It Could Happen Here - Arab Israeli Peace and New Visions for Gaza feat. Dana El Kurd
Episode Date: December 8, 2025Dana El Kurd speaks with Matan Kaminer and Ben Schuman-Stoler, hosts of the new podcast series Bad Cousins. They discuss the Abraham Accords, the new plan for Gaza, and what the Abrahamic framing allo...ws for and obfuscates. Sources: Bad Cousins - https://badcousins.show/ GREAT Trust Plan - https://www.washingtonpost.com/documents/f86dd56a-de7f-4943-af4a-84819111b727.pdf A Plan to Rebuild Gaza Lists Nearly 30 Companies. Many Say They’re Not Involved - https://www.wired.com/story/a-plan-to-rebuild-gaza-lists-nearly-30-companies-many-say-theyre-not-involved/ Paradox of Peace - https://academic.oup.com/isagsq/article/3/3/ksad042/7280243 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hello, everyone. This is Dana Al-Kurd for It Could Happen Here.
Today's episode will be focused on Arab-Israeli normalization, Arab-Israeli peace deals, and Arab-Israeli relations more generally.
The reason that this is an important topic to discuss,
is because a few weeks ago, the Washington Post published this PowerPoint presentation originating
in the Trump administration, titled The Great Trust from a demolished Iranian proxy to a prosperous
Abrahamic ally. And this presentation is about Gaza, the U.S. and Israeli vision for what Gaza's
quote-unquote reconstruction will look like. And the word great itself is an acronym that stands for
Gaza reconstitution, economic acceleration, and transformation. Now, this presentation has so much in it
that horrifies any normal human being. But essentially, it outlines this vision for how Gaza is going
to be reconstructed. And throughout the entire document, it's very clear that whatever remains of
Gaza's population will not have any political rights. There is some gesturing at some point about
handing over some governance to, quote, vetted Palestinians. But there's also a repeated discussion
within this presentation, within this document, of how they want to incentivize a significant
segment of Gaza's population to leave Gaza altogether and not return. And they want to
financially incentivize them to do that. I think the entire presentation is worth looking at.
I'll put it in the show notes. Because it really outlines what they think Gaza is going to look like
and what they plan for the Palestinians more generally.
The reason why Arab-Israelian normalization is important to discuss,
given this presentation, given what's happening in Gaza after ceasefire,
is present very much in this document.
It's very clear from the presentation
that the U.S. and Israel envision a particular role
for Arab governments in this reconstruction
and in this new Middle East that they hope to achieve.
A Middle East where Gaza is this economic zone,
connecting it to Saudi Arabia,
connecting it to other parts of the Middle East,
opening up investment opportunities
for different Middle Eastern governments
and companies in the global north as well.
And it really is just an astounding vision to behold.
Referring to Gaza as a demolished Iranian proxy
that they want to turn into an Abrahamic ally
is also interesting here
because we've seen this kind of language
in the last couple of years,
especially during the first Trump administration
with the Abraham Accords.
Now, the Abraham Accords, as this episode will outline in detail, were agreements signed
between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, and eventually Morocco and a part
of Sudan, and these agreements were billed as this new era of peace between Arabs and Israel
under this kind of religious language and religious framing of Abraham as the father of both
Jews and Arabs, Jews and Muslims. So to discuss this entire framework, what it means, what it
obfuscates. Today I'm joined by Ben Schumann Stoller and Matan Khammer, who have created a new podcast
series called Bad Cousins. This is published by Kolo Media in partnership with the diasporist,
and they recently had an event in Berlin debuting their first episode, which, full disclosure,
I'm on. But essentially, they tackle this question of, why are the Abraham Accords
named after Abraham, what was that intended to denote, and why is Arab-Israeli
normalization such a big piece of the puzzle in understanding both the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict right now, as well as the vision for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the
American and Israeli perspective. So please enjoy this interview with Ben and Matan.
I wanted to give you guys a chance to introduce yourselves to the audience. So Matan,
would you like to start? Sure. I'm an anthropologist. I work at Queen Mary University in London.
My main research is on migration from Thailand to Israel for agricultural work.
But this project is something of a side project that's blossomed together with Ben,
who I've been good friends with for, I think, over a decade now.
All right.
Yeah, I remember that first book on the Thai migrants.
But you have also published extensively on the Arab-Israeli normalization questions.
So, yeah, we'll get into it.
Ben?
Yeah, I'm Benjamin Soler.
I'm the founder and owner of Kolo Media here in Berlin, Germany.
We're a audio publisher. We have audiobooks and shows and documentaries in English and German.
And yeah, I'm excited to be here. Thanks for having us.
Awesome. All right. So the listeners, I'm sure, are going to be a little bit aware.
But let's kind of just define terms at the top of this.
When we say Arab is really normalization, well, what do we mean by that?
So it's a long, long process. It's not new.
One of the interesting things that I found out when researching the article that this podcast came out of is that
more than a hundred years ago,
Haim Weitzman, who was head of the Zionist organization,
and King Faisal, were in very, very close communication
about an agreement that it seems a lot like a progenitor
of the Arabocords today.
We had a very sort of strong pro-Western orientation
on both sides, pro-imperialist, if you like,
use that language.
