speculation, opinion land,
but I think that type of structure, structure
where when you're doing different tasks, different individuals become the alpha or the leader
because it's based on competence is very healthy. I think structures where you have
locked down, this is the hierarchy where someone's the boss of you because of this one skill.
But there's all these other skills
that they're not as, they're not superior to, you know,
they don't outrank you at.
And so how do you work all of that out?
And so I think that's also something about keeping score.
Like what is the rank, right?
And so we did this experiment where we designed a task.
Animals are trained that a cue predicts reward delivery,
only one animal can get at a time,
it's just a very narrow place.
So if one animal's getting it, you can't get it,
then we would have four animals that are cage mates,
four mice that are cage mates,
and we would have two of them duke it out at each point.
And we know the ranks, the ranks are stable,
they have a rank one, two, three, four in the cage
and everybody does a round robin.
Ones versus twos, ones versus threes.
They fight.
Yeah, well they do a round robin
in this reward competition task.
Their food deprived, you know,
and we present rewards, what happens?
And so subordinates do win some of the times
even though dominance win more,
although, you know, they consistently win more.
And we found that prefrontal cortical neurons, you could represent very
stably and decode which animal was dominant, um, flat, regardless of the trial.
And then when you looked at whether we could decode competitive success,
meaning who is gonna win
that next trial.
So there's a new trial every 30 or 40 seconds.
And so, but 30 seconds before, which is as far
as we can measure, because then we're kind of
into the previous trial.
As soon as the last trial ends, even before
the next trial ends, you can predict above chance,
so significantly, which animal's gonna to win the next trial?
Just based on the firing pattern of prefrontal cortical neurons.
That's right.
So you can predict winners and losers.
You can predict and understand where they are in the hierarchy as well based on the activation of neurons prior to the battle.
That's right.
It's like recording from the prefrontal cortex of two, let's say business competitors or martial arts competitors.
And you can predict who's gonna win
based on the pattern of firing in their brains
prior to the competition.
That's right.
And so that suggests all sorts of things.
Number one, it doesn't mean these competitions
are not independent.
There's something about the state of the animal.
And when we looked at, is it just whoever won
the previous trial that did not account for this?
And so I thought this was really interesting.
But when you look at the decoding accuracy for dominance versus subordinates about who will win the next trial for dominance, it stays pretty flat.
It just has to do with, I think this is my speculation of our data that, you know, they either are engaged or they're not engaged.
The subordinates, the decoding accuracy,
is above chance, but then it shoots up
somewhere around closer to the cue presentation.
And so my speculation about that is that
the subordinates are looking at the dominance.
The dominance doesn't look like they're gonna go for it.
Okay, it looks like they're turning away.
I'm gonna go, I'm gonna go.
So it's not like they're both going out full every time.
It's a calculation, which trials,
oh, he's not paying attention.
You know, it's like when you're driving in traffic
and you're trying to find the moment to cut over
and you're waiting for the person who's like texting
and there's a big space
and then everybody's just getting in right here.
You know, you can just see,
you're like looking for clues about the state of love,
you know, of competition.
And then the dominance, they are not
looking at the subordinate.
They're just doing whatever they feel like doing.
It's like there's, I think there's that one scene
in Mad Men where something happened in the work environment.
And it was clear someone's account didn't sell or something didn't work
out for one person versus the other.
And I think one of the characters says to Don Draper, who's clearly one of the alphas
in that work environment by virtue of role and position, says, you know, I sometimes
think about the way that you blank, blank, blank, and blank, and he goes on this brief tirade about how upset he was, and Draper says, oh, I don't think about you at all.
And then the elevator, I believe, closes, and it really cemented his status in the office
as somebody who's really not paying much attention to what other people are doing.
He's just making decisions according to what's going to be best for the firm, and in some
cases for himself and in some cases both.
So I think that's essentially what you're talking about.
Yeah, I think it's kind of the nature of the structure.
That's what makes you the alpha is you have other things
that are occupying your attention.
