It Could Happen Here - Anarchism In Peru feat. Andrew

Episode Date: August 6, 2024

Andrew is joined by James to discuss anarchism in the Andes.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hey guys, I'm Kate Max. You might know me from my popular online series, The Running Interview Show, where I run with celebrities, athletes, entrepreneurs, and more. After those runs, the conversations keep going. That's what my podcast, Post Run High, is all about. It's a chance to sit down with my guests and dive even deeper into their stories, their journeys, and the thoughts that arise once we've hit the pavement together. Listen to Post Run High on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Hey, I'm Jacqueline Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep, for those who listen to audiobooks while running errands or at the end of a busy day. From thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry, we'll explore the stories that shape our culture. Listen to Black Lit on the Black Effect Podcast Network, iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. AT&T. Connecting changes everything. Curious about queer sexuality, cruising, and expanding your horizons? Hit play on the sex-positive and deeply entertaining podcast, Sniffy's Cruising Confessions. We'll see you next time. on the iHeartRadio app or wherever you get your podcasts. New episodes every Thursday. CallZone Media. Welcome to Kid Appen here. I'm Andrew Sage from the YouTube channel Andrewism,

and I'm joined today by... James, it's me. Hi, Andrew. So, James, just before the show, we were talking about a couple different places that we've either been to or would like to visit. Have you ever been to the Andes? No, I don't think I have, actually. I'd like to. I like mountains. Yeah, the Andes is one of my bucket list destinations, for sure.

They've always enticed me, you know, as a place of settlement, a center of culture, a place of political struggle. So, you know, I had to do an episode on the development of anarchist cynicalism in Peru. Sort of continuing along with my previous research on anarchism and other parts of the world. Much information I've gathered is thanks to the work of Stephen J. Hirsch and Lucien van der Waals, particularly anarchism and cynicalism in the colonial and post-colonial world, 1870 to 1940. And, you know, people don't usually think of Peru when they think of anarchist-cynicalist struggles, not even in the

context of Latin America. Folks familiar with that history would quicker consider Brazil or Argentina as sites of anarchist-cynicalism. You know, in Brazil, the roots of anarchism can be traced back to the late 19th century, to the influence of European immigrants, and by the early 20th century had anarchist ideas gained traction across the working class, with the establishment of various associations and newspapers like the Brazilian Workers' Confederation, founded in 1906. play, of course, a crucial role in the general strike of 1917. And then, unfortunately, with the rise of Cetilio Vargas and his Estado Novo regime in the 1930s, there was a very severe repression of anarchist activities. In Argentina, you also had anarchism taking root in the late 19th century, again largely due to the influence of European immigrants. And by the early 20th century, Buenos Aires had become a hub of anarchist activity, with numerous anarchist newspapers, clubs, and unions.

The Argentine Regional Workers' Federation, founded in 1901, was a leading anarcho-syndicalist organization that advocated for workers' rights and direct action. Sadly, the movement reached its peak during the first two decades of the 20th century, and fortunately, similarly to Brazil, due to the repression they endured, particularly during the infamous Tragic Week in 1919, where a major worker strike led to violent clashes and a crackdown on anarchists and labor activists, the overall movement went into a decline. Peru during this period was predominantly an agrarian society with a large and economically marginalized indigenous population. It hardly resembled a nation in the throes of industrialization. So although there was significant capitalist growth

in Peru's export sectors, chiefly mining, sugar, cotton, and wool, vast areas of the country remained largely unaffected by these capitalist changes. Aside from Lima and its adjacent port city, Calau, which served as the nation's administrative, commercial, and financial hub, sizeable urban economies were conspicuously absent. This lack of urban centers typically associated with industrial growth posed a unique challenge for the development of a robust labor movement. But a labour movement would still arise. The working class in Lima Cala would emerge beginning in the 1890s and early 1900s, spurred by the export boom that invigorated the urban economy. Profits from the export sectors were reinvested into new

financial institutions, infrastructure projects, utility companies, and consumer goods industries by native and foreign capitalists, and this economic growth led to a dramatic rise in the urban labor force. In Lima, the number of manual workers grew from about 9,000 in 1876 to nearly 24,000 in 1908, making up 17% of Lima's estimated 140,000 residents. In Calau, the workforce grew at a slower pace, doubling in size between 1905 and 1920 to around 8,000 out of a total population of 52,000. So this is not a bustling industrial heartland by any means, and peasant-based societies are not exactly known for their cynicalism. But despite its unlikelihood, Peru was indeed also a place of anarchist cynicalism, though most notably within Lima and Calao.

