It Could Happen Here - Anarchism In Brazil, Pt. 2 feat. Andrew
Episode Date: September 25, 2024Andrew continues his conversation with Garrison about the development of Brazilian Anarchism during repression and fascist violence in the 20th century.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy informat...ion.
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Welcome to Kid Appin' Here. I'm Andrew Sage of the YouTube channel, Andrewism.
Today, we're continuing the Latin American anarchism series with our exploration of
anarchism in Brazil. I'm joined by...
Garrison Davis. Hello there. And once again, thanks to the scholarship of Edgar Rodriguez, Jesse Cohen, Felipe Correa,
Rafael Viana de Silva, Juan William dos Santos, Edilene Toledo, and Luigi Biondi.
When we last left off, anarchist labor resistance in Brazil had triggered a turning point and a
reaction. Weakened by the splits caused by the Bolsheviks and the military repression of the government,
another faction would step in to cripple the anarchist cause even further.
The Integralists.
In the 1920s and 1930s, Brazil saw the rise of the Brazilian Integralist Action, the AIB,
a nationalist movement led by Plinio Salgado. During a trip to Europe,
Salgado became enamored with Benito Mussolini's fascist movements in Italy.
Upon his return to Brazil and at the height of Getulio Vargas' dictatorship,
which was ushered in thanks to a cool-weather liberal alliance, Salgado founded the Society
of Political Studies, gathering intellectuals who were sympathetic to fascism.
Then he issued the October Manifesto, laying out the groundwork for the Brazilian Integralist action.
The movement closely mirrored Italian fascism, with its green-shirted paramilitary wing, regimented demonstrations, and militant rhetoric.
Though Salgado publicly rejected racism, many members of his party
adopted anti-Semitic views. Integralism was financed in part by the Italian embassy,
with the Roman salute and the Tupi word Anaue, meaning, you are my brother, as key symbols of
their unity. Integralist action drew its support from lower middle class Italians and Portuguese
immigrants,
alongside sections of the Brazilian military, particularly the navy.
As the party grew, it became the dictator Vargas' primary right-wing base of support,
especially after he began to crack down on the Communist Party.
Integralists frequently engaged in street violence and terrorism aimed at leftist groups. In 1931, Vargas introduced labor regulations based
on Mussolini's labor charter. Independent industrial unions were banned, union membership
had to be registered with the Ministry of Labor, two-thirds of the union membership had to be
native-born or naturalized Brazilians, and union officers were required to either be resident in
Brazil for 10 years if naturalized
or 30 years if foreign born that's pretty fucked up i would assume also just very damaging to the
entire labor movement in the country a very intense series of restrictions yes that's a
very immigrant empowered labor movement yeah that was definitely targeted definitely definitely targeted obviously like the
class consciousness of the immigrant workers was such a threat that they had to root them out from
any position of influence within the sanctioned unions salgado and the integralists of course
welcomed these decrees and worked with the police to capture militant workers the communists also
apparently welcomed the impositions
the Ministry of Labour.
Meanwhile, anarchists and workers were
weathering rightist violence.
One time, integralists kicked down the
doors of the Bakery Workers' Union,
the Construction Workers' League, the Mill
and Warehouse Operatives, Stone Masons' Union,
and Union of Cafe Employees,
destroyed their assets,
and extrajudiciously hauled away the workers as prisoners.
So they just started kidnapping people
and doing basically state-sanctioned terrorism.
Exactly.
Another integralist, Gustavo Barroso,
used his walking stick to break the arm
of an anti-fascist 16-year-old worker
named Nair Koleho
as she was making a speech
against fascism.
Time is a flat circle.
Indeed it is.
Instead of sticks, this time they're using cars,
but it's the same principle.
And sticks!
Oh yeah, people are still collecting sticks.
I have been hit by many a stick
from a fascist at a street demo,
especially as a teenager.
Hmm. Hmm.
Down.
So with all this violence they're dealing with,
in this time,
the anarchist presses had to hunker down
and prepare to face further attacks.
