It Could Happen Here - Elon Musk and The Martian Revolution feat. Mike Duncan
Episode Date: April 21, 2025Robert and Mia talk with Revolutions Podcast host Mike Duncan about the similarities between his new series The Martian Revolution and the Trump administration and the politics that inspired the ...show.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Welcome back to It Could Happen Here, a podcast about it happening here,
which is these days normally about the fact
that it's happening here.
But today we're here to talk about a show
where it happens somewhere else,
a place that people aren't yet
But may one day be in the future
We're talking about the Martian Revolution with the great Mike Duncan of the revolutions podcast Mia Wong
Joining me on this interview welcome to the show Mike. Thank you very much for having me
So let's talk about this because you know
I've kept up and been listening to revolutions for years and and I started seeing messages earlier this year that like, Mike Duncan is doing this
fictional revolution podcast on the Martian Revolution, and it seems to map really, really
closely with a lot of stuff that's happening right now in the United States.
And I'm wondering kind of, to what extent did you anticipate that being an initial reaction
to this when you started really
finally laying down like the text for these episodes?
I did not expect that at all, not at all.
What has been happening to me has been one
of the most surreal six months of my life
in terms of what I am writing and dropping out
into the world.
And then I turn on the news three weeks later, four weeks later, and I'm just watching exactly
what I wrote down in the show come to life.
It is horrifying and I hate it.
Yeah, welcome to the club.
Yeah, yeah.
I mean, you guys have to change the name of your show because there's no good about it,
man. We're just here.
It's just going, yeah.
You know, I've had the notion to do
this Martian Revolution series for years.
Like, I think I first came up with it back
during like the French Revolution days,
is when I was like, you know,
it would be a really cool thing to do.
It's like, once I've got all of these under my belt,
just like make up a fictional revolution
that kind of follows along,
like many of the plot points of previous revolutions.
And so this has been kind of like years in the making
and a lot of the sort of like plot points and ideas
that I wanted to do,
I wanted it to be like a monopoly corporation
because I also wanted to do some like social commentary
and like what are the issues
that we're kind of dealing with right now?
And then I'm like, okay,
then there's this thing called the new protocols that is gonna help
jumpstart the revolution.
And this is somebody coming in and just implementing
whole new software programs and hardware programs
without any care for like what it does to people.
Then there's mass layoffs that are a part of this.
And then deportations are like all a part of the story
of how the Martian revolution gets going.
And this stuff was plotted out in October.
And I gotta tell you, maybe I was naive,
maybe I had my head in the sand.
I thought she was gonna win, man.
Like I thought Harris was gonna win the election.
That's where my head was at in September and October,
going into November.
I was like, it'll be close, of course it will.
It's a toss up.
But I think she'll pull it out in the end.
It sure feels like it because they were running
a terrible campaign and like they didn't have
any field operations and like the whole thing
just kind of seemed like she was gonna win.
So for Trump to win and then start doing all of these things
that were just supposed to be fictional plot points.
Oh yeah.
Reference, yeah, like now I'm just like,
Jesus Christ, this is terrible.
Well, that's what's so interesting is because yeah,
so much of the initial, as you imagine it,
the opening stages of the Martian revolution
in your series are based on a guy who is a, quote unquote,
partly like an autod didact, right? Like a dude who is raised believing that his ideas are good
because they're his ideas.
And that he can kind of jump into any field
of human endeavor and make things work better
than the people who have been studying
and working in that field for their entire lives.
And he just starts changing everything based on his whims.
Now you don't have him staying up until four in the morning
on ketamine benders and then tweeting out his ideas
for how to change the government.
But I guess I'd say like that's the one thing
that doesn't map onto right now.
And I think this almost just goes inherently
with the act of crafting fiction.
Even your bad guys are a lot more sympathetic
than our current ones.
Yeah.
Yeah, which I think is to your credit,
but like I've enjoyed the degree to which
the decisions that are being made
that are kind of making this Martian revolution inevitable
are the kind of decisions that you make
when you've been raised in these sorts of bubbles
where you are expected to just sort of be able
to run things because like that's the strata
that you come from.
