It Could Happen Here - Anarchism in Argentina Part 2 ft. Andrew

Episode Date: October 18, 2024

Andrew and Mia stride boldly into the future as time and anarchism in Argentina march forth. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into tech's elite and how they've turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech brought to you by an industry veteran with nothing to lose. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts from. Curious about queer sexuality, cruising, and expanding your horizons? Hit play on the sex-positive and deeply entertaining podcast, Sniffy's Cruising Confessions. Join hosts Gabe Gonzalez and Chris Patterson Rosso

as they explore queer sex, cruising, relationships, and culture in the new iHeart podcast, Sniffy's Cruising Confessions. Sniffy's Cruising Confessions will broaden minds and help you pursue your true goals. You can listen to Sniffy's Cruising Confessions, sponsored by Gilead,

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Submit your podcast today at iHeart.com slash podcast awards. That's iHeart.com slash podcast awards. Welcome to Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German, where we get real and dive straight into todo lo actual y viral. We're talking musica, los premios, el chisme, and all things trending in my cultura. I'm bringing you all the latest happening in our entertainment world and some fun and impactful interviews with your favorite Latin artists, comedians, actors, and influencers.

Each week, we get deep and raw life stories, combos on the issues that matter to us, and it's all packed with gems, fun, straight-up comedia, and that's a song that only nuestra gente can sprinkle. Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, five-year-old Cuban boy Elian Gonzalez was found off the coast of Florida. And the question was, should the boy go back to his father in Cuba?

Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home, and he wanted to take his son with him. Or stay with his relatives in Miami? Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom. Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story, on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. CallZone Media Hello and welcome back to It Could Happen Here. I'm Andrew Siege. Find me on YouTube at Andrew's Home. I'm here once again with...

Oh, Bia. Ha ha, that was my cue. Yeah. Indeed. Yeah, she's here. And today, we're continuing the Latin American Anarchism series with our exploration of anarchism in Argentina. Thanks to the scholarship of Chuck Moss, Jeffrey De La Focard, Angel Capiletti, and Jose Antonio Gutierrez and Ian McKay. and Jose Antonio Gutierrez and Ian McKay. When we last left off, various laws and government actions were pressed hard on the anarchist cause in the country. With so many anarchists executed, jailed, or exiled,

what would become of the anarchist movement? Would things get better or worse? It's hard to say. I think you know the answer. 1919 marked the year of La Semana Tragica, or the Tragic Week When several metal workers were killed by strikebreakers This led to a general strike that shut down the entire country And pushed Buenos Aires into a state of chaos for several days

The anarchist paper La Protesta noted the complete shutdown and praised worker solidarity. But despite the revolutionary atmosphere, the movement lacked a clear objective, which weakened its long-term impact. They had the power, but didn't do too much with it. Eventually, the police and Argentina's first fascist organization, Liga Patriotica, were able to subdue the rebellion. The fascists, by the way, were backed by military figures like Rear Admirals Bermeja Garcia and O'Connor. They attacked and killed with impunity, and in the end 55,000 were detained, with anarchists sent to Martin Garcia, Ireland, and as many as 700 were killed and 4,000 were injured. The anarchist movement persisted,

as they always do. That protest had continued publishing alongside the launch of new papers like Bandera Roja and Tribuna Proletaria. Even after the government banned anarchist press in March 1919, the movement continued to organize, culminating in an extraordinary congress of 200 unions in September 1920. Throughout the 1920s, Fora V remained a powerful force in Argentina's labor movement, pushing for causes like the six-hour weekday and resisting rising nationalist and military sentiments. But throughout came more repression. In 1921, Argentinian workers de la Forestal in the Chaco region were brutally killed for demanding better wages and conditions. The anarchist fora proposed solidarity actions,