We had a disdain for the Palestinians
as people who were not supposedly an important factor
in the politics of the area,
and we had a framing of,
Arabs and Jews as relatives, as kin, which is one that we trace back in the show to the sort
of Abrahamic concept that has really come to the fore with the naming of the Abraham
Courts. Of course, there's a long, long history since then, with the bigger landmarks
being Egyptian-Israeli normalization in the late 1970s, 79, I think, and of course Jordanian
Israeli normalization in 1994, which came very, very tightly knit with the Oslo Accords and the
initiation of so-called peace talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis.
So the Palestinians were, of course, do play a central role here, whether as present
or as present absentees, as the Israelis like to call them sometimes.
Today, of course, we fast forward to the 2020s.
The Abraham Accords were signed between Israel, Bahrain, the UAE, Morocco, and one of the
warring factions in Sudan back in 2020.
And, of course, there's a kind of live project led by the U.S. under Trump as well as Biden to extend normalization between Israel and not only Arab countries, but other so-called Islamic countries.
Like Kazakhstan.
Kazakhstan, yes.
Which has had diplomatic relations since 1992, but we'll get into that.
Yeah, yeah.
But there's other ones, of course, that are on the table.
I think Indonesia has been spoken about.
Pakistan is always some hovering in the background.
The big fish is Saudi Arabia.
And we can talk about that as well. Right. Yeah. And when we say normalization, usually people are
referring to the formal normalization of diplomatic ties, because a lot of these countries, a lot of
the Arab countries had a position reiterated in the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, that they
would not have normal ties with the state of Israel until a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. And the Abraham Accords was a step away from that, a kind of breaking of that precedent.
But if we think about kind of under the table normalization, of course, there are so many ways in which these Arab countries have had under the table normalization to varying degrees with the state of Israel.
Ben, maybe you could tell us about what the Abraham Accords were.
How were they billed and what did they include?
You have to make sure the precision of my language is on point.
But there's two agreements, right?
There's two things that were actually signed.
So one is the framework, right?
which discusses the Abram Accords as this unit.
The Declaration of Principles.
The Declaration of Principles.
And the other one's a peace treaty, right?
A peace treaty between Israel and the UAE and other countries, right?
So essentially, that's what it is.
It's these two signings.
But I think when you talk about how it was presented,
it's supposed to mean, it's supposed to be like a vehicle,
a conduit for travel, for security, for economics,
for deals, for cultural interchange, for a new way to be seen.
It's like a massive PR exercise.
Matan, jump in with those specifics.
Yeah, absolutely.
I mean, what we're kind of honing in on here is the sort of cultural or ideological
aspects, if you want to be more stern about it.
And I think, you know, that's the real interest of the show is in how this sort of
mythical framework that I referred to already, and specifically the figure of Abraham,
is really, really central to this kind of ideological framing of their course.
Like, Elham Fahar was written extensively about how toleration and tolerance have become
sort of ideological tools.
And Abraham is kind of a figurehead for that.
He does this in a few different ways that I think are interesting for listeners to sort of follow on.
The first is as the progenitor or the kind of the figurehead of monotheism.
So Jews, Christians, and Muslims all have a stake in Abraham.
And of course, this concept of the Abrahamic religions that's very central here.
But another one, and we already mentioned this as well, is the sort of language of kinship,
Jews and Arabs as being related to one another, as being specifically cousins.
Our show is called Bad Cousins, because we're kind of exploring the various modalities
or the various kind of shades of meaning and mood that this idea of cousins can have.
It can be very positive, of course.
You know, a lot of people say, oh, Abraham, that's, so he's a wonderful figure of peace,
of hospitality, et cetera.
But they're also really dark sides to it.
Dark sides that we really get into are the sort of misogyny.
that's very, very central in the Abraham myth,
the underpinnings of slavery versus freedom
that are really, really present there.
And maybe most prominent and most important to me,
maybe as somebody who also studies migration to the area,
is xenophobia.
So something that you don't have written about,
you know, the similarities between the UAE, for example,
in Israel that aren't really considered,
that aren't thought about much.
One that's always stood out to me
is the way that migrant workers are treated
in both these countries.
The Gulf states, including UAE,
are huge, obviously users of non-citizen migrant
labor, Israel is not as big. It's not as big a phenomenon in Israel there, but it's growing a lot,
especially since October 7th when Palestinian workers have been shut out of the Israeli market.
And so I think Israel is like the Gulf states in a lot of these ways, and it's also getting
more, getting to be more like them. And Abraham is kind of a prism or a figure through which
we start to explore all these issues. So in my mind, when the Abraham Accords were, you know,
whispered about and then we saw them happen. And, you know, I've been writing about Arab-Israeli
normalization since before the Abraham Accords in smaller ways. But in my mind, when I kind of heard
that terminology being used and that framing being used, to me it felt deceptive. That they were
using this term of like the Abraham Accords, denoting and harkening back to like the idea of the
Abrahamic tradition and that were kin and all of these things.
for listeners who are bad at religion as I am, Abraham had two sons,
presumably, you know, apparently, and one of those sons is the ancestor of Jews
and the other one is the ancestor of Arabs, if you believe that.
So anyway, I'm not going to blaspheme on this podcast, but...
No, I think a story is important. I mean, it is a deception.
I totally agree with you on that, but it's important to unpack how the deception works.
Right, right.
Right. It's so effective because the story is so well known to people in the region.
No, absolutely, absolutely.
But to me, like, the deception lay in the framing of Arab and Israeli animosity through a religious perspective as if the conflict was a religious one.
Yeah.