And it maps directly to like what we're seeing right now
with these Silicon Valley guys
who have spent the last few decades
getting impossible amounts of money
and having that convince them
that they know how to do everything.
But it also maps back to like Versailles.
I find that compelling.
Yeah, and you know, the Timothy Werner character,
he's like sort of the figure against whom the revolution
is going to start after he comes in
and starts doing all this stuff.
Like the number one, of course, as I'm releasing this,
people are just like,
this is just a cardboard cutout of Elon Musk, right?
And which I would point out, the first thing is like,
actually no, because I very specifically wrote it,
so he was a good husband and father.
Yes, he loves his kids.
It's obviously not, it's obviously not Elon Musk
because he loves his kids.
He's allowed to be in the same room as all of them.
Yeah, yeah.
They like, they get along great and everything.
So obviously it's not, but honest to God,
like it wasn't meant to be just Musk,
but it was meant to be those tech guys, right?
Like this is meant to be thinking about the guys who come in and they're like,
we're going to, we're going to move fast and break things.
And then what they break is like 120 years of like labor law.
And that's the only thing that is actually being broken here.
Like this is what, you know, what, what Uber is and all of those kinds of,
like all of that stuff that came at us in the last like 10 or 15 years.
And they think that yes, because they can code well
or because they had this one ability to like, you know,
market something in an effective way,
that that means that they are brilliant
and can do everything and everywhere for everybody.
And like, we're gonna reinvent this
and we're gonna reinvent that.
But they have no idea what they're doing
or what they're talking about.
And you run into these people on Twitter all the time,
this phenomenon of people being good in one area
and then becoming sort of all purpose,
general knowledge experts when it's like,
you don't have any idea what you're talking about.
And so there's a line that's in there where it's like,
where Werner, the way that he thought is, I'm smart, therefore the ideas I have must be smart.
Yes.
And that is something that's not about Musk,
that's about like just people I run into
on Twitter all the time.
Oh, constantly.
That's a phenomenon, that's a generalizable phenomenon.
No, I mean, yeah, we talk about that constantly
on the show, like we just did that four-parter
on the Zizians that, who come out of like the rationalist Bay Area tech industry cult,
which is both influential and a lot of the people who wound up working at Doge and just to the general tech mindset.
And it is, it's the human embodiment of that idea that like, well, I know how to code. Coding's difficult.
That means I'm smart. This must mean I know how to run the schools, right?
This must mean I know how to replace Medicare, right?
Yep.
And it's this kind of like reasoning from first principles
without ever actually like having to sit face to face with the
consequences of your decisions.
And I think you do a great job of showing how that cascades into a calamity.
And in a way that feels very realistic, even though we're talking about Mars
and there's also like gravity generators and the like.
Yeah, yeah.
I mean, it's, and what, you know,
what Werner does here is so much of what Doge
basically started doing.
When they start going into these systems,
they start changing codes.
They have no idea what are the key things
that are actually underpinning our society.
The most recent thing I saw that made me think of this
is like they're shutting down all the regional offices
of the Social Security Administration
and like all communications are now gonna be run
through Twitter, right?
And one of Timothy Warner's things is the centralization
of all decision-making and the centralization
of really everything.
And in his mind, it would be more efficient
if the company just had one brain and that was his brain
and every decision is made by the one brain.
And so he's got all this stuff
and he's got to make all these decisions,
except that is, that's crazy.
That is not actually how you can run anything.
And it just creates all of this, like basically everybody,
I forget if I wrote this in,
no, I definitely did,
that like the dreaded like request pending screen
that people started getting, they would submit stuff
like a fuel requisition order,
and it would just say request pending,
and like request pending would never go away,
it would just, that's what it would say.
And then you look at what they're doing now,
and they are trying to centralize everything.