The 1910s and 20s were the heyday of cynicalism in Peru, as anarchist ideas and publications were circulated by a small handful of radical immigrant intellectuals alongside the labor organizing efforts of craftsmen and machine tenders who were inspired by Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Malatesta. Thanks to their efforts, anarchist cynicism would come to dominate the still-fledgling labor movement in Peru, spreading its influence beyond Lima Calao to the working classes along Peru's northern coast and central and southern highlands. Workers in factories, crafts, transportation, and rural settings all found appeal in the ideals and practice of the ideology. Of course, at the size of the movement at the time,

the anarchists may have dominated the movement, but the movement itself and the anarchists within it constituted a minority of Peru's urban and rural working classes. Keep that in mind as we proceed. So the emerging Peruvian working class was highly diverse. It had workers of different origins, gender, race, ethnicity, age, skill level. And despite these differences, they all were dealing with long working hours, often between 12 to 16 hours a day, in poor conditions for meager wages that barely covered basic living expenses. Seeking to improve their dire working

and living conditions, workers began to turn to anarchism because the elite-dominated political system in Peru was simply not taking them on. But there was a handful of sympathetic, disillusioned elites, like Manuel González Prada, an upper-class intellectual who became an anarchist after interacting with French and Spanish anarchists during a self-imposed European exile between 1891 and 1898. González Prada founded the first anarchist publication, Los Parais, in 1904. And this was soon followed by other anarchist newspapers like La Semiente Roja, El Ambriento, Humanidad, and El Oprimido. Anarchist slogans like Kropotkin's Liberties Are Not Bestowed, They're Seized, were primarily featured in these newspapers. And these publications, mainly produced by radical

intellectuals such as Glicerio Tassara, Angel Orighi Cali, Carlos del Barzo, and Inocencio Lombarosi introduced workers to European anarchist ideas and perspectives on the state, the bourgeoisie, the church, property, and class relations. Anarchist study circles further promoted these ideas among workers. Operated by both workers and radical intellectuals, groups like the Centre of Socialist Studies, First of May in Lima, and Love and Light in Calau provided spaces for discussing anarchist principles, and these study circles, like the anarchist press, emphasized workers' self-emancipation and cultural advancement. And somehow, this man manages to come up in practically every single one of my explorations of anarchist history, that being

the Spanish anarchist Francisco Ferrer. He was the guy who kickstarted the modern school movement in Spain and led to the creation of anarchist schools worldwide. And he was also unjustly executed by the Spanish state. Yeah. Ferrer is a guy I like to a lot. If you're in Barcelona, you can visit him, along with Ascaso and Durruti on Mujweek. They're in the cemetery there. They have a little area with the three of them. Oh, I was wondering for a second there. He said, oh, you could visit him.

I was like, really? I'm pretty sure he's six feet under. Yeah, he's immortal. They've reanimated him. It's like zombie for that. Yeah. I feel like the Simpsons did an episode of that with Lennon. Fortunately, I'm trying to think,

I'm pretty sure that anarchists have, we have spared the world the embalming of our leaders. Fortunately. Yeah. Fortunately. I mean, his death though, despite not being embalmed, his death still continues to reverberate across these historical episodes. Across the world, upon his death, anarchists went out in their numbers to protest his execution.

And Peru is no different. On October 17th, 1909, the Center of Socialist Studies, 1st of May, organized a public protest in response to the execution of Ferreira by the Spanish government. And these sorts of demonstrations were not new to the workers in Peru at the time. In the previous year, an anarchist musical group associated with the centre held a performance to commemorate the 1907 massacre of Chilean mine workers. Furthermore, annual May Day celebrations in honor of the Chicago Martyrs were also supported by the study circles and the anarchist press. The first May Day celebration in Lima, organized primarily by the Federation of Bakery Workers, Star of Peru, took place in 1905, highlighting international working-class solidarity and the struggle for the eight-hour workday while honoring Peru's first worker martyr.