And your visionary status hopefully,
if you're a productive, successful alpha
and for a sustainable group.
And then everyone else is,
they don't need to have the big picture.
It becomes the reinforcement schedule is different.
I'm just looking for validation.
Am I playing my role?
Okay, it's a very different mindset.
I think as a scientist, when you're a trainee,
sometimes you're a supporting member on a team
where you're getting instruction,
someone's telling you what to do,
versus the moment when you get your own project.
And maybe you're working by yourself,
maybe there's no one to command,
but no one's telling you what to do.
That is to me, one of the biggest thresholds
to step over when you're becoming a scientist
or an investigator is the first
time where you just do something and like try an experiment no one told you to do and
it feels super weird.
It feels like you're sneaking around or something.
And then, you know, I think in today's mentorship chain, sometimes that happens too late.
I think if we could have that experience happen earlier, I think that would only be good for
the future of research.
I agree.
I was very fortunate that my graduate advisor told me, look, I'm going to help you, but
I'm going to have two kids while you're in the lab
and I'm not gonna be around a lot.
So you're gonna have to figure it out.
Don't burn the lab down.
Don't kill yourself with any of the poisons in the lab.
And then my postdoc advisor, the late and great Ben Barris,
largely treated the postdocs as junior professors
from an early stage.
And I remember thinking,
he can't control the experiments I'm gonna do.
This is up to me. And a great number of us who were training with him at that time
went on to have our own lab. So I think there's really something important to that model. And
of course, we're discussing the research field, but this could be exported to any number of
different fields because what those mentors were essentially training us to do was to assume the role that we would
eventually have as opposed to be subordinates.
Do you watch Chimp Empire?
So actually just this week, yesterday and the day before this, a post-doctor interview
who worked with the Chimps on Chimp Empire, visited
and interviewed him in my lab and talked about his work.
So I have not seen Chimp Empire, but it's at the very top of my to-do list.
Oh, God, so good.
I don't want to spend the next 20 minutes talking about it, but you see all sorts of
interesting behavior, very relevant to human behavior.
Hierarchies, yes, but also altruistic behavior, allopathic
grooming, I mean, in chimp culture, as I've learned from the show, assuming it's accurate,
that who grooms who is very important.
And there's all sorts of interesting maneuvers that subordinates make.
And there's all sorts of interesting displays of vigor
that the alpha makes to remind people
that they are the alpha.
And then as they age or make mistakes of judgment,
the subordinates also will feign deference.
They'll be like, oh yeah, you're the alpha,
you're really tough.
And secretly they're plotting to replace the alpha.
So whether or not we're talking about a scene from Mad Men or we're talking about Shimp
Empire, we're talking about research laboratories or any other landscape, kindergarten.
I think these circuits are active in all of us.
And the sooner that we acknowledge those and try and find ones that generalize to the
goodness of as many members as possible, we're not doing our task.
But clearly you're doing the task.
So okay, social rank is something that we need to acknowledge, no doubt, which actually
leads me to what might seem like a desperate topic, but one that I know we're both very
interested in and that you're focusing on now, which is psychedelics.
Because one of the interesting things about psychedelics is their capacity to increase neuroplasticity. But also some of the
psychedelics and I realize MDMA is not a classic psychedelic but they are classified as empathogens.
They increase empathy for self and others. So what are you looking into with psychedelics?
Which psychedelics and yeah, what brought you to the study with psychedelics? Which psychedelics? And yeah,
what brought you to the study of psychedelics? And by the way, I've done participated in clinical
because people will wonder, I have participated in clinical trials for psilocybin and MDMA. I don't
recommend people do psychedelics recreationally. I do think they hold great promise for the treatment
of depression and trauma, but people need to be
careful. There are certain people who could not and should not take psychedelics because it would
be genuinely unsafe for them psychologically, especially young people. So there's my disclaimer.
But they are fascinating compounds.