In 1933,
the Libertarian Anti-Fascist Committee
sounded alarm on the dire threat of integralism.
As one anarchist press wrote,
Like fascism,
integralism means to enslave and fetter the people. Let us now defend our liberty like men. As one anarchist press wrote, On December 24th, 1933, the tensions were at an all-time high.
Following a humiliating defeat at the Salon Celso Garcia,
Plenio Salgado's Integralists, known as the Green Shirts, planned a show of
force to assert their dominance. Their target? Union leaders and leftists, particularly anarchists,
who stood against their fascist vision for Brazil. According to reports from Nosovos on December 1st,
the integralists had organized 18 companies of Green-shirted marchers who would parade through the heart of Sao Paulo,
prepared to crush any resistance that came their way.
Reinforcements from Rio de Janeiro, led by Gustavo Barroso,
bolstered their numbers, with 500 trained assault troops primed to attack.
The police, of course, were openly supportive of the Integralists,
and had even stationed machine guns at key
points throughout the city to ensure the march went smoothly. Colonel Arlindo de Oliveira
had an additional 400 troops, made up of infantry, fire brigade units, and cavalry, ready to
intervene. Seems like Claire Overkill. But it was a show of force, so to be expected.
By the time the marchers reached the Pracha da Se,
a huge crowd had gathered, some curious onlookers,
others outright opponents of the fascist movement.
As the integralists arrived at the cathedral,
cries of death to the fascists and down with the green shirts echoed throughout the square.
Suddenly, shots rang out. Some say the firing began
accidentally, when a machine gun set up by the Civil Guard was nudged. Others claim it was the
communists lying in wait, ready to ambush the march. Regardless, chaos erupted before the anarchists
had even initiated their planned attack. The scene quickly devolved into
pandemonium. People fled in terror, shots continued to fire, and several were mortally wounded.
The planned pledge of loyalty to Plinio Salgado, the head of the Integralists, never took place
that day. But by 1937, Salgado launched a presidential campaign, hoping to ride the
wave of growing support for his movement
and become a dictator in his own right. However, when Vargas cancelled the elections and established
the authoritarian Estado Novo regime, he banned the Integralist Party along with all the others,
sidelining Salgado. In response, Integralist militants launched two uprisings in 1938,
both of which failed. Salgado was imprisoned and later
exiled to Portugal. After spending most of his life supporting the dictators of Brazil, his
attempt to become one of his own utterly failed. There's a few interesting things in this moment
here, particularly how the initial struggle against fascism once again,
and kind of laid at the feet of anarchists and communists had like a degree of
hesitancy to like,
to like jump in fully.
And then also like,
I find it interesting the way that these,
like this era of fascists in Brazil,
particularly we're targeting unions,
but as almost as a way just to target like immigrants,
like it was like the
easiest way for them to actually just do anti-immigrant violence um was like through the
unions yeah anti-immigrant violence is almost always anti-worker violence as well yeah no no
in the states at least right now we're just like seeing a another kind of uptick um in like anti-immigrant rhetoric and
violence and yeah a lot of it is tied to like labor and like how immigrants are are taking
jobs away from the lower classes that sort of thing huh as always remember that you know it
could happen here and it's important to be constantly aware and on guard against even the ghost, the shadow of fascism creeping
up in their communities.
It's easy to be treated by the media or by others as just, oh you're making a big deal
about it, you're over exaggerating the threat, but no, these things snowball very quickly uh they need to be nipped in the bud
and it's largely thanks to anti-fascists on the front lines that the situation is not as bad as
it could be right now yeah even though it is getting worse every day
hey guys i'm kate max you might know me from my popular online series, The Running Interview Show,
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On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, a five-year-old boy floated alone in the ocean.
He had lost his mother trying to reach Florida from Cuba.
He looked like a little angel. I mean, he looked so fresh.
And his name, Elian Gonzalez, will make headlines everywhere.
Elian Gonzalez.
Elian Gonzalez.
Elian.
Elian.
Elian Gonzalez.