struggle for the eight-hour workday while honoring Peru's first worker martyr. And through the dedication of anarchist leaders, publications, and study circles, the early years of Peruvian anarchism and labor organization laid the groundwork for a movement committed to justice and dignity for all workers. We can say that by 1911, anarchist cynicalism had truly firmly taken root. Why? Because this was the year of the first general strike in Peru by the urban working class, spearheaded by anarcho-syndicalists. In March 1911, 500 workers at the US-owned Vitarte cotton mill initiated a strike, demanding higher wages, a reduction of the workday from 13 to 10 hours and the elimination of the night shift and i found these demands very interesting because i'm imagining even now people back then saying you know how lazy can you be you know you you only want to work 10 hours

like come on some of us some of us are putting in 16 17 18 hours pick up pick up the slack yeah it's always like these early anarchist demands you just realize the unfathomable misery of being like part of the industrial working class in the late 19th and early 20th century yeah it's like can you can you ease the boot off my neck for like two seconds a day you know yeah yeah it's people fighting and dying right to work like the amount of hours that most of us are awake in a day they would work that much without taking care of any of their family or personal or other needs like can i please see my family for more than an hour yeah absolutely not no you miss and then the pinkertons come out and like yeah yes exactly like like yeah people are

asking for a 16 hour day and their response is is to send out someone to murder them yeah it's ridiculous yeah but i am impressed by their tenacity you know oh yeah absolutely even with the what I would consider to be rather soft demands I mean a 10-hour workday higher wages and the elimination of the night shift I mean those things that some people take for granted today right yeah um but that's something they had to fight for and their strike lasted 29 days oh wow that's very impressive yeah this has reminded me of like i'm working on a on a book right now and i've been reading this biography of doruti for a while that abel paz wrote and uh in paz's book where doruti goes into exile for a way to and travels across south america and uh these these anarchist schools are being set up

along the the modern system as uh envisaged by if not just for there and uh they don't have any funding right because everyone's so dirt poor that like that there isn't much surplus to contribute to their children's education and when they have once they've taken care of their subsistence needs and uh there's this line in the book which for whatever reason it's just like a line i aspire to write something this beautiful it's uh daruti was very fond of children and so he risked his life robbing banks to fund their education which is like i just love the pivot from like he liked kids and therefore he conducted armed bank robbery throughout the world yeah yeah it's like oh you know put the money in the bag and maybe some textbooks while you're at

it yeah and like he at this time like the anarchists were so pure at this time and and like in in their sort of aspirations and in their actions in many ways and other ways not of course i think that they could not rid themselves of some of their gender assumptions but they would make an accounting of everything they stole which is really not like if you're involved in crimes and you're listening it's not a good idea yeah don't write down the exact exact amount you stole yeah but he would do it to to like prove to everyone that he wasn't stealing for his own personal benefit they'd be like we gave this to this school and we bought some textbooks and like that you know they needed school lunches so we got some sacks of rice and bananas and like as you can see the entire money from this bank heist has been redistributed and

we're off to another country to do the same now i'm just imagining this guy like he's keeping all these records because the anarchist auditor is gonna come and you know check all his accounts yeah exactly like i'm not sure who who would like doubt the commitment of the man traveling around the world robbing the banks but apparently they felt that like no one should be above reproach which is admirable yeah yeah you know what's not admirable andrew ads yeah it's our obligation to to include products and services in these podcasts, but we have to. So here we go. Hey guys, I'm Kate Max. You might know me from my popular online series, The Running Interview Show, where I run with celebrities, athletes, entrepreneurs, and more. After those runs,

the conversations keep going. That's what my podcast Post Run High is all about. It's a chance to sit down with my guests and dive even deeper into their stories, their journeys, and the thoughts that arise once we've hit the pavement together. You know that rush of endorphins you feel after a great workout? Well, that's when the real magic happens. So if you love hearing real, inspiring stories from the people you know, follow, and admire, join me every week for Post Run High. It's where we take the conversation beyond the run and get into the heart of it all.