So I guess I've always been interested in psychedelics. I think I wrote my undergraduate thesis about hallucinations produced by psychedelics,
psychotic breaks, and REM sleep, and schizophrenia, just comparing what is the common thread when
our brain creates a reality that is not objectively there. And psychedelics, of course, is a way
that we can experience that and remember it and recall it
in a way that's very difficult with REM sleep
and sometimes with psychotic breaks.
Obviously, schizophrenia is not something
that you can transiently give yourself
and have that experience.
So I think having the ability to move into other brain states
is what makes it so attractive.
I think the other component is the plasticity.
You can have an experience.
And perhaps the firsthand experience
is you have an epiphany that you take with you.
It's life changing.
And your life habits are completely different
for a long lasting way
after the singular experience is kind of one of the things that makes it so different from
all of the other therapeutic treatments that we've got or most of the other ones I'd say.
And so for me, right now there's a lot of work going on exploring psychedelics as a therapy
for various different conditions, disease states.
I think that's great.
I think it's really important work.
I'm glad a lot is being done on that.
I think my focus is to turn over some rocks that might not have been turned over yet and
just to get really down at a quantitative, rigorous, mathematical level of what is a hallucination.
For example, when I ask this question, what is a hallucination? I'm interested in the actual
cellular mechanisms. Are we just, you know, we think about neurons having signal to noise and
neuromodulation as changing that. Are we just changing the signal to noise ratio
and then pattern completing all the noise
and that's what a hallucination is.
We just, you know, take that.
We're just reinterpreting noise
and putting sort of existing maps.
Everything's fitting to existing mold or map
that we've already got that then appears as some hallucination.
Or is, and, you know know maybe it doesn't have to be
hallucination there's also obviously some various different thresholds of the
psychedelic experience but all these clinical statements this human self
reported qualitative descriptions of the psychedelic experience, things like having just more positive outlook,
uniting one self and other, like a sort of, you know, clarity of the world,
more labile in thoughts, more flexible thoughts. We are trying to just create
actual ways to test them. So for example, this idea about what is going on in your mind when you're having a psychedelic
experience, all of these different states might feel more labile.
Maybe the transition probabilities between different brain states of like happy, sad,
think you're nostalgic, maybe it's just all looser and so you can access everything because
the transition probabilities are just high.
Another possibility is that, and maybe it's dose dependent, at a certain dose you go into
another brain state.
And so previously, we've done this in the same project that I was just telling you about
rank.
We were recording for prefrontal cortical neurons and looking at all the behaviors.
And so the behaviors for representing social rank, we don't know what they are.
So we used computer vision to extract a bunch of behavioral motifs and then tried to understand
what's the best model that would predict what the animal is going to do next, not just wins
and losses, but all the subtle gestures.
Are we going to fight?
Are we going to give it up?
Are we going to back off and predict the behaviors
from prefrontal cortical activity?
And the best model that we found was something called
a hidden Markovian model, which essentially just means
that there are hidden states.
You might think of them as moods.
You might give them some other name,
but I'll use moods loosely.
It's not perfect, but that's kind of one way
that helps me think about hidden
states where you have certain statistics of behaviors that you would produce. If I'm sad,
there's certain things I'm going to do. It's a different statistics than when I'm happy,
different probability of going surfing if I'm sad or happy or, you know, things like that.
So we basically found that there are a certain number of hidden states. And so if you are on
psychedelics, would that change the number of states or just the transitions between them?
We also found in our prefrontal cortical representation that there's a certain distance of the representation of self and other in this, you know, dimensionality reduced activity space.
So for mumbo jumbo, that just means there's a representation of self and other.
So for mumbo jumbo, that just means there's a representation of self and other. There's some quantifiable distance in in abstract, you know, terms in the brain.
And we can quantify if those representations get closer together and merge.
Of self versus other.
Of self versus other.
So that's something that we would want, we would be looking for if you are putting psychedelics on.
These are the, these are questions that I'm interested in that are under construction.
So right now we're recording from, um,
animals while we're giving them psilocybin using neuro pixels recordings.