At the heart of the story is a young boy and the question of who he belongs with.
His father in Cuba.
Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him.
Or his relatives in Miami.
Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom.
At the heart of it all is still this painful family separation.
Something that as a Cuban, I know all too well.
Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story
as part of the My Cultura podcast network
available on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
For the already weakened anarchist and labor movements in Brazil,
Integralism had posed a dire threat. They were already splintered and in decline,
struggling to maintain influence, and Integralism's rapid rise, with its militarized structure and
anti-leftist violence, fully suppressed their hopes. The Communists weren't exactly a help
either. The anarchists
lost a significant stronghold of their struggle on the premises of the Anti-Clerical League in
Rio de Janeiro when communists sent to disrupt their meeting called the police on them, leading
to the arrest of eight anarchists and the closure of the Anti-Clerical League centre and its
newspaper. With the help of the Integralists, Communists,
and leaders of Cardinal Sebastão Leme's Brazilian Catholic Party,
Getúlio Vargas faced little resistance in establishing his Estado Novo dictatorship.
His authoritarian regime lasted from 1937 to 1945 and was marked by continuous crackdowns
on labour autonomy and anarchism. But despite
the common claims, the 1930s marked the end of anarchism in Brazil.
Anarchists remained active in unions and cultural spaces despite repression. Anarchists published
influential periodicals like A Plebe and A Chão Direita and aimed to create a national
anarchist political organization. Post-1945, in the era of re-democratization,
anarchists converged in Sao Paulo for Brazilian anarchist congresses
in 1948 and 1959,
which brought together veterans and motivated the re-establishment of social centers.
The anarchists resumed educational and cultural activities
like founding the Centro de Cultura Social, the CCS, which became a hub for anarchist intellectual life, hosting lectures, conferences,
literary events, and even theatre performances. The anarchists were back. The CCS had played a
key role in building anarchist networks, even hosted anarchist exiles from Spain, and helped
establish similar cultural centres in the suburbs of of São Paulo and other cities across Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro, a similar space emerged in 1958,
the Centro de Estudos Professor José Oitica, or CEPJO. Like the CCS, the CEPJO hosted courses,
lectures, and debates. In 1961, it helped establish an anarchist publishing house called Mundo Libre.
In Sao Paulo, union activity surged, with 300,000 workers striking in 1953,
and another 400,000 in 1957. This period of intense mobilization provided an opportunity
for anarchists and independent socialists to come together and form the Syndicalist Orientation Movement, or MOS.
Created in 1953, MOS aimed to fight for the autonomy and freedom of workers' unions,
resistant state and corporate control.
By 1957, they had enough momentum to contest union leadership positions, especially within
the graphic sector.
Despite these strides, however, the anarchist movement faced considerable
challenges. The redemocratization after 1945 offered some room for growth, but the labour
landscape was dominated by corporatist forces, the Communist Party, and the Brazilian Labour Party.
Anarchists found themselves battling for influence in a crowded political field.
Their efforts to revitalize the movement were further stifled by
a lack of resources and militants, which limited their presence in social movements.
The momentum gained in the 1950s came to a crashing halt with the military coup of 1964.
Once again, Brazil entered a period of authoritarian rule, placing anarchist activists in a precarious position. In May 1964,
anarchists from Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo organized a secret meeting to strategize,
focused on safeguarding anarchist resources. Many went underground, facing renewed repression
and uncertainty about the future of their movement. They shifted focus to educational
and cultural spaces to
survive, with initiatives like the newspaper O Protesto and the publishing house Germinal.