So to me, it felt kind of very shallow.
But then as you start to unpack, not only the impacts of the Abraham Accords immediately, so immediately repression increases in these countries that sign the agreement.
Yeah.
But then you start to unpack, like, what are these accords actually serving for the Arab countries?
that are signing.
Why are they signing with Israel?
Well, they're attempting to re-engineer, they're attempting to re-engineer society.
A lot of that tolerance language has to do with that.
It's they don't want societies that are politically active.
They want them to be interested in consumerism.
They want them to be maybe slightly socially liberal.
Yeah.
Tolerate the Israelis, tolerate war crimes.
And, you know, Kumbaya, and never, ever have the ability to question the political
leadership or the political status quo in any of these countries or in the region as a whole.
Yeah, I think it's all that, but I think it's also a global power move, right?
The Gulf countries, including Qatar, which has a different politics, are all really trying
to make a name for themselves to become really, really huge global players.
They're basically all trying to transform this gigantic oil wealth that they have into
soft power, into diplomatic power, into cultural power.
You know, this brings us into the comedy festival in Saudi Arabia as well, right?
And I think part of the framework here is we are part of this larger global story,
which is about freedom, peace, and friendship through religion.
Now, what's the deception here?
The deception is this sort of, and I think this is one of his favorite points,
so he can expand on this.
There's a sort of like a switcheroo game in which something else is brought into view
and the Palestinians are hidden, right?
The crux of the conflict, the crux of what is basically brought Israel to go wild
on the entire region attacking seven different countries simultaneously is the Palestinians.
and it's always, it has been the Palestinians,
it's always going to be the Palestinians.
There is, and you've written about this as well,
there is a segment of Arab society,
especially Arab elites, especially in the Gulf,
who want nothing to do with the Palestinians
and would be happy to get rid of them.
But this isn't the case with the vast majority of Arabs.
It's also not the case with the vast majority of the global south, I think,
and even the vast majority of the global north, right?
We've seen very, very clear majorities against Israel's genocide in Gaza,
even in the United States, you know,
in Israel's biggest ally abroad.
So in order to not have to talk about this, it's always good to be able to talk about something else.
One of the many ways, and I'm not saying this is the only one, but one of the many ways in which the subject has changed is by talking about Abraham.
So we're doing, I mean, our show has a little bit of a, it's kind of a difficult to move to make because we're trying to talk about an excuse, but also unpack why that excuse is so powerful.
from the Stuff You Should Know podcast,
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What up, y'all?
It's your boy, Kev on stage.
I want to tell you about my new podcast called Not My Best Moment,
where I talk to artists, athletes, entertainers, creators, friends,
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you know there's like a lot of violence in this peace framing and if you look at i think it's
point 18 of the peace framework that trump talks about the trump presented on gaza i think it's i think
i think it's 18 i have i have the quote here but not a number it's you know an interfaith dialogue
process will be established based on the values of tolerance and peaceful coexistence to try and
change mindsets. I mean, this is like to try and change mindsets and narratives of Palestinians and
Israelis by emphasizing the benefits that can be derived from peace. I mean, it's like mafia talk,
right? It's like, you better do it. Exactly. You better, you're going to love this piece so
much or else kind of thing. I cut up some audio from the episodes and from the interview with
you, Donna, at the live event that we had here in Berlin a couple weeks ago. This topic is so,
feels so urgent and relevant to so many people that, like, more than 50 people came out in the
reign in November in Berlin. And one of the things I played was it was exactly when you called it
an obfuscation. Like, there's this paradox where all these things that were under the table
are coming up and are now explicit, these secret deals with Gulf states, this normalization
that, you know, you two had known about, you know, in your research, but people like me wouldn't
know about if they're not following, if they're not academics, if they're not following this
closely. And yet the Abram Accords brought this all up. Okay, now we're on, now everyone knows,
right? Now we know that, like, this is about Iran. This is about security. This is about, you know,
these material issues, right?
But at the same time that it's playing on this kind of clarity and this openness, right,
and this moderation, it's also creating a whole new obfuscation, a whole new myth.
And, you know, people love this quote.
There was a lot of like nodding heads in the audience when I played what you said,
which was like, as if, right, like as if this is about religion, it's about land and it's
about sovereignty.
And that's clear.
But these aren't called the land and sovereignty accords.
I mean, like you said, like you said, it's very violent.
I mean, I've been describing normalization under these terms, as well as the Abraham Accords in particular, as authoritarian conflict management, because it maintains structural violence.
It's not attempting to solve the underlying, you know, motivations for that violence, which, as you said, is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is the land, which is the war crimes.
And I think also I want to just emphasize for listeners that the tolerance framing in particular...
there's, like, the flip side to it, which is, you better like this piece or else,
and we're calling it peace, and it's Abrahamic.
So, like, if you don't like it, what does that say about you?
Yeah, exactly.
Are you intolerant?
Are you an anti-Semite?
Are you, you know, like, it's just, how could you be against peace?
The piece is in the name, but it's a very particular type of piece.
It's a liberal.
I think authoritarian conflict management is a very good way of putting it, but also, it's also
very helpful to help to explain why the Abraham myth is so useful in that.
regard. Can we just go over the story real quick for listeners who aren't that familiar?
Yes, please. So Abraham, who is known as in all the so-called Abrahamic religions, as the first
one to explicitly reject idolatry, right? So there are other righteous men in the Bible before
him, but he's the first one who becomes what is in Islam is known as the friend of God, right?