but the more reformist fora, the 9th Congress, distanced itself, leaving the movement unsupported. This indifference unfortunately also extended to other violent incidents, such as the murder of workers by the fascist Liga Patriotica in Kuala Kwaichu, and worse still with the largely unreported massacres of striking rural workers in Patagonia by the army, sending 1,500 to death by firing squad, an event ignored by most media except for anarchist outlets like La Protesta. In this case, at least the anarchists got their get back, somewhat later when german anarchist kurt wilkins assassinated colonel hector valera the military leader responsible

for the killings that whole story is so wild because the german assassin was also a pacifist but it's just like fuck it we ball yeah i, sometimes you had to do what you had to do. Yeah. And, I mean, the government got it to get back as well because Wilkins was later murdered in retaliation for his murder of, you know, Hector Valero. Yeah. But at least that led to a general strike across Argentina. It truly is a wild story. Anarchists in Argentina further agitated in opposition to the trial and execution of Italian-American anarchists Sacco and Vincetti in the United States in 1927.

This was a notorious case, by the way, but we'll pull that string another time. There was a certain anarchist who took the protest in a different direction, though. was a certain anarchist who took the protests in a different direction though. Known to be prolific in his acts of violence, Italian anarchist Severino de Giovanni carried out bombings against the American embassy to protest the trial, bombings against the Italian consulate to protest Italian fascism, and robberies throughout the country. De Giovanni's actions sparked debate among anarchists about the issue of quote-unquote anarcho-banditry. Some papers, like La Antorcha, defended Di Giovanni. Others, like La Protesta, attacked him. Di Giovanni's fight came to an end in 1931, when he was arrested and executed for carrying out the murder of one of his fiercest fellow anarchist critics, a certain La Protesta editor named Emilio López Arango.

As you could probably imagine, there weren't any general strikes to protest the Giovanni's execution. General José Félix Uriburu led a coup in 1930 that marked the rise of fascism in Argentina and the continuation of systematic persecution against workers and anarchists. Many were imprisoned, deported, or killed, including prominent figures like Juan Antonio Morán and Joaquín Peniña. Anarchist groups and unions were oppressed under Uriburu's martial law, while the more moderate Confederación General del Trabajo, or CGT, dominated by reformist socialists, survived and became the main representative of workers in the country thanks to Uriburu's corporatist stance. Martial law was peeled back slightly by 1932.

With such heavy blows to the movement, Anarchists had to pull back to the more counter-cultural efforts that defined their movement in the 1880s. Fora resumed publishing activities, with La Protesta returning as a daily. But government pressure, including actions against its editors and restrictions on postal services, made it difficult to maintain this daily schedule. Eventually La Protesta transitioned to a weekly, then bi-weekly, and finally monthly publication.

Despite these challenges, a group of anarchist militants in Villa Devoto Congress was the creation of the Comité Regional de Relaciones Anarquistas, or the CRRA. This laid the foundation for what became the Argentine Anarcho-Communist Federation, or FACA, in 1935, although the organization never really gained a mass following. In 1935, Anarchists also established the Biblioteca Popular José Ingenieros, a library and social center. While initially founded with the support of socialists, the anarchists took full control after the socialists left. Around this time, anarchist

groups campaigned fiercely to free Voto, Maini, and Diago, comrades who had been tortured and imprisoned for over a decade. The newspaper Justicia was created solely to advocate for their release, which was finally granted in 1942. Throughout this period, the anarchist press remained active. The number of publications diminished. Several publishing houses like Nervio, Iman, Tupac, and Reconstruir kept anarchist literature alive, publishing key works and essays. In 1933, Acción Libertaria emerged and eventually became the voice of ACA, later known as the Federación Libertaria Argentina, or FLA, until 1971. But the most significant international event for Argentine anarchists during the 1930s was the Spanish Civil War. The rise of fascism and the resistance led by the CNT and Federación Anarquista Ibérica, or FAI, inspired Argentine anarchists to provide solidarity and support.