So recording from thousands of neurons, um,
in prefrontal cortex and other parts of cortex, cause the, you know,
the shank goes to lots of places. And looking at how animals respond in a conflict task.
So there's trials where there's a cue that predicts reward, a cue that predicts shock,
then there's some trials where both cues are presented and both outcomes are presented.
And the reason for this conflict trial is that actually if you give moderate to low doses of psilocybin or
most drugs, honestly, animals can do this.
Even on lots of different drugs, most people can still eat food and avoid getting hit by
this truck.
I mean, there are exceptions, of course, but generally speaking, there's a lot of different
brain states where you can still do these essential functions
pretty robustly.
But it's about what happens in the more ambiguous zone.
What happens when there's a conflict?
And what do you do?
How do you, when it's a little gray,
I think that's when you can see a shift
in valence assignments.
So that's something that we've been looking for.
And trying to see if, you know, in clinical studies,
they're exploring set and setting
as maybe the factors that have in the past,
historically given very unpredictable outcomes
for psychedelic therapies.
It's possible that it's set and setting.
It's also possible that there's individual variability.
It's possible that there are biomarkers that can predict which individuals would be well suited for this type of therapy.
And so those are also things that we're interested in.
I find this so fascinating. And I just want to applaud you again for taking on these hard
questions. These are fairly high-level questions. Certainly, there's a lot of clinical trials
exploring psychedelics like psilocybin in their rule and treating mental health. And there's, at the same time, a real dearth of studies exploring
mechanistically how these compounds are working. I mean, I do want to tip my hat to all the folks
that have explored dendritic changes and socellar changes in the level of neurons and on and on.
But in terms of these higher level states of self versus other
recognition in psychedelics, those are tough questions that need to be addressed mechanistically.
It's clear you're doing that. I think this notion that you're testing of whether or not
psychedelics reveal more accessibility or lability as you described it, of between different states like,
oh wow, I can actually move from sad to happy.
There's a route for that and you can
experience that as opposed to just being told that.
When you're feeling sad,
feel your, you know, the field of psychology,
especially pop psychology is in
a real crisis right now in my opinion,
because we're told to feel our feelings,
but then we're also told to not react to our feelings which sounds great but if those feelings get intense enough that's very
hard for most people to do. So it's feel your feelings but don't stay with it you know what
there's the cathartic model you know like feel your feelings and get them out screaming and
etc. And then there's the no you know the more you engage in neural pathway the stronger that
neural pathway gets and therefore you're just going to feel more anger.
There's a lot of conflict right now in terms of the popular psychology version of this,
whereas the clinical fields I think have an understanding that hasn't been translated.
I think one other thing about psychedelics that is interesting is that the transitions
into states is also more labile.
Like if you start feeling a little sad,
you know, there's the potential to feel very, very sad and to go into a state of sadness of
an intensity you've never experienced before, which by the way could be therapeutically beneficial.
I think there's some evidence for that provided there's adequate support before,
during and after those sessions. But I think most people feel, when they're not on psychedelics, will feel emotions that
are uncomfortable and will do all sorts of things to try and avoid those emotions.
So I'm not speaking as a clinician here, but I just, again, I think the range and specificity
of questions that you're asking about psychedelics, I find so exciting.
Another reason I'll say that we want to have you back to discuss those findings when they
come out.
Let's talk a little bit about you.
Okay.
I've known you for a while, but to be honest, I think this is the longest conversation we've
ever had, which is one of the reasons I love doing this podcast.
I get to sit down with colleagues and have intellectual slash other conversations of
substantial depth that I wouldn't have the
opportunity to have elsewhere.
I know enough about you, however, to know that you've been involved in various things,
I'm not going to say peripheral to science, but you have other interests as well.
As I recall, you have been a yoga instructor or you've been involved in the kind of wellness fitness
community industry. Tell us about that. And then I'm also curious about
how you structure your day, your routines, given that you're a parent of two young children,
you run a very large laboratory operating at the very highest level.