It's lighthearted, pretty crazy, and very fun. all. It's lighthearted, pretty crazy, and very fun. Listen to Post Run High on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hey, I'm Jack Peace Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. I'm Jack Peace Thomas, and I'm inviting you to join me in a vibrant community of literary enthusiasts dedicated to protecting and celebrating our stories. Black Lit is for the page turners,

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Okay, we're back. And you were telling me about that 29-day general strike, or their strike rather than a general strike. Yeah, their strike. But you're close because the strike started in March as a regular strike. It lasted 29 days and it eventually escalated into a general strike on April 10th, bringing Lima's business and transport to a complete halt. And so the following day, President Leguia intervened and forced the mill's management to meet the workers' demands. That's a win. It is. A win of a 10-hour workday, but a win nonetheless. Yeah, I guess it's a proof that you can force them to change

and you can continue from there. Yeah, yeah. And so to safeguard their hard-won victories, textile workers in Vitarite established the Textile Workers' Unification of Vitarite in May 1911, dedicated to defending the rights of all workers. Inspired by Vitarate's example, workers at other major mills in Lima began forming their own resistance societies, dedicated to serving and defending the rights of the proletariat in general and the textile workers in particular. The movement continued to gain momentum in 1912 and 1913.

In October 1912, the La Protesta group succeeded in forming the first Workers' Regional Federation of Peru, uniting various worker-resistant societies. Modeled after Argentina's Workers' Regional Federation, the FORP, as it was also called, advocated for both immediate improvements and long-term social revolution, aiming to unite workers across Peru. Unfortunately, as is the case with many workers' struggles in this time, economic instability and state hostility during World War I led to the dissolution of the FORP in 1916. Thankfully, this setback was temporary. Between 1916 and 1919, anarcho-syndicalists redoubled their efforts, focusing on organising both urban and rural workers.

Following the death of Manuel González Prada in 1919, worker-run union presses emerged, spreading anarcho-syndicalist ideas and replacing earlier anarchist publications. This renewed activity strengthened the labour movement, leading to the establishment of new labour federations and the revival of the FORP. labour federations and the revival of the FORP. And with the deteriorating conditions during the war years and real wages falling sharply, there had to be a wave of strikes in 1918. The most significant strike occurred in December 1980, when nearly 2,900 textile workers demanded an eight-hour workday. Finally, we're making some progress. Yeah, yeah, we're getting there. What I find so interesting about the demand of an eight-hour workday is if we look at their first demand, 1911, they fought to reduce their workday from 13 hours to 10 hours. Right. And then a mere seven years later, 1911 to 1918, a mere seven years later.

Yeah, they got them down to eight. They go from 10 hours to eight hours. And by the way, by January 1919, they organized a general strike. They moved on to a general strike that led to street clashes and business shutdowns. And despite the arrests and the torture of strike leaders, the strike continued

until President Parado conceded to the eight-hour weekday. So in seven years, they went from 10 hours to eight hours. And then we've all collectively, as a global society, been stuck on eight hours for the past century. Over a century at this point. I mean, it's 2024. This was 1919.

Yeah, wow. Putting it that way, that is bleak. We should be down to an hour at this point. Yeah, yeah. We extrapolate, right we we take two points and draw the line that's what happens when like they see the success of the people in the street train and they know they have power and they can keep going yeah yeah because they wouldn't have felt so bullish to demand the eight hours if they didn't fight and win that 10 hours at first just a couple years before yeah like it's why we have made a first as international workers day right like because like

the number of rights that we enjoy vis-a-vis our employers and the state were all fought for and won by people who sometimes died in the process and like yeah we ought to remember that i think like sometimes now organizing forgets how hard fought those were, but also like they won. We have not had many dubs in the intervening period. Of course, the state has grown exponentially stronger. Yeah.

Yeah. I mean, the situation has changed. We have to acknowledge that. Yeah. But it's just, it is very fascinating. The way that. You know,

the way that, you know, these small wins was able to embolden bigger wins. Yeah. Later down the line. And that keeping that momentum really is vital.

Yeah, definitely. Like it still works that way when I like, you know, in the last couple of years, I've been to Rojava and to Myanmar

and like, they have done things that would have seemed inconceivable to them 10 years before they did them and in both cases it's by staying in the streets right or staying in the jungles or the mountains or wherever you're fighting and refusing to like accept that the state can tell you what to do even when the state tries to bring its coercive violence against you and like that's how all of these these wins occur but it doesn't happen without organization without community without like all the things that they had built in peru right like before they did their first

strike they had to have confidence that their strike would succeed and presumably a strike fund and a means to collectively support the people who weren't getting paid and they had to build all that and then like these things can kind of cascade once the once the movement has a strong base exactly there's a reason that i'm going through these histories you know these are the sort of lessons i want people to be able to glean yeah totally i think it can be frustrating otherwise like it can be frustrating to to be people i'm not saying people right now aren't trying because people do a lot and they're working hard but it can be frustrating to be people. I'm not saying people right now aren't trying because people do a lot and they're working hard. But it can be frustrating until you see that it takes years of building that base. And then things can seem to come quickly.