Many traveled to Spain to join the fight, with José Grunfeld becoming the secretary of the FAI. Campaigns to support antifascists in the Spanish Civil War were also launched, with FACA publishing books and pamphlets on the struggle. FACA launched Solidaridad Obrera in 1941, edited by Juan Corral and Loreano Riera, though it was later shut down by the first Justicialista government under Perón. Fora also began publishing a series of booklets, Perón. Fora also began publishing a series of booklets, including Todos contra la Guerra in 1935 and Lucha Constructiva por la Libertad y Justicia in 1944. One notable libertarian cultural journal, Hombre de América, ran from January 1940 until the end of 1945, covering nearly the entire duration of the Second World War. FACA was clear about its

position on the global conflicts of the time. In a 1942 general plenary, the group denounced both Western democracies, which they saw as veiling capitalist exploitation, and the Soviet Union, which they deemed bureaucratic capitalism. However, they saw the greatest threat in National Socialism, the Nazis, and the rise of the Third Reich, warning that totalitarianism was the worst danger of their era. Faka's statement of solidarity with the oppressed under Nazi barbarity also recognized the threat posed by Soviet expansionism and the false promises of post-war democracies. Domestically, and the false promises of post-war democracies. Domestically, FACA and FORA faced a new challenge with the rise of Juan Domingo Perón. His populist approach, while beneficial somewhat to workers, was paradoxical for anarchists. Perón's government promoted a state-centered,

jingoistic project that co-opted labor movements through control networks, undermining genuine proletarian democracy. Anarchists rejected Peronism, seeing it as a threat to the revolutionary ethos of worker solidarity. Despite this, fora retained some influence, especially among agricultural workers who were caught between the identities of peasants and workers. In June 1946, Anarchist launched a new newspaper, Reconstruir, with Luis Danussi as editor. The first issue featured Jacobo Prince's critique of Peronism in an article titled El Totalitarismo Falsea El Principio de Justicia Social, calling out the regime's distortion of social justice. By the late 1940s and early 1950s, Fora's influence had waned, and anarcho-syndicalism was reduced to a smaller role in Argentina's labor movement. However, the Sociedad de

Resistencia de Obreros del Puerto, aligned with Fora fora demonstrated their commitment to anarcho-syndicalism in 1952 by rejecting a compulsory wage tax to fund a monument to eva peron jesus christ yeah this act of defiance led to the imprisonment of several militants for six months imagine you decide you want to reject extra taxes because the dictator's wife demands a monument. You get thrown in jail because you decide you don't want to pay that tax. God, that's terrible stuff. While Peron's regime weakened free unionism, he did so by means of corruption rather than violence. Contrasting with the methods of his predecessor, Uripuro. FACA continued its work, holding several congresses,

including the 4th in 1951 and the 5th in 1955, just before Perón's overthrow. In 1955, FACA rebranded as the Federación Libertaria Argentina, or the FLA. And the FLA held its sixth Congress in 1961, and its journal Reconstruir published regularly from 1959 until 1976, coinciding with the onset of Argentina's most brutal dictatorship. Thank you. and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose. This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel-winning economists to leading journalists in the field. And I'll be digging into why the products you love

keep getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love technology. I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things that actually do things to help real people. I swear to God, things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better.

Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. I found out I was related to the guy that I was dating. I don't feel emotions correctly. I am talking to a felon right now, and I cannot decide if I like him or not. Those were some callers from my call-in podcast, Therapy Gecko. It's a show where I take real phone calls from anonymous strangers all over the world as a fake gecko therapist and try to dig into their brains

and learn a little bit about their lives. I know that's a weird concept, but I promise it's pretty interesting if you give it a shot. Matter of fact, here's a few more examples of the kinds of calls we get on this show. I live with my boyfriend and I found his piss jar in our apartment.