It's a generalized authoritarian power grab
But you know, they are they are doing these things. Yeah
One of the things that it reminds me the most of like from the other revolutions is I immediately went wait
This is our Nicholas. Mm-hmm where you know, you have less of the reform package
Well, like yeah, like the way that all of the power gets concentrated and centralized into this one guy who's a micromanager and then can't do it because no human could possibly
have done it, but they're not, because of just their sort of affective power and the
way that they think about micromanaging anything, they're incapable of letting their subordinates
do things.
Yeah.
Yeah, it also scans with the loves his kids part.
Good husband. Yeah. Yeah, it also scans with the loves his kids part. Good husband.
Yeah.
Well, I mean, that's the thing is like,
everything that's in the show also is like basically
something that comes from history, right?
Like, and I am trying to do that.
And it is something that, you know, like Charles the first,
Louis the 16th, Tsar Nicholas,
these guys are all great family men.
Their kids love them and they love their kids, right?
Like one of the reasons the French Revolution happened
is because Louis' son died,
like on the eve of the estates general
and he was just not there because his son had just died.
That's a real thing that happened.
And the other stuff is like that sort of centralization
of power is a lot of like what I was trying to get at there
was actually like the reforms that went in
for the European colonial
powers after the seven years war in the Anglo colonies
and the Spanish colonies and the French colonies.
All of those governments sort of undertook a reorganization
of their colonial structures after the seven years war.
It kind of like reshuffled who had what territory.
And all of those moves were about sort of an increasing
presence of the metropole in colonial life.
And this is what triggers the American Revolution
because there was gonna be like two more customs officials
in Boston Harbor.
And so like we went into revolt about this.
But this is also true of like the bourbon reforms
in Spanish America is that kind of like centralization
of a community and of colonies that had grown very used to managing their own affairs.
And so they're coming in and saying,
well, yeah, this is ours.
And we here on earth should be making these decisions
for you Martians.
And the Martians were like,
well, we've been making these decisions for ourselves
for like 70 years now.
That's where that stuff is coming from.
And then history is always the place that I can point to.
And then I have to watch it also on the TV.
Yeah.
Yeah, I've had that same experience of like,
I'm writing out kind of like this possible,
you know, this story about what a future conflict,
civil conflict in the US might look like.
And I'm just taking from stuff that happened
in the last like 10 years in a lot of cases that I saw
in different countries and people are like,
how did you like anticipate this?
And my answer is like, I didn't.
This is just stuff that happens all the time, right?
Cause people don't learn from history as a rule.
Like no one's ever learned a lesson from history
is the thing I've kept repeating to people
over the last few years.
As I continue to fail to learn lessons from history.
Yeah, we all do. And no, well, like one of the things people over the last few years, as I continue to fail to learn lessons from history.
Yeah, we all do.
And no, well, like one of the things
that was getting kicked around the other day was,
like I came to this point where Werner
is gonna start firing people.
He's gonna start firing people because he's changed
the metrics for how your employment status is being rated.
And he's firing just people essentially randomly,
like you are firing the head of this department
and now that department can't run anymore,
but he's like, it'll be more efficient.
And when I was writing it,
it was originally supposed to be like a kind of
a more dramatic 10% across the board layoff.
And as I got closer to actually trying to type that up
and write it down, I was like,
this doesn't actually feel believable to me.
Like people are gonna really push back.
And I mean this sincerely, like people are gonna push back
that nobody would be so stupid as to just across the board
do a 10% layoff of something so critical
as Mars is to Earth.
Because in the story, Mars is absolutely critical
to how Earth is able to function with the resource
that they're able to get from there.
And so I changed it around and actually looked
to like the sullen prescriptions from Roman history
to kind of give it a different take
where really it was like you woke up every day
and there was like 15 more names on the list,
a hundred more names on the list.
And there was something equally sort of dramatic
and cool about that without this like unbelievable,
you know, 10% across the board cut.
And I wrote a paragraph in there being like,
I know that people are gonna think
that this is like unrealistic,
but you just have to understand that like,
throughout history, we have seen these things.