But there's years of work sort of behind the scenes that has to happen first. Absolutely. So in the months following the general strike, workers continue to protest the rising costs of living. Organizers like Adalberto Fonken and Nicolás Gutara formed the Committee for the Cheapening of Prime Necessities, mobilizing thousands. I think we definitely need a committee for the cheapening of prime necessities today. That's an amazing group. Like, I was just, what a great thing. Yeah, that's an amazing group. Like, I was just, what a great thing. Yeah, fantastic name.

When the demands were ignored, and, you know, here we go again, a general strike was declared in May 1919, resulting in violent clashes with the state and the arrests of Gutara and another figure, Carlos Barba. Upon their release, resolve unshaken, Gutara and Barba defiantly addressed President Liguia, stating in part that the populace of today was not the tame one of yesterday, which had silently borne all tyrannies. Sounds like a threat.

Yeah. Two days later, FORP was reactivated with a mission to dismantle capitalism and create a society based on mutual aid and equality. The anarcho-cyticalist movement had dissolved any lingering passivity among Lima Calau's workers. The passion, hunger, and aggression towards state and employer threats had reached a crescendo by this point. For example, in September 1921, textile workers seized El Inca mill in response to management's plans to close the factory. Although they were eventually dislodged by troops, their act of resistance demonstrated their determination and boldness. And isn't that fascinating that these workers were willing to seize the mill they had worked at because the management planned on closing it down. They were willing to take control of that place and work at it and, you know, quote unquote,

contribute to the economy but the troops were mobilized to ensure that they did not exercise autonomy as workers to self-organize their own labor it's either you're under management or you're out of a job there's no working for yourself or working as a collective yeah also in 1921, the FORP was replaced by the Local Workers Federation, or FOL, which lashed out against the government's legal ruse against strikes. So in 1920, President Liguia put forward a new constitution with very strict provisions to regulate this wave of strikes and to put the labor conflicts under arbitration by the state. And so the local workers' federation,

the FOL, which had replaced the FORP in 1921, lashed out at this government's legal ruse and vowed to completely ignore it. At the time as well, alongside the labor struggles, anarcho-syndicalists were struggling to transform culture. Contrary to the idea that the FOL neglected cultural issues, evidence shows that they actively developed a distinct working-class culture. Their strategy was a war of position against the ruling elites, aiming to create a counter-culture that challenged the dominant bourgeois values. At the 1921 FOL Congress, workers affirmed the importance

of both economic improvements and cultural uplift, which led to the establishment of initiatives like a workers' daily newspaper, a popular library, and various cultural associations. One key example was the Centro Musical Obrero de Lima, founded in 1922, which used music to promote workers' rights and solidarity. Workers also participated in social events like the Fiesta de la Planta, a secular festival designed to compete with Christian

holidays and promote class unity. They also held May Day celebrations and organized tributes for fallen comrades. Moreover, the FOL supported the creation of popular universities to educate workers and foster cultural and political awareness. Meanwhile, also in the late 1910s and 1920s, the southern highlands of Peru saw the emergence of a dynamic network of anarcho-syndicalist movements. This network thrived amid the burgeoning world export economy. The world trade expansion spurred economic links and infrastructural development, which turned Arequipa into a key economic centre and the hub of the anarchist-syndicalist network in the region.