I collect my roommate's toenails and fingernails. I have very overbearing parents. Even at the age of 29, they don't let me move out of their house. So if you want an excuse to get out of your own head and see what's going on in someone else's head, search for Therapy Gecko on the iHeartRadio app, Apple

Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. It's the one with the green guy on it. Hey, I'm Jack Peace Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. I'm Jack Peace Thomas, and I'm inviting you to join me and a vibrant community of literary enthusiasts dedicated to protecting and celebrating our stories. Black Lit is for the page turners, for those who listen to audiobooks while commuting or running errands, for those who find themselves seeking solace, wisdom, and refuge between the chapters. From thought-provoking novels

to powerful poetry, we'll explore the stories that shape our culture. Together, we'll dissect classics and contemporary works while uncovering the stories of the brilliant writers behind them. Blacklit is here to amplify the voices of Black writers and to bring their words to life. Listen to Blacklit on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hola, mi gente. It's Honey German, and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again, the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture,

musica, peliculas, and entertainment with some of the biggest names in the game. If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities, artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you. We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars, from actors and artists to musicians and creators sharing their stories, struggles, and successes. You know it's going to be filled with

chisme laughs and all the vibes that you love. Each week we'll explore everything from music and pop culture to deeper topics like identity, community, and breaking down barriers in all sorts of industries. Don't miss out on the fun, el té caliente, and life stories. Join me for

Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German, where we get into todo lo actual y viral. Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, a five-year-old boy floated alone in the ocean. He had lost his mother trying to reach Florida from Cuba. He looked like a little angel. I mean, he looked so fresh. And his name, Elian Gonzalez, will make headlines everywhere. Elian Gonzalez. Elian, Elian.

Elian Gonzalez. Elian, Elian. Elian Gonzalez. At the heart of the story is a young boy and the question of who he belongs with. His father in Cuba. Mr. Gonzales wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him. Or his relatives in Miami. Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom.

At the heart of it all is still this painful family separation. Something that as a Cuban, I know all too well. Listen to Chess Piece, the Elian Gonzalez story, as part of the My Cultura podcast network, available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. But before we fast forward to 1976, we need to explore what took place in the 60s. The 60s are known as the new left era in many parts of the world, thanks to the rise of student radicalism. The new left is marked by a notable libertarian and democratic impulse, an emphasis on cultural as well as political transformation, an extension of traditional left's focus and class struggle to acknowledge multiple forms and bases of oppression, including race and gender, an emphasis on anti-imperialism and

anti-colonialism, and a rejection of bureaucracy and traditional forms of political organization in favor of direct action and participatory democracy. Many youth were searching for a third way outside of Soviet and Western models. So during the 1960s and 70s, a new generation of Argentine youth turned to anarchism, though they struggled to collaborate with the older anarchist movements. Cultural and political differences were at the heart of this divide, with younger militants aligning themselves more with the global anti-imperialist movements of the time than with the anarchist legacy already within Argentina. In some ways, this generational rift

left a scar in the anarchist struggle. In other ways, it helped younger anarchists to develop a clearer ideological stance compared to their counterparts in countries where such internal conflicts were less prevalent. One of the most significant anarchist groups to emerge during this period was Resistencia Libertaria. Operating clandestinely and with a cellular structure, RL aimed to ignite mass resistance and ultimately spark a prolonged popular war. The group was active in neighborhoods, labor movements, and student circles, and it had a small armed wing for defense and expropriation purposes. Although it

was formerly a national organization, Aral's main operations were in La Plata, Cordoba, and Buenos Aires. As Argentina grew increasingly polarized in the mid-1970s, R.I.L. activists became targets. Many were disappeared even before the military coup of 1976. But then it hit. Henry Kissinger at the United States Machinations bore fruit. Yeah, yeah, yeah, we'll go in there. A military coup overthrew President Isabel Perón, the third wife of the original Perón, and installed a junta led by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videla, Admiral Emilio Eduardo

Macera, and Brigadier General Orlando Ramon Agusti. This coup was part of Operation Condor, a coordinated effort between Latin American dictatorships backed by the United States under its Cold War national security doctrine. The aim was allegedly to maintain stability in the region that America considers its backyard, and US officials, including Kissinger, were sure to meet with Argentine military leaders after the coup to encourage them to wipe out their opposition quickly and brutally before any whiny human rights concerns started to be raised internationally. The junta remained in power until December 1983, during which time some 30,000 people were disappeared or executed. RL militants were particularly targeted by the regime.