Like people do stupid stuff
and they stubbornly cling to it all the time.
Because that is something that happens.
And life as we know it is actually less,
like if I wrote up what was happening right now,
like if I was just got like a window into an alternate world
and we're living in a different world where Trump lost
and I brought all this stuff back,
they'd be like, this is implausible, like this is crazy.
They would never be allowed to get away with that.
They would never be allowed to do that.
They're not allowed to do that.
They would never be so stupid as to blow up
the global economy with a bunch of tariffs
that make no sense to anybody.
Who wouldn't want the dollar as their reserve currency?
Yeah, why would they fuck that up?
None of, nothing that is happening right now
is plausible in a storytelling,
in a fictional storytelling setting.
Yeah, yeah.
You know, this also gets something
that I've been saying a lot in this show
that I wanna get your take on,
which is like, you know, one of the things
that you wrote about in your sort of like,
I guess like recap series of your experience
going through the revolutions was about like,
how much of the stuff is driven by like
the great idiots of history.
And my God, do Elon Musk and Trump look to me
like two of the greatest history?
And that doesn't like guarantee that it'll happen,
but like, whew.
Yeah, they're there.
The great idiot theory of revolutions
is a very simple thing, which is just saying that
it's revolutions don't happen
because some tyrant is in power
and they are intolerably oppressing their people.
People have been intolerably oppressed for a long time.
And Trotsky's got this quote that is,
if peasant discontentment was the cause of revolution,
then there would be a revolution happening every single day
because the peasants are always discontented.
Right.
So what it takes to really have a revolution
is for somebody in power to be kind of incompetent
and to start doing stupid things
that allow the situation to get out of hand.
And on top of that, really piss off the other elites
around them.
Because it's the mismanagement of the state
that allows the elites that are kind of necessary
for a full blown revolution.
Like you need their resources and you need their money
and you need them being close to a position of power
to be able to pop whoever's in there at the time.
And you gotta be pretty incompetent
to like wreck an elite consensus, right?
Like that's, that is in and of itself
catastrophically stupid if you're trying to stay in power.
Yeah.
And so yes, the great idiot theory
is getting quite a workout lately.
That's actually something else
that I wanted to ask you about in terms of,
like you see this in terms of Mabel Doerr, right?
Where Mabel Doerr is this kind of example
of like the sort of local,
I guess like local colonial elite to some extent.
Yeah.
I almost saw her as like, yeah, a lot of these kind of
American revolutionary figures, right?
Where you have this person who holds a fairly high position
in the colonial state as a result of, you know,
their birth and the family they come into,
but also is, identifies more as a member of that state
of the colony than of the colonizing state.
Yep.
Yeah, and I think this is something,
this is a part of the revolutionary process
that I think is really, really badly understood on the left
in terms of, in a lot of ways,
a necessity of parts of this elite flipping.
And like the other example I think most people kind of are more familiar with
is Philippe Egalité, like the Duc d'Or alone,
like funding a bunch of these sort of revolutionary groups
that eventually kind of like get out of his control.
But can you talk a bit more about sort of the role
of these sort of like elite defections
and how they end up sort of funding and enabling these revolutionary movements?
Yeah, I mean, it's a mix of things.
And I mean, you got it.
Like Mabledore is meant to be sort of the colonial elite.
And she's also meant to be sort of the liberal nobility
in lots of different revolutionary settings.
And she is doing that.
And when she is, like, when I talk about her,
like funding the Society of Martians
and like funding all of these like philanthropic,
you know, enterprises to help Martians, like that's a lot of Philip Agalatay like straight up.
Like that's what the Duke Dorleon was doing in,
you know, 1786, 87 and 89.
And so that's the role that she's playing.
But you know, if the elites are unified,
it is very difficult for any kind of like peasant
or worker uprising to actually get traction
and succeed in overthrowing the state.
Like peasant insurrections have happened throughout history
without any sort of elite support.
They have often accomplished great things.