Anarchist-syndicalism in Arequipa was influenced by four major factors. A radical liberal press, the labour movement in Lima, immigrant anarchists, and cross-border connections with Chilean anarcho-syndicalists. Influenced by thinkers like Manuel González Prada, intellectuals and artisans critiqued Arequipa's conservative society through radical publications such as El Ariete and Bandera Roja. These radical ideas spurred significant actions like Arequipa's first major strikes in 1902, the inaugural May Day celebration in 1906, and the establishment of pivotal organisations such as the Workers' Social Centre of Arequipa and the Workers' Coalition of the Neighbourhoods. The labour movement in Lima, along with influences from Argentina and Chile, further inspired Arequipa's workers. By December 1918, motivated by reports of worker struggles abroad, artisans and

workers in Arakipa found the Society of Workers and Mutual Assistance, the SOSM. In July 1919, following Lima's example, Arakipa's main labor organizations established a committee to combat the rising cost of living. When the demands were ignored, they too launched a general strike, which lasted eight days and received widespread support. While some wage and benefit demands were ignored, they too launched a general strike, which lasted eight days and received widespread support. While some wage and benefit demands were met, many of the committee's requests remained unaddressed. So after the general strike, Arakipa's workers founded the Arakipa Worker Federation to advocate for their rights and demands further. That federation was one of numerous unions and federations, other being the Local Worker Federation of Arequipa, or FULA,

which emerged between 1919 to 1926 in response to calls from the FORP to enhance the workers' capacity for direct action against capitalist and state oppression. Like their counterparts in Lima, Arequipa's anarchist-syndicalists employed direct action to achieve both immediate and long-term goals. Their protests against a railway tariff hike in 1923 pressured the government enough to suspend the increase. But 1925 was perhaps their most pivotal year, because the Popular Workers' Assembly, which was an ad hoc

coalition of anarchist syndicalist groups from Arequipa and Lima, called for a general strike against the road conscription law, which required adult males to register and to work on unpaid state infrastructure projects for upward of 12 days per year. For the Assembly, this was more than just an unfair law, this was a symbol of the state's utter disregard for the working class. As the strike unfolded, the authorities sought to crush the movement, arresting labour leaders and attempting to dismantle the anarchist organization's influence. But even with only a small industrial sector and a relatively small population, Ataquipa's labor movement demonstrated a remarkable level of class consciousness and solidarity. Beyond strikes, they used a variety of methods to build solidarity and consciousness among workers, from worker libraries to football clubs. One key figure in

this movement was Ramón Rosiñol, a Spanish architect and passionate anarcho-syndicalist. Arriving in Arequipa in 1919, Rosiñol turned his office into a hub of anarchist thought and activism. His influence was profound as he trained future leaders like Jacinto Liendo and Francisco Ramos, who would become central figures in the labor movement. Rosanio's efforts extended beyond traditional activism. He also founded a popular university in the footsteps of Francisco Ferrer, and it served as a place for workers to receive education and become politically conscious. In Huyendo, a key port city in Peru, the influence of the international

workers of the world was particularly strong. Luis Armando Triviño, a key Chilean IWW leader, published a series of influential articles in a newspaper called La Protesta in 1922. He extolled the virtues of the IWW's methods and called for international solidarity among workers. IWW's methods and called for international solidarity among workers. He was best received right in Moyendo, where by early 1925, maritime workers from Chile had established close and secretive ties with the local Peruvian workers. Under the cover of darkness, they held clandestine meetings in an old house on Islay Street. These meetings would lead to the formation of a local IWW branch right in Moyendo. But it wasn't just a meeting of the minds, but of the shared struggles and victories of the workers that cemented these ties.

In February 1925, a popular general strike in Moyendo saw workers fighting back against unjust practices by British-owned companies. The strike was a massive success, and the solidarity from Chilean IWW members bolstered the Peruvian workers' resolve. The government's response to the anarchist syndicalist movement was severe. Fearing the spread of what they saw as Bolshevik ideas, they cracked down hard on the Mayendo labor movement. Security forces were deployed to suppress protests, and activists were arrested or deported to Chile. Of course, government repression efforts were not fully successful due to the resilience of loose, flexible, and decentralized organizing. The seeds of anarcho-syndicalist thought had already taken root. Throughout 1926 and beyond, the labor

movement in Mollendo continued to be a site of struggle and resistance. Workers engage in protests and work stoppages, driven by the ideas of direct action and social justice that have been nurtured through their interaction with Chilean wobblies. Do you know what was almost certainly not nurtured through interactions with Chilean wobblies, Andrew? Ads? Yeah. Hey guys, I'm Kate Max. hey guys i'm kate max you might know me from my popular online series the running interview show where i run with celebrities athletes entrepreneurs and more after those runs the conversations keep going that's what my podcast post run high is all. It's a chance to sit down with my guests and dive even deeper into their stories, their journeys, and the thoughts that arise once we've hit the pavement together.