Anarchists, including young students new to the cause, formed the libertarian student movement,
the NEL, in 1967, with the intention of fixing a position and fighting back, as well as having an
active presence in class and ideological struggles,
marking all directions more in accordance with Federalist principles, which had governed the
life of every class organization. But after one student, Edson Louise, was murdered by the military
police, the MEL and other student initiatives faced heavy persecution after the 1968 Institutional
Act No. 5, or the AI-5, which suspended most civil
rights, including habeas corpus, allowed for the removal from office of opposition politicians,
enabled federal interventions in municipalities and states, and enabled the institutionalization
of arbitrary detention, torture, and extrajudicial killing by the regime. This military dictatorship that gripped Brazil from 1964 to 1985 forced anarchist movements into survival mode. In Rio de Janeiro, the Centro de
Estudos Professor José Coetica operated secretly, while in Sao Paulo, the Centro de Cultural Social
kept the flame of anarchist thought alive through underground propaganda and secret meetings.
flame of anarchist thought alive through underground propaganda and secret meetings.
These centers were vital in maintaining connections with international anarchist movements, ensuring that the ideology persisted despite the harsh political climate. You see the importance of
international solidarity rearing its head yet again, and you see also the importance of having
cultural centers, social centers, community centers
where the movement can draw strength, even when it's not directly engaging in labor organizing
or direct political struggle. Just that rejuvenation of community is enough to
maintain the survival of that ideological struggle, even when all hope seems lost.
No, I mean, this is something like you see a lot, especially after or during like a movement
that's faced incredible repression is that kind of, it goes back to kind of its earlier
forms, at least in terms of like, like, like, like the social aspects, like in some ways,
it feels like it's kind of regressing back to kind of where it like started back in the
last episode with some of those like same, like, you know, like, like underground newspapers,
all this, all this
cultural engagement.
As you said, a way to
keep the light alive
during an intense
military-style effort of
repression.
It's really quite necessary.
Hey guys, I'm Kate Max. You might know me from my popular online series,
The Running Interview Show, where I run with celebrities, athletes, entrepreneurs, and more.
After those runs, the conversations keep going. That's what my podcast, Post Run High, is all about. It's a chance to sit down with my guests
and dive even deeper into their stories, their journeys, and the thoughts that arise once we've
hit the pavement together. You know that rush of endorphins you feel after a great workout?
Well, that's when the real magic happens. So if you love hearing real, inspiring stories from the people you know, follow, and admire,
join me every week for Post Run High.
It's where we take the conversation beyond the run and get into the heart of it all.
It's lighthearted, pretty crazy, and very fun.
Listen to Post Run High on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Hey, I'm Jack Peace Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series,
Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. I'm Jack Peace Thomas, and I'm inviting you to join me and a vibrant community of literary
enthusiasts dedicated to protecting and
celebrating our stories. Black Lit is for the page turners, for those who listen to audiobooks while
commuting or running errands, for those who find themselves seeking solace, wisdom, and refuge
between the chapters. From thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry, we'll explore the
stories that shape our culture. Together, we'll dissect classics and contemporary works while Thank you. on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose. This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel winning economists
to leading journalists in the field. And I'll be digging into why the products you love keep
getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love
technology. I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things that
actually do things to help real people. I swear to God, things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every
week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things
better. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your
podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. you. We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars, from actors and artists to musicians
and creators sharing their stories, struggles, and successes. You know it's going to be filled
with chisme laughs and all the vibes that you love. Each week, we'll explore everything from
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On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, a five-year-old boy floated alone in the ocean.
He had lost his mother trying to reach Florida from Cuba.
He looked like a little angel. I mean, he looked so fresh.
And his name, Elian Gonzalez, will make headlines everywhere.
Elian Gonzalez.
Elian Gonzalez.
Elian.
Elian.
Elian Gonzalez.
At the heart of the story is a young boy and the question of who he belongs with.
His father in Cuba.
Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home and he wanted to take his son with him.
Or his relatives in Miami.
Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom.
At the heart of it all is still this painful family separation.
Something that as a Cuban, I know all too well. Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story, as part of the My Cultura
podcast network, available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
wherever you get your podcasts.
Unfortunately, in 1969,
the headquarters of SEPJO was raided by Air Force agents.
The invasion resulted in the arrest
and prosecution of 18 members,
including the anarchist Ariel Perez,
who endured a month of imprisonment and torture.
So between 1972 and 1977, anarchists were forced into even greater degrees of secrecy,
meeting in very small, tight-knit groups.