One particularly horrible story I have to share. The military men responsible for the killings, often spared pregnant women, kept them in custody until they gave birth, then killed the mothers, and gave their infants to childless military families. Jesus Christ. That's the kind of evil we're dealing with. Yeah. And despite the dangers, RL continued its activities until 1978, when a series of coordinated police raids dismantled much of the group.

Around 80% of RL members were detained in concentration camps, where they were tortured and most were eventually executed. And that is how you kill a social movement. In the final years of the dictatorship and following their re-establishment of civil government in 1983, new and relatively anti-authoritarian social movements emerged in Argentina. Among the most prominent were the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo, a group of mothers advocating for justice for those who had been disappeared under the military regime. Alongside them, various ecologists, feminists, and other grassroots activists began to make

their voices heard. This shift marked a significant departure from traditional state-centric leftist politics, with a growing inclination towards more decentralized approaches. While this climate sparked renewed interest in anarchism, it didn't lead to a substantial increase in the membership of older anarchist organizations. Instead, it highlighted a transformation in how social movements approached activism and sought to address issues of justice and accountability. And then we come into the 21st century. In the early 2000s, Argentina,

which was once a poster child for neoliberalism thanks to the actions of the dictatorship, found itself in the throes of a devastating economic crisis. This meltdown didn't just affect the economy, it ignited a wave of social movements that were far more confrontational, radical, and anarchistic than before. We saw the rise of militant neighborhood assemblies, factory takeovers, and intense street protests. What was happening in Argentina was a direct result of more than two decades of so-called free market reforms and structural adjustment programs. These policies had left the economy in ruins, with poverty and unemployment levels soaring. By the time the crisis hit, poverty had shot up from 31% to 53%, and unemployment had jumped to 21.4%,

nearly a quarter of the country's population. Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into how tech's elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose. This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel winning economists to leading journalists in the field, and I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though.

I love technology. I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things that actually do things to help real people. I swear to God things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better.

Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. I found out I was related to the guy that I was dating. I don't feel emotions correctly. I am talking to a felon right now and I cannot decide if I like him or not.

Those were some callers from my call-in podcast, Therapy Gecko. It's a show where I take real phone calls from anonymous strangers all over the world as a fake gecko therapist and try to dig into their brains and learn a little bit about their lives. I know that's a weird concept, but I promise it's pretty interesting if you give it a shot. Matter of fact, here's a few more examples of the kinds of calls we get on this show. I live with my boyfriend and I found his piss jar in our apartment. I collect my roommate's toenails and fingernails. I have very overbearing parents.

Even at the age of 29, they won't let me move out of their house. So if you want an excuse to get out of your own head and see what's going on in someone else's head, search for Therapy Gecko on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. It's the one with the green guy on it. Hey, I'm Jack Peace Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. I'm Jack Peace Thomas, and I'm inviting you to join me in a vibrant community of literary enthusiasts dedicated to protecting and celebrating our stories. Black Lit is for the page turners,

for those who listen to audiobooks while commuting or running errands, for those who find themselves seeking solace, wisdom, and refuge between the chapters. From thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry, we'll explore the stories that shape our culture. Together, we'll dissect classics and contemporary works while uncovering the stories of the brilliant writers behind them. Blacklit is here to amplify the voices of Black writers and to bring their words to life. Listen to Blacklit on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hola, mi gente. It's Honey German,

and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again, the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture, musica, películiculas, and entertainment with some of the biggest names in the game. If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities, artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you. We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars, from actors and artists to musicians and creators,

sharing their stories, struggles, and successes. You know it's going to be filled with chisme, laughs, and all the vibes that you love. Each week, we'll explore everything from music and pop culture Thank you. podcast by Honey German, where we get into todo lo actual y viral. Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, a five-year-old boy floated alone in the ocean. He had lost his mother trying to reach Florida from Cuba. He looked like a little angel. I mean, he looked so fresh. And his name, Elian Gonzalez, will make headlines everywhere.