You know that rush of endorphins you feel after a great workout? Well, that's when the real magic happens. So if you love hearing real, inspiring stories from the people you know, follow, and admire, join me every week for Post Run High. It's where we take the conversation beyond the run and get into the heart of it all. It's lighthearted, pretty crazy, and very fun. Listen to Post Run High on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hey, I'm Jack Peace Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. I'm Jack Peace

Thomas, and I'm inviting you to join me and a vibrant community of literary enthusiasts dedicated to protecting and celebrating our stories. Black Lit is for the page turners, for those who listen to audiobooks while commuting or running errands, for those who find themselves seeking solace, wisdom, and refuge between the chapters. From thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry, we'll explore the stories that shape our culture. Together, we'll dissect classics and contemporary works while uncovering the stories of the brilliant writers behind them. Blacklit is here to amplify the voices of Black writers and to bring their

words to life. Listen to Blacklit on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into how tech's elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose. This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel-winning economists to leading journalists in the field, and I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love technology. I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building

things that actually do things to help real people. I swear to God things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. And we are back from the ad break. Beyond the cities, anarchist cynicalism had a profound impact on the rural indigenous communities. In Cusco and Puno, internal migration and the exchange of ideals led to the rise of a new political consciousness among the peasantry. Carlos

Condorena, an indigenous peasant from Puno, became a key figure in the Tijuana-Tisuyo Pro-Indian Rights Central Committee, the CPIT, where he championed indigenous labour rights and the struggle for better working conditions. His work, along with that of other provincial migrants like Ezequiel or Viola, bridged the gap between the urban anarcho-syndicalists and the rural indigenous communities. Viola was a passionate advocate for both indigenous rights and the broader anarcho-syndicalist cause, pushing back against the paternalism of the state toward the indigenous community and connecting the struggles of workers and peasants alike. He spoke out against bourgeois pigs, Yankee imperialism,

all while encouraging pride in one's indigeneity. Alongside Urviola, Salazar and Ayulo would also guide the CPIT and the Peruvian Regional Indian Workers' Federation toward anarcho-syndicalist ideology, organization, and tactics. Even after his untimely death in 1925, Urviola's legacy continued to inspire anarchists and indigenous movements. Indigenous leaders and activists have been growing fed up with the abusive practices of local authorities and the gaminales, the rural bosses who exploited the peasants. Pedro José Rada y Gama, the minister of government and police at the time, blamed these uprisings on known agitators. He claimed that these agitators were convincing the indigenous people that the road conscription law and other municipal laws were designed to oppress them. Even though the indigenous people could see for themselves the effects of the law, both the anarchists and the indigenous organizers had laid the groundwork. But it was the people themselves who chose not to accept such state impositions.

Uprisings broke out across Cusco and Puno. District authorities had to suspend the conscription in several provinces due to the intense resistance. The sheer force of the crackdown was so extreme that the city mayor and the municipal council had to appeal to President Liguia for the suspension of the law. And they succeeded, at least temporarily, until July 1926. And as soon as the law was reinstated, the popular assembly reignited the resistance. They even went as far as issuing direct threats to the officials enforcing the law, noting that they had the home addresses of the Conscription Council and was not responsible for any potential consequences of their actions.

That's definitely a threat. That's definitely a threat, yeah. They also sent delegates to Lima to organize a nationwide campaign against the law, which led to their arrest and sparked even more protests in Arequipa and Lima. Throughout the late 1920s, despite increasing state repression, the anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists did not let up for as long as they could. So, over the first three decades of the 1900s, anarchist syndicalism in Peru spread thanks to a mix of factors.

The distribution of radical ideas through publications, the influence of activists from other countries, and most importantly, the work of local organizers, most prominently in Lima, Calao. Despite facing immense challenges and a significant decline by the end of the 1920s, the movement laid the groundwork for future labor politics. Former anarchist-syndicalists joined new political parties in an effort to carry forward their ideals, compromising along the way. So the influence didn't fully disappear, but it did transform. Still, their spirit lived on somewhat in the ongoing fight for justice and equality in Peru,

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