In terms of organizational strength, this might have been the lowest point for anarchism
in Brazil.
But things began to shift in 1977, as the dictatorship started to lose its grip.
That year, the anarchist periodical O Inimigo Lore, or The King's Enemy, was launched in Bahia,
marking a significant moment for the movement.
This newspaper brought together student and union militants from various parts of the country.
Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Paraiba, and Pará.
Despite internal conflicts and ideological differences,
the paper played a crucial role in reorganizing the anarchist movement.
Under the influence of the counterculture,
O Inimigo do Rei tackled issues like revolutionary unionism,
anarcho-syndicalism, the student movement, gender, sexuality, and political theory.
syndicalism, the student movement, gender, sexuality, and political theory. The paper ran until 1982, and after hiatus, resumed briefly between 1987 and 1988. During this same period,
there was the first sign of notable anarchist engagement with the labor movement in years.
Following a wave of strikes involving more than 40,000 workers, Anarchists began questioning the bureaucratic union structures. In Sao Paulo, the Colectivo Rebutario de Oposição Sindical, or COLOPS,
was formed, closely aligned with the ideas of the metalworkers opposition movement.
COLOPS was officially established during the first national meeting of workers in opposition
to the Trade Union Structure, or ENTOES, held in September 1980 in Niterói.
This meeting brought together union opposition from 16 states across Brazil, further sparking
the revival of anarchist involvement in the labour movement.
But one of the most significant developments to come out of this period was the rise of
the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurales Sentera, the Landless Workers' Movement,
or MST. Emerging in 1984, just before the end of the military regime, the MST became a mass
movement with distinctly anarchist-communist characteristics. It adopted a decentralized,
non-hierarchical structure that prioritized autonomous, direct action, principles deeply aligned with anarchism.
However, the MST has resisted being identified as explicitly anarchist, avoiding the label to
maintain broader support and avoid the stigma attached to anarchist movements. Over time,
while maintaining its independence, the MST has built alliances with various political parties,
including the Workers' Party,
which would go on to form the government in 2002. By the 1980s, Brazilian anarchism began
reflecting the broader new social movement that had emerged globally after the 1960s.
Ecology, feminism, and new discourses on sexuality were now key components of anarchist thought.
The 1980s saw the rise of pro-homosexual actors like Nestor
Peronguer, an Argentinian-born intellectual who became a central figure in Brazilian anarchism.
You know, some have considered me a pro-homosexual.
Okay.
But no, this is a continued, it is interesting to see this starting with student movements
and then getting back into labor over time
after they rebuilt their movement through students
and then continuing to adopt more and more modern social views
and cultural engagement.
I have an image here of one of their newspapers
that has what looks like two men having sex
right on the cover from the 70s,
which is quite something.
Incredible.
Must have been very scandalous at the time.
Yeah.
So in the 1990s,
as Brazil transitioned to the New Republic
and embraced neoliberalism,
anarchists became key players
in shaping a wave of social movements.
They actively helped to create and integrate into these movements, advocating their principles and
strategies. One prominent example is Brazil's involvement in the global anti-globalization
movement, inspired by protests like the Seattle WTO demonstrations in 1999. In Brazil, this movement began in Santos on the same date,
led by anarchists, ecologists, and libertarians. By 2000, a coalition of these groups emerged,
particularly in Sao Paulo, and continued organizing actions against neoliberal policies until 2003.
The protest targeted institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO, and introduced the
Black Bloc tactic to Brazil. Anakis also helped establish Brazil's Center for Independent Media,
CMI, part of the Global Indie Media Network, which aimed to challenge mainstream media dominance.
Active between 2001 and 2005, CMI was a key platform for independent journalism across 14 Brazilian cities.
Beyond protests, anarchists were involved in broader social movements, contributing to housing struggles in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, as well as supporting feminist, indigenous, black, and LGBT causes.
and movements like the National Movement of Collectors of Recycled Material,
the previously mentioned Landless Workers Movement, and the Homeless Workers Movement, reflecting their deep involvement in Brazil's diverse social landscape.