But when you think about the great revolutions in history,
there really have always been people
in the inner corridors of power
who are ready to get rid of whoever the sovereign is
in that moment.
And you can advance all the way to the Russian revolution.
And this is the prototypical,
like the workers have risen up and the army is mutinying
and it is the people who overthrow the Tsar.
And what that story misses is all of the people, even inside
the Romanov family itself, who are like so fed up with what Nicholas and Alexander are
doing that they're just like, we don't know what to do anymore, but like, he's, yeah,
I guess he's got to go. You know, like we can't get him to see reason. We can't get
him to change course. We can't get him to do anything. Like the situation is completely out of hand.
And without those people leaning on Nicholas
to force his abdication and also to say,
like we're not gonna back you up
if you try to bring the hammer down on all these people,
then that's when sovereigns are actually overthrown.
Yes, and I love that you bring that up
because it gets to the failure to see that.
And this is especially common with people who kind of idolize the 1917 revolution, but
it's certainly not limited to that.
I mean, in every revolution, you have people who are fans of that revolution or who see
it as a model for what they want to do and also ignore the realities on the ground that
like made it possible.
I think one of my favorite examples is the quote that like you can't dismantle the master's house
with the master's tools.
Well, I don't know, in those pictures
of the 1917 revolution, I see a lot of Mosins
that used to be property of the czar, right?
Like it happens all the time.
And I think that we always need to be cautious
of like seeing just what we want to see
in revolutionary history as opposed
to seeing what was there.
And the thing is, is Lenin understood this, right?
Like Lenin understood what the game was and he understood what was going on.
And you don't have to, like if you're a revolutionary and you're sympathetic to the communists in
1917, you don't have to say, oh, well, the elites were necessary for this first revolution
and we need, you know,
we need a break inside the ruling class.
We need divisions inside the ruling class.
That doesn't mean you have to say,
and what those people want out of overthrowing the Czar
is what we want and what we're going to accept.
Right.
You know, obviously like the cousins of the,
of Czar Nicholas and the people who are in those inner
circles of power, they wanted him out of there
just so they could run the empire a little bit better.
They were frustrated with how poorly the empire
was being run.
They didn't want a social revolution.
But if you're going to take down that whole system,
creating a destabilization event at the very top
is necessary, but you don't have to support the ultimate
aims of those people.
It's just, it's an ingredient.
And this is, and you see this in the course of revolutions
and you see this in 1917, you see this 1789 and then 1792
where there is that first wave of sort of revolution
that overthrows the sovereign.
And then there is a second wave
that overthrows the people who did it first.
And so, you know, you can hold out hope for, you know
getting the job done
without thinking that elites do play some role in all of that.
Right. Yeah. Yeah, I think that's a great point.
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One of the things that I wanted to ask you about, sort of shifting gears a little bit,
was about how you were thinking about the deportations when you were writing it and
how you were thinking about the way that kind of this like generalized anti-deportation
organizing like turns into that and the sort of mutual aid networks that the Society of
Martians are doing like directly turns into this thing.
And that's also something that I don't know, it feels very presciencecience in ways even though it was written out before a lot of this stuff happens.
Yeah, the deportation stuff is just because of my own personal political commitments over the course of my adult life.
Right, which is that
we have an insanely cruel
immigration system. this country.
And they say like, oh, we've got this open borders.
We do not have open borders.
It is actually really, really hard to navigate your way
properly through the American immigration system.
That's true.
The system itself is broken.
And we did all of this.
We did the worst of the horrors with Trump, right?
Like obviously that is on my mind with, you know, with family separations and putting
people in camps and abusing people and rounding people up, like all of this stuff, which happened
under Trump, yes, but it also happened under Obama for eight years and it happened for
another four years under Biden.
It's just that we kind of stopped talking about it because it wasn't Trump who was doing it.
And there is a through line of cruelty
inside of this system towards immigrants.
So that issue of deportation and like rounding people up
and evicting them, especially those who have lived
in this place their entire life.
Like that's one of the points that I make.