And of course, you value important things like relationships and relationship to self
and health and all these sorts of things.
So not to make it too open-ended, but tell us of your interests and of your relationship
to wellness and fitness and well-being.
Yeah.
I guess I think everybody comes to, I, everybody comes to their,
they're calling in, in some, what feels like a path that you couldn't
predict, but when you look at it outside, I guess both of my parents are
professors, so it doesn't look super surprising that I'm a professor, but
that's not how it felt to me when I was in high school.
I was a total rebel.
I just threw parties at my house.
My parents weren't there.
Sorry, everybody's listening.
It's not, I don't recommend that, but I just cared about, I just cared about having fun
and sports. And I think school wasn't maybe challenging enough for me at that time. I didn't
necessarily recognize that. That was what it was, but I've always enjoyed being really active.
And that's what makes me feel good.
It's, I definitely agree with stuff you've said on your podcast about having
exercise routines in the morning that really influenced the rest of your day.
I didn't always exercise in the morning at different phases, but yeah,
after I was an undergrad, I took some time to travel around
Australia, back around Australia, live in some very remote places, spend some time living
in a tent. Then I was a yoga instructor. Then I went to grad school in the Bay Area.
I had a very active hobby of, I was a semi-professional break dancer.
I was very into break dancing.
Really?
Really competitive break dancer in the area.
Really?
Yes, we did, you know, halftime shows,
or I guess technically third quarter timeout shows
at Oracle Stadium for the Golden State Warriors.
I was the one girl who could do a windmill,
so they would use me the whole time.
Okay, windmills.
Someone's gonna find footage of this.
Yeah, yeah, there's some, you know, very mediocre footage of me
break dancing and I was just really into it.
But I think that's where my work-life balance passion
comes from.
I talk about it a lot.
I think about it a lot.
And people say to me all the time,
well, is this really true?
Why do you preach all this work-life-balanced stuff
when you must have been a workaholic
at some point in your life?
And I think, you know, when I was younger,
I definitely didn't like the idea
that you had to only be one thing.
I wanted to be so many things, I couldn't decide.
It was a huge challenge.
I was gonna be a writer, I was gonna be a yoga instructor,
I was gonna be, I never really thought
I was gonna be a professional dancer. I just wasn't good good enough and there's not careers to be made from dancing.
Really, it's very difficult.
But, you know, had a lot of other interests and I wanted to prove, I don't know who I
wanted to prove it to.
I think myself at first and then eventually it made me, made me feel like I should maybe
prove it to everyone that you can have a very whole life
and not sacrifice everything. You don't have to choose between family and career or personal life.
You can have them all. You just have to decide that it's a priority and
own that and make those choices on a daily basis and comes down to time management. And so it's been a very
even though it looks like oh, Kay just likes to have fun and have all management. And so it's been a very, even though it looks like, oh,
K just likes to have fun and have all these other hobbies,
it's important because I think that we need more role models
in, especially in academic science,
where people bring their whole selves to their job.
And even though your job is a very specific thing,
because you have a role as a mentor,
and I suppose the mentor apprenticeship relationship
has evolved, then there's,
I have lots of comments about that too, in academia.
I still think, ultimately,
when I was working in someone else's lab,
and I definitely looked up to them,
they were the role model, obviously.
I'm looking at, yes, they're science,
but I'm looking at how they make this all work.
How are you doing this?
How do they live their lives
and how do they approach balancing it all?
And so I guess I just wanted to put some more data points
on the scoreboard where people are having lots of hobbies
and other non-work activities
while still making
meaningful contributions. And it doesn't make you less of a scientist or less of a person because
you're a whole human. If anything, perhaps it makes people better scientists. Yeah.
Did your exploration of yoga and or break dancing inform anything about your research
or was it really about resetting your mind and body in healthy ways so that you could
return to the lab feeling excited about returning to the lab?
I think I've always been of the mindset where sometimes things don't go well in a certain
arena and it doesn't feel good to have all your eggs in that basket.