In the early 2000s, the Anarchist Popular Union helped form networks such as the Class
and Combative Student Network and or the RECC,
and the Federation of Revolutionary Syndicalist Organizations of Brazil, or the FOB,
who either cemented anarchism's influence in students' and workers' struggles.
Despite being considered part of a broader leftist current, anarchists specifically
made a lasting impact on Brazil's social movement during this period.
Today, Brazilian anarchism continues to evolve,
shaped by the principles of Especifismo, a strategy where anarchists work alongside
broader social movements while maintaining their own distinct ideology. Many anarchist federations
have found common cause with groups like the MST, supporting their struggles while promoting their
own vision of a stateless, non-hierarchical society. The story of anarchism in Brazil is one
of endurance, adaptability, and reinvention. Despite decades of repression, the movement has
continued to shape Brazil's political landscape, from underground propaganda during the dictatorship
to the mass mobilization of landless workers and intellectuals alike.
Similar to what they were doing 90 years ago,'ve also seen like a resurgence of anarchist
anti-fascism in brazil indeed around the same time we kind of saw this rise in the united states as
well as in europe with the emergence of these like right-wing populist politicians between like trump
and bolsonaro you've been seeing some more of like the Bloc-style anarchism in Brazil, which often in this era
went hand-in-hand with anti-fascist action and organizing.
Indeed.
So that's been the story.
Very summarized account.
I would recommend that you check out, of course, the scholarship of the folks I mentioned at
the beginning.
The resources all across the internet, particularly in the anarchist library,
discussing Brazilian anarchism.
This has been It Could Happen
Here. I've been Andrew Sage.
You can find me on youtube.com
slash andrewism and patreon.com slash
stdrew. I've been here with
Gail and
that's it. Peace.
It Could Happen Here is a production That's it. Peace. find sources for It Could Happen Here listed directly in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening. Hey guys, I'm Kate Max. You might know me from my popular online series, The Running Interview Show, where I run with celebrities, athletes, entrepreneurs, and more. After those
runs, the conversations keep going. That's what my podcast, Post Run High, is all about. It's a
chance to sit down with my guests and dive even deeper into their stories, their journeys, and the thoughts that arise once we've hit the pavement together.
Listen to Post Run High on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Curious about queer sexuality, cruising, and expanding your horizons?
Hit play on the sex-positive and deeply entertaining podcast,
Sniffy's Cruising Confessions.
Join hosts Gabe Gonzalez and Chris Patterson Rosso
as they explore queer sex, cruising, relationships, and culture
in the new iHeart podcast, Sniffy's Cruising Confessions.
Sniffy's Cruising Confessions will broaden minds
and help you pursue your true goals.
You can listen to Sniffy's Cruising Confessions, sponsored by Gilead, now on the iHeartRadio app or wherever you get your
podcasts. New episodes every Thursday. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast,
and we're kicking off our second season digging into tech's elite and how they've turned Silicon
Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the
destruction of Google search,
Better Offline is your unvarnished
and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech
brought to you by an industry veteran
with nothing to lose.
Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts,
wherever else you get your podcasts from.
The 2025 iHeart Podcast Awards are coming.
This is the chance to nominate your podcast for the industry's biggest award.
Submit your podcast for nomination now at iHeart.com slash podcast awards.
But hurry, submissions close on December 8th.
Hey, you've been doing all that talking.
It's time to get rewarded for it.
Submit your podcast today at iHeart.com
slash podcast awards. That's iHeart.com slash podcast awards.
Welcome to Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German, where we get real and dive straight into
todo lo actual y viral. We're talking música, los premios, el chisme, and all things trending
in my cultura. I'm bringing you all the latest happening in our entertainment world
and some fun and impactful interviews with your favorite Latin artists,
comedians, actors, and influencers.
Each week, we get deep and raw life stories,
combos on the issues that matter to us,
and it's all packed with gems, fun, straight-up comedia,
and that's a song that only nuestra gente can sprinkle.
Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.