Like the people who are being fired are like born
and raised on Mars. Like one of the points that I make. Like, the people who are being fired are like born and raised on Mars.
Like one of the main characters, Alexandra Claire, she is a fourth generation Martian,
and she just gets caught up in these like stupid layoffs that Timothy Werner is pushing
through.
And now the only choice that she has is to either hide or get deported to Saturn, where
and nobody's ever come back from Saturn.
We have no idea what happens on Saturn because all they know and nobody's ever come back from Saturn. We have no idea what happens on Saturn
because all they know is that
nobody ever comes back from Saturn.
And this is a thing, like taking people
who were born and raised in America,
this is the only place that they have ever known, right?
Even if they came here when they were like one,
like, okay, they weren't born here,
but like they here since they were one.
And then you're like, okay,
we're gonna send you back to Mexico.
They're not from Mexico. They don't know anybody in Mexico.
They don't probably even speak Spanish half the time,
you know?
And doing this to people is cruel.
It is unconscionable what we do to people.
And so, yeah, like, so when I was thinking to myself,
okay, I'm gonna write this like fictional revolution
and it's gonna be on Mars.
What are some of the things that I wanna do
that will make the revolution happen?
Yeah, some of this is like a little bit of like,
these are Mike's political interests
and the deportation issue and trying to highlight
the horror of the deportation issue and laud those
who would hide those people and help those people
and bring those people food.
Like the bravest people going are the ones who like go out
and leave water jugs out the middle of the desert
so people don't die, right?
And the cruelest thing is these guys who go out
and then break those.
Like knowing that people are gonna die of dehydration
and die of starvation, but just not care
because they don't care about those people.
That's one of the sickest things to me.
Like it's just, there's information coming out now
that there's that horrible video of that ICE agent
smashing the window of that woman's car to deport her.
And then the information's come out
that he is a deputized volunteer border guy.
And you know, what's really happened if you look at it
is we've kind of recreated in a decentralized form
the Einsatzgruppe, right? Like instead of
having a centralized state having to raise these organizations that are going to be carrying out
this kind of violence, like it's largely become something that vigilantes have gotten into on
their own as part of like just their special interest in hurting people at scale. And it's
such a uniquely, it's so uniquely tied to like this American scale. And it's such a uniquely,
it's so uniquely tied to like this American individualism.
It's such a uniquely sick thing
about the way things work here, that that's happening.
Like that wouldn't have happened,
not that Germany is,
not that German culture in the 30s was better,
but it just wouldn't have happened
because it was a different kind of culture.
Yeah, for sure.
And then it's really important to remember
that this is not just a Trump problem.
Yeah.
Like what he's doing right now is like,
of course, like we are entering next levels
beyond next levels of what he's doing.
And even, you know, just this morning,
we've got an American citizen who has been held
and they are not being released despite the passport
and the social security card being shown to the judge.
And the judge is like,
I can't actually release this person.
That's sort of where we're at now.
But this has been an ongoing thing for 20 years
across both parties and both administrations.
And nothing really has like sort of churned my stomach more
since Trump got elected than all of the Democrats and people doing like
sort of post-mortems on the election and being like,
well, you know, we really should be tougher on the border.
And we really should sort of like buy into this framing
that there is this like invasion
and we just need to do border enforcement better.
Like, and they're then even moving positioning themselves
to a place where it's like, Trump's not even doing a good job protecting the border.
And like, there was somebody, I forget even who it was, but somebody, one of them senators
like tweeted, you know, this time last year, Biden had deported this many people and Trump
isn't even deporting that many people.
And he was like trying to make this point that like Trump wasn't following through on
his promises or something, but it's like, do you even hear yourself?
Like, do you even hear yourself? Like, do you even hear yourself?
Yeah, yeah, it really is.
And I can't, you know, stomach the fact
that the Democrats are gonna take away from all this,
that the American people love cruelty towards immigrants
and that we need to lean into that.
And then you see the polls before all the tariffs stuff
and all this stuff is going on
and Trump is still sitting in like 50% approval and it's like I don't maybe they're right.