Elian Gonzalez. Elian Gonzalez. Elian Gonzalez. Elian. Elian. Elian Gonzalez. At the heart of the story is a young boy and the question of who he belongs with. His father in Cuba.

Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him.. His father in Cuba. Mr. Gonzales wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him. Or his relatives in Miami. Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom. At the heart of it all is still this painful family separation. Something that as a Cuban,

I know all too well. Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story, as part of the My Cultura podcast network, available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Out of this chaos came the PICTEROS, a new movement of unemployed workers

who turned their anger into direct action. They didn't just march in protest. They blocked roads, demanding work and dignity. But what set the PICTAROs apart from traditional unions was their commitment to horizontal organizing and direct action. They knew that those unions didn't represent them, and they wanted something more than just jobs. They wanted dignity, and they wanted something more than just jobs. They wanted dignity, and they

wanted a say in how society was run. One of the voices from this movement, a woman from the Solano neighborhood in Buenos Aires, captured this spirit when she said, I dream of my children finding a way of life here, away from the despair the system gives us. We're building something new. Politics without political parties. End quote. The PICTAROs didn't just demand employment. They wanted meaningful work that gave them control over their lives. They weren't looking to be folded back into the capitalist system that had failed them. Instead, they called themselves autonomous workers, envisioning a society where people took charge of their communities and their futures. And then came December 2001.

On the 19th, the crisis hit a boiling point. All across the country, people took to the streets. Unemployed workers, middle-class families, and whole neighborhoods. They were united in their demands. An end to the government's economic policies and the resignation of the deeply unpopular President Fernando de la Rúa. After two days of street battles with police, the government collapsed. In the wake of this upheaval, neighborhood assemblies popped up everywhere and the piqueteros intensified their efforts. Millions of workers across Argentina joined a

general strike. In Buenos Aires alone, over a million people defied a government-imposed state of emergency, flooding the streets in protest. It wasn't just about venting frustration, it was about reclaiming their power. In a way, the ideas of anarchism, self-management, decentralization, and direct action were being put into practice on a truly massive scale, even though anarchist groups themselves didn't necessarily lead the charge. The fight wasn't just on the streets though. It had to happen in the factories, the fields, across all the sectors of society. They couldn't just remove politicians. They had to dismantle the entire system of exploitation and replace it with

something radically different. A key piece of this puzzle was the rise of the fábricas recuperadas, or reclaimed factories. These takeovers didn't start with the 2001 uprising, though. The first occupation happened back in 1996, when workers in a coal storage plant took control after the bosses abandoned it. More factories followed suit, with workers stepping in when owners fled. But they weren't even trying

to launch an offensive against capitalism. They were simply trying to survive, to hold on to their livelihoods in an economy that had pushed them to the edge. By the time of the Argentine uprising in December 2001, over 170 factories had been reclaimed, with some 10,000 workers taking part in this new form of collective labor. The message was clear. When the bosses leave, the workers are more than capable of keeping things running. In these reclaimed factories, they got rid of the traditional management hierarchies and made collective decisions and shared income equally. It was a living example of one potential way society could function without the capitalist class. In the midst of the Argentine economic collapse, these workers didn't

just resist, they were also producing. Hence their banner of Occupar, Resistar, Procir. Occupy, Resist, Produce. They knew it was possible to not just fight but to build something new from the ground up. Not just to survive but to lay the foundations for a new society. The cries of que se vayan todos or basically out with all of them echoed the widespread disillusionment with the entire political class. But the sentiment needed to be transformed into something more substantial. A proper political framework to drive the momentum forward. But this alternative, this framework, this potentially anarchist framework, wasn't fully developed among the population at the time. There were some comrades who were working towards building such a framework.

But much of the movement, particularly of the left, were focused on elections as a way forward. Their logic was simple. A left-leaning government could introduce policies to alleviate the situation and prevent the open repression of popular movements. But what would this really achieve? It risked the transferring of the struggle from the streets, from the workplaces, from the hands of the people, into the hands of a new set of politicians, shifting the focus from the masses to a few leaders operating within clearly capitalist institutions. The elections were not important. The fight wasn't about winning seats in the government, and that needed to be understood. The fight was about building a true popular power.