Stuff goes wrong. Sometimes experiment doesn't work. Sometimes you find something out, you lose the whole day to set.
It's, you know, bad news happens in the lab. And I think just want to diversify your portfolio so that your happiness portfolio is not entirely based on your accomplishments at work.
so that your happiness portfolio is not entirely based on your accomplishments at work.
I think we just wanna have more elements.
And the same thing goes for, you know,
at one point when I was really into dancing,
I got a very serious injury
and it took this huge part of my life away from me.
I'm so glad I had work.
Thank God I have work, you know,
I have something I can do else.
And I just think having a lot of different parts
of your life make you more flexible, more creative, more
awake, more engaged. And, you know, when I don't, I definitely have been a workaholic.
When I was a postdoc and assistant professor period, definitely did not make enough time for
myself to have a richer, a rich personal life at certain points. And very quickly, I just wither away into a shell of a human, a
shell, an empty shell of the person I used to be. And it's noticeable. Everybody can feel it.
You can't pretend, you know, everyone that works with you feels it eventually. And so
I think that's a big thing. And so as I've taken feedback from my anonymous lab surveys and other forms of feedback and just reflecting,
it's clear, you know, taking your lifestyle
and having agency over designing your lifestyle
to be ideal for you is super important.
So a typical day for me might look like,
okay, the last work day,
I'd say I woke up actually, so it was early high tide,
so I got to wake up in the dark, pack up my bags,
go surfing, and then get home before surf,
see my friends in the water, and I think surfing
is a lot of things, it's exercise, it's a cold plunge,
it's photons, some of your favorite things,
maybe a little bit meditative, maybe some social community.
Then, and I, you know, go every time at the same day, so there's the same group of people.
Then I go home, make the kids their snacks, breakfast, drop them off at school.
Then I go to a lab and then run lab meeting and have meetings.
Most of my day when I'm at work is spent meeting with people,
drawing on a whiteboard, mostly meeting with my trainees,
is what I like to spend most of my time on.
Of course, there's other stuff that gets in the mix,
like administrative, whatever.
And then come home at a pretty early hour,
pick up my kids, make dinner,
and then go to sleep kind of early.
Kind of boring these days.
That's my typical day.
Sounds exciting to me. Sounds exciting to me.
Sounds exciting to me.
I think if one were to stay up late,
then one feel sleep deprived if they wake up early.
If you wake up late,
you're missing out on the early morning sunrise,
the surf, all of that.
I've never surfed.
Actually once I paddled out once when I was in college
and there was no surf so I would paddle back in.
But I keep hearing about this surfing thing and people seem to love it.
That's one of my concerns is that if you fall in love with it, you're going to spend
a lot of time out in the ocean, but clearly it's all serving you well and must be wonderful
to be a child in your home.
I can imagine how much fun it is and how interesting it is. You mentioned several times mentorship and trainees and it's clear that
reshaping the landscape of science for the next generation coming up is something that's a real
passion to you. I take great pleasure in asking this because it wasn't long ago that you and I were graduate students
in postdocs and more or less the same vintage, right?
And as is the case, people retire, people die, this is the reality of life, and people
move up the ranks as you have.
So what are some of the things that you're most passionate about in terms of shaping
the future of science, in particular research science, but maybe more broadly?
And what are you doing about it?
I think that academic culture has evolved.
And I guess I should start by just saying, first, I, as I was driving over here, it's
just a beautiful drive and I'm just thinking, it is so cool that we get to do this for a
living.
Isn't it amazing that studying whatever I find interesting to me is something that I
can, you know, have a secure job for. And then just thinking about cool ideas and directions
and talking about it,
stuff that I would do for free is really my job.
And I just am so grateful to have that.
And I think there are a lot of beautiful sides of academia
that sometimes don't get the air time that they deserve.
And of course, there's a lot of doom and gloom.
There always has been when I was a grad student, there's lots of doom and gloom
in the ether.
There's plenty now.
Um, I think perhaps it has become a little bit more dire.