So Al-Qalid. And he also, in addition to having this very, very intimate relationship with God,
he also has a family, right? And in this family, he has a wife.
and a maid servant.
The wife is named Sarah
and the maid servant
is named Hagar.
Now, I'm going to do this quick.
Don't worry.
Sarah is barren.
She can't have children.
And she says to Abraham,
I have an idea.
Why don't you have a child
with a maid servant,
with Hagar,
and it'll be my child.
So already, already,
I think we can see authoritarianism.
We can see authoritarian conflict management
already as kind of the seed
that's planted in this story.
Hagar has a child.
That child is named Ishmael.
And Ishmael is,
beloved by his father. The Old Testament
says, so it's very, very clear, right?
But then Sarah gets jealous. She says,
well, you know, this son is going to
and his mother are going to be basically be
pushing me out of my status
within the family. Yada, yada, yada.
There's a lot of other stuff that goes on, very, very interesting and
very fascinating and lots of it very well-known
like so-called sacrifice of Isaac.
She miraculously has the child, right?
That child's named Isaac. Everyone agrees
within these scriptural traditions that
Isaac is the father of the Jews and Ishmael is the father
of the Arabs. This is central to both Jewish theology and Islamic theology and the Christians
insofar as they're involved in the story they're also in on. Now, then the question becomes
which one of them is the blessed son? Which one of the one of the one is the one who is supposed
to inherit the land, that is the holy land, wherever that's defined and that's a little bit vague
as well. The Jews say it's Isaac and the Muslims say it's Ishma. So we have a story, what my
dissertation advisor, Andrew Shrya, called the community of disagreement. There are people who disagree
on something, but they don't disagree on the frame, right? The frame in which all that, that entire
a story is inserted is one in which there's no disagreement. Everybody agrees that Abraham
had two kids. Everybody agrees that the women are basically, you know, the women,
part in the story is predicated on their sons and whether their sons succeed is what makes
the women succeed or not. And then the question becomes which one is the favorite son? Which one
the father loves and the big father above also loves, right? Now, this is in itself, I think,
at least in the way that it's framed in the Abraham Accords, a form of, what do you call it,
authoritarian crisis management, right? That's what it is.
Now, that doesn't mean, and I think that this is also important, this is also one of the reasons that we made the podcast, that there's no other ways of reading the story.
How else could we read the story?
For example, we could point out, we can note that the person who has the most intimate contact with God in this entire story is Hagar.
She's the first and only person in the Bible to give God a name.
She calls him El-Roi, the God who has seen me.
She has at least two miracles done to her.
In Islam, of course, her story and Ishmael's story becomes the story of Mecca.
All the traditions of the Hajj are based around the story of Hagar and Ishmael.
So she's a central, central figure, and she's a slavewoman.
She's an Egyptian.
She's the one who's cast out into the desert.
She's a migrant.
Her name, Hagar or Hajjar in Arabic, means migrant or migration, right?
There's all these powerful undercurrents in the story, as there are in every powerful
powerful myth, that mean that it can be read differently.
And some people are reading it differently.
So I don't think the story itself is the problem.
The problem is that the story is used in a very particular way, in a way which facilitates,
again, what you called conflictual, sorry.
Authoritarian conflict management.
It's authoritarian conflict management, yeah.
I mean, it's a mouthful.
Maybe that helps us to get to what the podcast does.
Like, who do you speak to?
I know I'm on one of the episodes, but who else do you speak to?
And like, what trends were surprising to you?
How did your kind of thinking shift over time?
I mean, let me start, at least, because one thing we talked a lot about at the live event,
there was a panel and there was a discussion with the audience.
And one thing that's become excessively clear, like we heard Mattan explain the story,
I'm down from the Middle East, right?
And also in this Berlin audience, like the relevance of the story is a Bible story.
I know I've heard of the story, but it doesn't have that much impact for me, like on my life or on how I understand the world.
It's a story. It's a Bible story. And we felt this from the European audience, right? We heard people say something like, like, okay, this is the myth, but are these the myths that are worth exploring right now?
You know, maybe with like looking at other myths of more like material issues. And I think what we're trying to do with,
the show is also explained, well, but these do affect people's lives in the Middle East.
Like, this is something, in fact, episode two, which comes out in a couple weeks, we have all
these vox pop interviews from the old city of Jerusalem where we talk to people on the street
and just ask, like, why do you think Jews and Arabs are cousins? And what does that mean?
And what does that mean with the Abraham Accords? And immediately, everybody had different
Israelis and the Arabs that you talked to in a ton, had different understandings of the Abraham
Accords, good and bad. But if you said, why is it called the Abraham Accords? Every single one of them
we're like, oh, yeah, because we're cousins.
Yeah.
So start there, right?
So episode one was about the kind of geopolitics.
That's why you were on, Donna.
Episode two, explaining this kind of, what does that mean, then, that if everybody can
agree that the Jews in the Arabs are cousins, but the Abraham Accords are seen with all
of these, like, we already started talking about, you know, all these obfuscating,
kind of nasty, hidden violent undertones, but also kind of like sick, you know, we can fly
there or whatever, like all this tourism and, and, um, I'm.
high-fiving and entrepreneurship and, you know, the biggest sater of whatever UAE history or whatever
that was, you know, so like, so we start there and then, and the idea is to really like,
then turn this whole thing around and look at the myths and look at the stories and try and
understand from all these different sides. We go into, you know, medieval Islamic stories and
texts and the idea of hospitality and the idea of cousinage and what does cousins mean.