Que se vayan todos, out with all of them, rejecting not just individuals, but the entire political, social, and economic power structures. Even though the Argentine people were not identifying as anarchists, they were applying anarchist principles in many aspects of their struggles. Just like the Zapatistas and Chiapas

who rose up in 1994 with the rallying cry, Ya basta, or enough already, the Argentine uprising was a clear rejection of state power and capitalism. Votes can't last forever, but they could plant the seeds of a new society, one built from below.

But the movement was torn between the two approaches, of whether factories should be managed by workers under state ownership, or if they should be completely worker-owned. Some argue the demand and expropriation by the state wasn't a real solution within a capitalist framework, because the state itself was responsible for the conditions they found themselves in. But even though they argue that true workers' power came from the workers controlling their own production, on the flip side, cooperatives don't really address the deeper issues of capitalism.

Cooperativism doesn't inherently challenge capitalist relations of production. It just tinkers with the surface issues like monopolies, internal structures, and competition. Building a network of cooperatives can be valuable, but it's not going to create a subsystem capable of toppling capitalism. Anarchism, and specifically anarchist communist ideas, propose something far more transformative. Abolishing all forms of power exercised by a minority, whether the bourgeoisie or the state. Assuming control of not just factories and fields, but all of society. It's not a choice between cooperatives or state-managed workplaces. It's about creating conditions for all

workers and all people to self-organize. And such reforms, such as reforms for workers to have control over their workplaces, are merely steps toward a much larger goal that should be kept in mind in that struggle. These experiences and this history in Argentina shows us that anarchist ideas are not just lofty dreams. They're grounded in real struggles of working people, consciously or unconsciously, proving that a society without bosses, managers, and exploitation is possible. Every social struggle, every revolutionary action is another step towards building that world. Through these movements, through these actions, through these struggles, we can see the foundation of a new society. And to the people of Argentina, who now face the rule of a new right-wing menace,

I implore you to stand up and say once again, Que se vayan todos. Out with all of them. All power to all the people. Peace. It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media. other people. Peace. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season it could happen here listed directly in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening. and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech brought to you by an industry veteran with nothing to lose. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts from.

Curious about queer sexuality, cruising, and expanding your horizons? Hit play on the sex-positive and deeply entertaining podcast Sniffy's Cruising Confessions. Join hosts Gabe Gonzalez and Chris Patterson Rosso as they explore queer sex, cruising, relationships, and culture in the new iHeart podcast, Sniffy's Cruising Confessions. Sniffy's Cruising Confessions will broaden minds and help you pursue your true goals. You can listen to Sniffy's Cruising Confessions, sponsored by Gilead, now on the iHeartRadio app or wherever you get your podcasts. New episodes every Thursday. The 2025 iHeart Podcast Awards are coming.

This is the chance to nominate your podcast for the industry's biggest award. Submit your podcast for nomination now at iHeart.com slash podcast awards. But hurry, submissions close on December 8th. Hey, you've been doing all that talking. It's time to get rewarded for it. Submit your podcast today at iHeart.com slash podcast awards. That's iHeart.com slash podcast

awards. Welcome to Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German, where we get real and dive straight into todo lo actual y viral. We're talking music, los premios, el chisme, and all things trending in my cultura. I'm bringing you all the latest happening in our entertainment world and some fun and impactful interviews with your favorite Latin artists, comedians, actors, and influencers. Each week we get deep and raw life stories,

combos on the issues that matter to us. And it's all packed with gems, fun, straight up comedia. And that's a song that only Nuestra Gente can sprinkle. Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

On Thanksgiving Day 1999, five-year-old Cuban boy Elian Gonzalez was found off the coast of Florida. And the question was, should the boy go back to his father in Cuba? Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him.

Or stay with his relatives in Miami? Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom. Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story, on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.