Um, the plight of academia right now, uh, there's been a nationwide drop
of postdocs in general.
There's just a mass exodus away from academia to industry.
And I think that reflects the changing environment.
And so I guess when I was a graduate student,
I had this book in my desk drawer called
Advice for Young Investigator written by Ramoni Cahall,
which is a great book.
It's thin, it's a quick read.
It's got some whimsical anecdotes and some, some, some important insights.
I think also a lot of misogyny, very much glamorizing work, workaholic tendencies.
And, you know, there was definitely a picture of a scientist.
This was the way to succeed.
Other options not really offered.
And, and I really struggled with that.
I had a lot of imposter syndrome coming up through.
I mean,
someone asked me,
when did I stop having imposter syndrome?
I think maybe 2021.
You know, very recently,
I think I spent 20 years of my career
having imposter syndrome wondering if I was good enough,
if I was gonna make it.
Do I have what it takes?
Constantly doubting and questioning it.
Um, and I think that
it would have been nice to, to
not feel so alone at that period of my career.
So I think some of the things that were described in this original book
some of the things that were described in this original book
were really important for academic research to be born as a thing.
Like how do we make this be a thing
that you can get paid for?
You know, how do we make this be a job
that people get to have?
And then at this point, I think most people would agree,
we need science, science is important.
We wanna, we benefit from science.
And I think at this point, it's not so clear that we need elitism as much as we did before. It's not, we're looking at a crumbling
academic culture where we're struggling to retain people and, you know, that's, it's not, it's not
a great sustainable dynamic.
I think trainees are not getting compensated well enough
or treated well enough that it's an attractive choice.
And so I think we need to sort of make a change.
Nothing wrong necessarily about the intentions
that were set hundreds of years ago, but things change
and where we are now
and things are changing very quickly.
So I guess I get to make one of my childhood dreams,
which is to write a book, come true.
In one of the benefits of social media,
I did have a tweet kind of,
just sort of spontaneously ranting about
how this book is problematic and it's very misogynistic.
And maybe we need another book for other types of people and that makes people feel more included.
And so, and this tweet went around and it's, I didn't expect, you know, I didn't expect anything
to come of this. I'm just, you know, living my daily life. And then my DM suddenly had literary agents and a book deal.
And then, okay, I'm now writing this book.
And so I'm about halfway through.
But I think the goal of the book,
I don't really have time for this project to be honest,
but it's such an important project to me.
I think that I want to see academia be one of the healthiest
places. Why is it second only to the military in the pervasiveness of sexual misconduct?
Is that right?
Yeah. Did you know that? So actually, factid is academia is, the military is worse in terms
of sexual misconduct retaliation issues that occur, but academia is second.
And it makes you wonder, what are the parameters that make this type of abuse so rampant?
I think one of the obvious ones is the clear ranks how stable the ranks are how the power structure
of academia and the military very
Fixed not super debatable not difficult to smooth these the ranks are you know, they're there and
the power structure is very skewed and
those are the ingredients that facilitate abuse.
And so I think in the military,
I could see a very good argument
for why that strict rigid hierarchical structure
is necessary.
There's not time for making mistakes, get it.
But with academia, there's time.
We're not, you know, it's not a war.
We're just studying stuff that we think is cool.
Why is such a rigid hierarchy
with such devastating consequences necessary?
I would argue maybe it's not.
And I think I've been spending a lot of time
thinking about this for myself.
I've been, I lot of time thinking about this for myself.
I've been, I found this professional leadership coach
I love and just thinking about sustainability.
How do we make a sustainable ecosystem?
And it's not something you find
in a lot of leadership management literature
that I've been exposed to.
So I'll take a note from the podcast and say,
if anyone knows of literature that talks about developing sustainable ecosystems within leadership
and management, I would love to hear about that in the comments. But I think that's a big hole.
People think about making things stable. The power structure should be stable.
a big hole.
People think about making things stable, the power structure should be stable,
but actually being flexible and dynamic
is what gives systems resilience and flexibility
to survive.