I mean, Matan, you can go further here, but the idea of the show really starts from there, right?
And that's how we're going to start at the geopolitics and end up hopefully in turning the whole Abraham idea thing in such a somersault that it lands right on its head or right on its butt or something.
And not only can we kind of dismantle it or understand it and take it apart, but then maybe like reclaim it in a different way and maybe even use it for some kind of positive progressive purposes, even radical ones that, I mean, Matan in his activism,
and in his research, you know, Yumatan, you say you've already seen.
And kind of he has to make the case to me.
You know, that's kind of the framing of the podcast.
I'm eternally making the case.
That's okay.
I think it's kind of a difficult case to make.
And the fact that people keep challenging me on it, I think is very productive.
One other thing that came up in Berlin, and I think it was really interesting,
is that Ben sort of touched on this at the beginning of what he was saying just now.
The way that framing this as the Abraham, of course, framing it as the Abraham story,
tends to make it easier for people from Europe or from the United States to North America
to see themselves as outside of this story, right? So this, Donna, you also alluded to this.
There's this idea that this is like an age-old conflict, you know, between these relatives
who are always quarreling between themselves. And oh, it's so difficult to understand.
These primitive people over there. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Cue like oriental music, right, in the background.
And hence that we rational outsiders, we Westerners, we Christians, et cetera, all these sort of
vaguely linked identities that so-called outsiders have, we are sort of neutral and rational
outsiders who can play a mediating role and bring this whole ancient mess to an end, right?
But the funny thing about this is that it's also a religious kind of, there's also a religious
undertone here. There is this idea. A lot of scholars have written about how so-called secularism,
so-called enlightenment in the West actually is a secularized form of Christianity in a lot of ways.
And this is really actually very, very clear on this Abrahaming framing because there is this idea that Christianity is superior to these other two religions, right?
This is this is the actual universal religion.
This is the one that is able to encompass and sort of transcend the other ones.
And hence, I think maybe this was controversial a few years ago, but nowadays, I think it's quite clear that the U.S. sees itself as a Christian state, right?
He even sees itself as a crusader state.
I mean, they state it pretty clearly.
With the Secretary of Defense having Deus Volt tattoos on his chest, right?
So this is no longer, they're saying the quiet part.
out loud in this context as well. And they think that they can come in, you know, and as these
sort of outsiders solve things, but they're actually deeply impacted in the story themselves.
For much, much earlier than the 19th century, we could, but go back to the Crusades if we want.
Europe has always been involved in the Middle East, right? And the Middle East has been involved
in Europe, of course. These are near foreigners, right? So there's no innocence here, right?
There's nobody who's outside the story. And the Abrahamic framework, one of the, I think,
sort of pernicious ways in which it's acting in this, in this current conjuncture, in this
current day and age, is as this sort of framing that neutralizes the Western influence.
It makes it seem objective and rational.
And also, I think, allows the Gulf states to claim that, right?
There was like some interesting stuff in the factual book that I didn't quite put together
about the, you know, sort of elite Emirati perspectives as liberal and anti-democratic.
But if you're pro-business in a certain way, then you can claim this kind of, you know,
Like, Don and Matan, you two have written about moderation a lot.
But this idea for me of like if you can claim, you know, the business forward thinking,
then you're also modern.
Then you're also considered, you know, more above, like you have a different elevation
and a different sort of legitimacy according to this worldview than somebody that would
care about such things as the Jews and the Arabs.
What an ancient, old-fashioned kind of passe, you know, the Palestinian issue, you know,
kind of thing.
But you know what's cool?
Like artificial intelligence
and like shipping deals
in the Indian Ocean.
That's new.
You know?
Golf.
Yeah, that's sick.
Like, yeah, golf and like
virtual reality
watching people play golf.
Like, that would be awesome.
Yeah.
And it's sort of
invited.
Dubai chocolate.
I could go on.
It's,
I still think the Seder,
like the biggest Seder
in Memorati history or whatever
is my favorite anecdote.
But the way that it invited
this space.
So like,
it's almost like a genius.
Like maybe it was like
Jared Kushner's great genius.
was to see this, like, you know, ability to let other people claim the same Christian elevation, right?
The same, like, I'm on the shaky ground here now, so I'll stop.
Yeah, I don't know if I'm, I don't know if genius.
I might dispute you on that.
In a way, it's kind of obvious, right?
Like, they were always going to call these Abraham Accords when they did them in a way, right?
Derek Kushner, I don't know.
He's the right guy.
He's the right guy in the right place at the right time, more than anything else.
But do you understand what I mean, that like, this invitation into the,
perspective that you were saying, which is kind of like Christian, you know, in our event
in Berlin, someone said something like, even without the Jewish Muslim context, we have this
problem. We have this problem in this region. And the Abraham Accords allows the conversation
to happen on this level of let's talk about chips. Let's talk about fighter jets. You know, let's talk
about drones. Yeah. Drones, yeah. Prevalence. Yeah. One other thing that I think is really important is
it sort of normalizes this idea
that there is a place for everybody
and the people shouldn't be mixed.
On the Israeli extreme right,
the religious extreme right in Israel,
there is this notion of the distancing
of Ishmael for his correction, right?
What's the idea here?
Is that the Ishmaelites, that is the Arabs,
that is the Muslims, that is the Palestinians,
they have their place in the world.
It's just that that place isn't here.
It's somewhere else,
in a place called Arabia, right?
And therefore, that's why we can be friends
with Emirates,
because the Emirates are Arabs in the right place,
in Arabia.
The Palestinians, however,
they're a problem because they're Arabs who don't realize what the right place is.
They can stay here if they accept total subjugation.
Basically, you know, the Smotritch's plan is sort of a secularization.
Decisive plan.
Yeah, his decisiveness plan or whatever that's called.
Is a sort of secularization of things that Kahana was saying,
the so-called Rabbi Mayer Kahana was saying in the 1980s,
the sort of spiritual father of the Israeli extreme right,
they can stay here if they're willing to be our slaves, basically.
If not, they can go to Arabia.
And once they're in Arabia, they can be our best friends.
And this is really, I think, very, very closely connected to the animosity towards migrants, right?
That brings me back to the figure of Hagar or Haja, right?
She is a migrant, and because she is a migrant, because she's not in the right place,
that's why she's denigrated, that's why she's exploited, that's why she's cast out into the desert.
So it's not just about the Palestinians in that regard.
We can see how this sort of myth also plays into the hyper-exploitation of migrants in the Gulf.
We can see how it plays into the racist treatment that refugees from sub-Saharan Africa are receiving
North Africa, right? We literally saw people a couple years ago in Tunisia being
cast out into the desert the way the Hagar and Ishma was. And of course, this is all,
this is all closely related, again, to Europe, to global imperial kind of processes, to capitalism,
you know, what Ben was talking about.
Racial hierarchy.
Racial hierarchy, right.
So one of the reasons that I think we need to keep our eye on this ideology is that in
some ways it's different from what we're used to, right?
It's not, for example, white supremacy, right? We're used to think about white supremacy
as this sort of globally dominant racial ideology.
But this is something different. This is not about people being better because they're
white.
It's about people being better because they're in their right place.
And that's actually, I think, something that's really coming up very, very strong on the
global far right, on the far right globally, this idea that, you know, oh, you'll see like
in Europe, for example, it's not that we have anything against black people or Arabs or Asians
or anything else.
They just need to stay in their own countries.
So long as everybody stays in their own countries, that's fine.
And you know, with climate change, with all these catastrophic ecological changes
that are happening in the world, people are going to be moving.
And we already see people in masses moving from place to place, but that's going to be
larger and larger movements in the coming decades.
And, you know, the basic test of humanity is going to be this test of hospitality,
whether people are allowed into new places that they have to go to in order to survive.
And this sort of ideology, I think, is already sort of primed.
It's primed to deny that and to say, no, you've got to just stay in your own space.
Right.
So against that, Abraham, I would like to play Sagar.
I think she's the answer.
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What up, y'all? It's your boy, Kev on stage. I want to tell you about my new podcast called Not My Best Moment, where I talk to artists, athletes, entertainers, creators, friends, people I admire who had massive success about their massive failures. What did they mess up on? What is their heartbreak? And what did they learn from it?
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so i mean that's fascinating i've never really kind of thought about i've never really thought
too hard about this story because as a musliman arab child it upset me but i i do want to say like
there is as you as you mentioned like there is a general trending towards ethno nationalism
all over the world but the gulf states cannot manage ethno nationalism
Saudi Arabia is kind of a little bit of a different story, but the ones that signed, they are
minorities in their countries. On top of that, to their own citizens, to Emirati citizens, to Bahraini
citizens, they are illegitimate. They are only legitimate by virtue of providing economic
opportunities. You know, those cracks have already been showing up. So the way in which these countries
can build legitimacy for themselves, offset possible public pressure, offset any kind of accountability
for their regional role.
People forget that the United Arab Emirates
is deeply implicated
in the genocide in Sudan.
The way that they connect with
what is, I think, inherently
white supremacist and things like this
but of course they're not white
is what Yassin al-Hashala,
Hassyrian theorist,
calls the ideology of modernism.
He was writing about
the promise and the discourse
of the Assad regime
when Bashal al-Assad came the power.
But when I read it,
I was like,
this sounds a lot like
the ideology of these Gulf states.
And so he says it has
three traits. It entirely neglects issues of values, such as freedom, equality, human dignity,
mutual respect among people, in favor of morally amorphous categories such as secularism,
enlightenment, and modernism itself. It neglects fundamental social issues related to poverty,
unemployment, marginalization, life conditions, gender relations, etc. And the advocates of this
modernism are politically conservative. I mean, just to a T. Yeah, that's the Abraham Accords
in an nutshell right there. Exactly. Yeah. And I, you know, I wrote about this.
in the context of the Abraham Accords
in a paper I published in 2023,
but Yassin Ha Shalah had like kind of nailed it
back in 2011, that this was the trend.
Yeah, I think Syrians saw a lot of things earlier
than the rest of us.
Yeah, definitely.
And so this is their vision for the world.
And I think this is the vision of a lot
of essentially the right in the world,
even in America.
Like they don't care about democracy.
They want this.
They want you to be prosperous
and in your place.
And yeah, everybody stays separate.
Yeah, there's a sort of like callousness around all of it,
which I think is, it's actually a draw for some people.
Because, you know, cynicism is a big thing in the world.