And right now, all the cracks in the towers
of academia are showing,
and it's time to see if this is,
are we gonna adapt and survive
or are we gonna crumble?
There's a lot to unpack there.
And I'm grateful that you're drilling into all of that
with I'm sure the same rigor and attention
to asking the really critical questions
that you have in your lab.
Certainly I observe the landscape changing very rapidly. I think there's
also a lot to be learned and to explore that exports to other professions. I certainly
believe that the more first-time opportunities to experience the beauty of doing research and
biology in particular, because that's what I'm familiar with,
the more likely that we are as a field of research and science
to make more fundamental discoveries.
In other words, the more people that get the experience
of trying science, doing exploratory research science,
the more likely we are to pull from that pool
and within that pool, there will be people of competence,
talent and also gifted.
Like we're just sort of like increase the size of the net.
Yeah.
And the net of course is netting something very specific,
which is you and I both know that
while training certainly matters, knowledge is important,
that ultimately, love of craft and passion and just being tickled
by that research bug.
Once that neuron that gets tickled that lets us see something for the first time or know
something down the microscope or in a data plot or something, there's really no going
back. So I want to be very clear that I loudly applaud your efforts to extend the experience of research
to people.
And earlier you were telling me that you're doing this, that many of the people in your
lab are first-time researchers.
They didn't come through the pedigree of research.
Yeah.
I know we do a lot of outreach.
About 25% of my lab this summer was first time research experiences.
And so we've been really privileged
to have the bandwidth to support that.
I will say though, I mean, on the same tip,
I think what you've done with this podcast is incredible.
You've made millions of people who didn't have access
to science or neuroscience, be fascinated with neuroscience. And now imagine what if every person that listened to this podcast and thought,
this is a great podcast. I wish I could do some neuroscience. It could do it with some,
you know, not full time. What if they could contribute in any just whatever level that
they wanted to. That's so much more contribution that we're currently missing out on because there's so many barriers to be able to contribute to science. And I think
removing the ones that are really there as well as the ones that are just perceived to
be there is so powerful. But I mean, the podcast is, you know, proof, the proof is in the pudding,
the proof is in this podcast, how many people could fall in love with science if they were given a chance to? Well, thank you for that. It is indeed a labor
of love for me. And there are opportunities. Maybe we'll provide a link to a couple of them
where certain projects in neuroscience are crowdsourcing data analysis. It's actually
quite fun. There's the Cactome project where you can trace neurons. It's actually very,
very pleasing. You can do it while listening to podcasts or a book.
Kids can do it.
You're tracing these neurons, basically filling in lines.
It's like a coloring book.
And you're contributing to the parcelation
of understanding the structure of the brain,
including the human brain.
And without that crowdsourcing, it's just not gonna happen.
I mean, there are efforts to make machine learning do it
and to do it through AI, but
there's a lot to be gained from having actual humans do this that those technologies don't
quite yet approximate.
So we'll provide a link to some of those projects.
But listen, Kay, Dr. Tai, of course, I want to thank you so much.
First of all, for coming here today and sharing so much knowledge and also being willing to
go into some places that were by virtue of my questions a little speculative and really
think about those and address those through the lens of deep mechanistic understanding
of how these circuits work and to make it clear to people.
Your enthusiasm for science is infectious in the most positive sense
of the word. And I know that so many people are going to benefit from your knowledge and also from
the work that you've been doing in your laboratory. I've seen your star rise and it's still going,
going, going and it's just remarkable and extraordinary but but I must say, not at all surprising.
So that and your advocacy work,
and for all you do and that you're doing,
I just, on behalf of myself and everyone listening,
I just wanna extend a genuine and really heartfelt thanks.
Thank you.
Thank you so much.
And it's been such an honor to be
on the Hooper and Lab podcast.
It's legendary, so thank you so much for having me.
Absolutely, we'll do it again.
Thank you for joining me for today's discussion
all about the biology of social interactions
with Dr. Kay Ty.
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