And people are, I think one of the reasons that people are attracted to Trump,
for example, is because it's clear that he's a completely cynical actor,
you know, who's only out for his own sake.
And people are sort of, you know, for better or worse,
sick of liberal hypocrisy.
So they gravitate towards that.
And it's funny, I mean, you would think that that wouldn't go
hand in hand with religion or these mythical stories, but it actually does. You know, speaking of
prosperity, for example, in evangelicalism, there's a very strong strand of what's called
like the prosperity gospel. This idea, and this has, you know, very, very old roots in Calvinism
as well. If you make it in the world, if you're rich, if you make, if you make a lot of money,
that means that God loves you. That's like a proof, right? And so there, again, we, we shouldn't
think about religion too narrowly. Religion is really infused in all these sorts of social ideologies
among which are this, and I think this is very, very prominent in the Abraham's story and the
Abrahamic story, is that, well, you know, if they have oil, if they have riches, if they're,
if they've managed to sort of manipulate the global economy to their own advantage, then more power
to them, right? And that's attractive. That's, that's something that you want to, that's a train
that you want to get on. Maybe they'll give you a plane too, right? That was the Qataris.
That wasn't UAE. So we shouldn't get them mixed up. But I think it's kind of the same story.
Yeah, no, I completely agree. So, I mean, I started this discussion.
by talking about the plans for reconstruction in Gaza.
And you've already mentioned that, like, the big whale for the Trump administration is Saudi Arabia.
They want Saudi Arabia to normalize with Israel.
What are some things we should watch for in the near future?
Where do you think this Arab-Israeli normalization is going to go?
I'm always hesitant to make predictions.
I think it's an extremely volatile moment.
This ceasefire in Gaza, God knows if it's going to hold or if the Israelis are just going to go back in
and start genociding again.
I think we're also seeing these really, really rapid movements throughout the region with,
I mean, we keep, we've kept alluding to Qatar,
but Qatar and Turkey are really playing a really much bigger role now than they were until recently,
and that's with American blessing.
So that's also going to change, I think, the sort of calculus that Saudi makes.
But broadly speaking, I think one thing that we really need to keep an eye on is this IMEC corridor,
this idea of that basically the Biden administration was starting up,
but Trump is really sort of put in.
into hybrid drive, which is this idea of connecting India, the Gulf, Israel, and Europe
through a sort of alternative to China's Belt and Road initiative.
It revolves around oil and gas, but it also revolves around data centers and AI.
So sort of geopolitically and geo-economically, I think that's the big plan that the Americans
have hatched for the region.
And that basically means turning Gaza into some sort of concentration camp slash SEZ,
especially economic zone, right?
there are really, really, really frightening plans to ethnically cleanse about half of the
guise and population and to sort of turn the rest of them into, well, basically slaves,
you know, basically unfree workers in these, in this so-called, especially economic zone
that they're trying to set up.
Now, whether any of this is going to actually happen, I think it's anybody's, it's
anybody's guess at this point.
But it's very clear, and I just saw Rafifzata speaking about this at the historical
materialism conference in London, it's very clear that it's their plan.
Right? That's the plan. It's out there. I don't know if it's even been leaked or it's just publicly released that this is what the Americans, Israelis, Saudis, and Emirates are planning for the region. It's a really kind of nightmarish vision that they're not even, they're broadcasting out loud. They're not even pretending to disown it or anything. So, you know, we should take them at their word and we should be very, very clear that this is something totally unacceptable. And I mean, as you started out saying, and I think we've always agreed on this, the question for the region is the Palestinian question.
And if the Palestinians don't have sovereignty, if they don't have freedom, if they don't have equality, if they don't have the right of return, then things are not going to calm down in the region.
It's just going to be more and more and more violence, more and more of this hell for everybody.
And, you know, these have been hellish years for all of us.
I'm not, of course, making any sort of comparison.
I think it's clear that the things that have been happening in Gaza are beyond any sort of description in terms of how hard the genocide has been.
But, you know, as an Israeli who's currently not living in Israel and would like to return at some point,
I really hope that everybody in the region can come to this very, very clear conclusion, you know,
whether you phrase it in religious terms or not, and I don't think there's a problem with framing it in religious terms.
There are ways of framing it in religious terms, and we can talk a little bit about that more if you want.
The fact that the indigenous people of Palestine, the Palestinians need to have the rights to respect it and fulfilled.
And that's the only way that we can bring peace, that we can bring, you know, these really beautiful.
public prophecies about the wolf and the sheep lying down and the cutting down of swords into the plowsha is to make those reality. So some people might call that messianic, but I think there's also good forms of messianism. Ben, do you have anything to add? Top of that. My hope the past year, two years, has been that if the Abraham Accords elevated, you know, countries like the UAE to a certain, like, volume, like gave them a certain
audience that maybe they didn't have before internationally, that then what Israel has done
could be criticized more obviously and that they would actually have some leverage.
So my hope still is that as like normal partners, they can normal threaten and normal
criticize and normal check the power of their, you know, quote whatever partners, Israel.
And so I'm keeping an eye on hopefully that that will start happening more.
but what we do see is that like trade continues to go up and it doesn't seem to have an impact and I find that very disappointing and also at the same time I see the polling and Donna you know more about this than I do but the polling shows increasing criticism of normalization with Israel so you know the idealist to me thinks that like civil society will win out eventually that this is just untenable and that what October 7th showed was that
and the wars since then, that without dealing with the central cause in the region, which is
the Palestinian cause, like there will be no possible, safe, you know, entrepreneurial dreamland
of a rich future that they're claiming is going to happen.
So that's my hope.
But, and I keep an eye out for that.
I hope that they use China and Russia as good countermeasures and counter threats to the
American agenda.
And I keep my eye out for that.
Yeah, I think, I think really that's the, that's the open question moving forward, is like, will the political elites win out? Will they be able to sidestep the Palestinian question, sidestep their own publics, who, as you mentioned, are extremely critical of normalization, extremely supportive of the Palestinian cause? I think the Americans think that they can. I keep mentioning this on this podcast, but I was on a panel with Stanley McChrystal, general and,
commander of the joint, what is it, the joint armed forces or whatever, in Iraq and Afghanistan.
And he was like, oh, you know, the Arabs really want to move past the Palestinians.
Like, it's a thing of the past.
If October 7th hadn't happened, like, we, you know, we would have just moved past the Palestinians.
And I was like, what the hell are you talking about?
That's, you only say that because you think that you can continue to crush Arab Publix.
Yeah.
Like, you are predicating your entire strategy on authoritarianism.
And it's, it's not an Middle East problem.
It's a civil society all over the world
has to fight back against authoritarianism
or this is our reality.
Yeah, I think this is the moment now
this is one of the ways
in which the rest of the world
is becoming more likely the Arab world
in some ways.
As we mentioned, we have large majorities
almost everywhere in the world.
I think maybe every country in the world
except for Israel.
We have a majority of people
who are now supporting Palestine
more than support Israel,
who are against the genocide
who say, you know,
who answer the polls
in a way that makes it clear
that they're against what's going on.
And they're against their government
supporting it.
But most governments in the world, most governments in the world, including ones that aren't considered very pro-U.S., are basically letting this happen, right?
That means that there's no effective democracy anywhere in the world, really, except maybe in a few places where you can say, okay, I don't know, Spain, some countries are Ireland.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Where even those countries, I don't think they're doing as much as their populations would like them to do, right?
Right.
So, again, this idea that the West is somehow essentially different from these other countries.
It's also kind of a lie, and it's also bogus, and we need to call bullshit on that as well.
Yeah.
Many people have already made various arguments and there's various ways of making this argument
that the Palestinian question, the question of Gaza, the question of the genocide is kind of
the global question of our time.
I don't think just because there's a ceasefire that that's going to go away in any way.
Everything that caused the explosion in the first place is still there.
Right.
And I think we're going to keep seeing mobilizations around this issue.
I'm sure we are.
The crucial question for me is how we connect this.
to other issues, how we connect us to the question of democracy.
Yeah.
Can we connect this to the question of rights for migrants?
How we connect us to the questions of climate change, right?
And various people are already doing that.
So I'm not saying this is something that people aren't working on.
But this is kind of the challenge for our time.
And this podcast, this project is just one small part of that mosaic,
which is looking into the ideology that framed the accords after Abraham.
And again, thinking about how we can not just debunk that ideology and say,
oh, this isn't, it's not about this, it's about that.
But also about how we can read those stories in a different way.
To usurp it.
Yeah, exactly, to subvert it and to read those stories in a way that makes progressive sense.
I'm really looking forward to listening to the other episodes, not just my own.
Yeah, you sound a little more convinced now than you did it after we interviewed.
I'm being really nice.
No, I'm just joking.
You're being hospitable, like Abraham.
Exactly.
It's in my blood.
When we played it live, someone came up to me afterwards.
was like, you know, I agree with Donna, right?
And I was like, no, I think we all agree.
Like, that's kind of the point.
I think we all agree on the basics here.
The other part is just sitting in the cringe, as Mithan says.
Oh, nice.
Yeah.
Basting, basting in the cringe.
Yeah, basing in the cringe here and trying to find our way out of, like, a bad mushroom
trip hallucination where you can do things like pretend that the Palestinians don't exist.
Yeah.
You know, we're trying to be the orange juice that's supposed to get you out of a, you know,
of a bad mushroom or something.
Out of the hangover or whatever.
Yeah, the trip, yeah. Sorry. I don't do drugs. I don't understand.
Anyway, thank you all so much. This has been a very interesting episode. And, yeah, I'll link in the show notes for listeners, all of the things we mentioned. But, yeah, more soon.
Yeah, episode one is already out. By the time your listeners hear this, I think episode two might already be out as well.
Okay.
And episode two, we kind of go into the back story. Episode one was with you, and we talked about the chords themselves.
episode two, we start digging into those warm holes of the Abraham story.
Interesting.
And when we talk to people in Jerusalem, again, Ben mentioned this, both Palestinians and Israelis.
We went out and asked them what they thought about the Abraham Accords
and why they thought it was named after Abraham.
Yeah, I'm really excited to listen to that.
Thank you.
All right.
Thanks, guys.
Thanks for having us in time.
Thank you.
Take care.
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Hey, everybody, it's Chuck and Josh from the Stuff You Should Know podcast, and it's that time of year again when we knuckle down to do our annual holiday episodes.
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I knew it was a bomb the second that it exploded. I felt it ripped through me.
In season two of Rip Current, we asked who tried to kill Judy Berry and why.
climbing trees and they were sabotaging logging equipment in the woods.
She received death threats before the bombing. She received more threats after the bombing.
I think that this is a deliberate attempt to sabotage our movement.
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