Maybe the American people really do just love this.
So I mean, I think the other the other side of that, though, and this is, you know, part of the
reason I brought up specifically like the resistance to it was that like the other aspect of
of the kind of individualism of American culture was that it also meant that there, you know,
a bunch of people went out to the desert, like our co worker James spent a lot of time during
the Biden administration, like
at these, I mean, just like the open air prisons they'd built in the middle of the fucking
desert, like on the border.
And you know, and like, like one of the stories that he covered extensively was that like,
probably most of these people would have died if it wasn't for like literally border volunteers,
like passing food and water to the bars.
And that's something that I was thinking about a lot,
looking at the mutual aid networks
and looking at the kind of mutual aid networks
that trans people are building up right now.
And like, I mean, I, okay, like there's, I mean,
there's always been a million mutual aid networks
because it's just impossible to survive if you're trans
without like getting stuff from other trans people.
We're not supposed to do anything alone, man.
We're not supposed to do anything alone. Well, right, yeah, that's- We're not supposed to do anything alone, man. We're not supposed to do anything alone.
Well, right, yeah, that's...
We're not supposed to be doing anything alone.
And that's honestly the most optimistic thing
about your podcast is that Martian society
develops this very communal,
because we're living in an artificial habitat,
and if shit goes really wrong, everyone dies at once.
So you have to have this more collaborative,
collective attitude towards safety and security
that is just so completely absent from American culture.
It's the thing that continually sends me
into the darkest spirals is because there's no fixing
the fundamental underlying problems without fixing that.
Yeah, and like on Mars, that sort of communal stuff is like,
they're also living in close quarters
Yeah, so you can't really be somebody who?
Needs to be alone right? That's that's a thing and then also like in terms of like the early
Colonization of Mars like yeah, you have to do this stuff together and like there's there's a like when I was doing like cultural
like there's cultural background like like works and music that was going on
that the Martians were creating.
And I didn't quite get into this,
but there is a song that I've got like half written
called the Ballad of Lonely Joe,
which is like a, it's like a Martian folk song
about Lonely Joe who went off and tried to like do it himself.
But I mean, he never comes back and now Lonely Joe
like wanders the red sands of Mars
because like he tried to go out and not do it like
with the group and not do it with the community because you can't survive alone on Mars.
But to your other point, like one of the things that I definitely wrote into the show is that
everybody on Mars has a skin chip in their hand and the skin chip in their hand is what
like opens door.
It like literally opens doors and it gives them access to the commissary
and it gives them access to restaurants.
It gives them access to food and employment.
Like everything goes through that skin chip.
And when the people get fired by Werner,
their skin chips just get turned off effectively.
And it doesn't open doors anymore.
They can't get food anymore.
They are living inside of a society
that they literally cannot interact with anymore.
And so it took other Martians around them.
And so there's a thing in the show
called the No Doors Movement,
which is Martians jamming open doors
so that the people who have,
they were called the annulled
because their contracts were annulled.
But so that the annulled could get from here to there
without needing their skinship.
Yeah, those are the kinds of things that are necessary
and those are the kinds of things
that are gonna protect people.
And I hope that those things are going on out there.
And I hope that none of us publicly state right now
what we may or may not be doing on that front.
Let's just go ahead and keep that where it's at.
I'm a big fan of the don't fed post on social media or in your podcasts thing. Yeah. Yeah
That's something you touch on there. I think is interesting
About about the way that I being forced to live together like creates this consciousness It reminds me a lot of there. I was a student
I was an anthropology student and one of the things that we've read was this sort of classic of, I guess, I guess
you call it like structuralist Marxists, like anthropology from the eighties.
It's this book called We Eat the Minds and the Minds Eat Us, which is about these indigenous
Bolivian tin miners.
And one of the things that always struck me about that was, you know, like because they're
all, they're all literally like sleeping next to each other, like in these rooms, you can literally hear
like the stomach of like the child next to you, like rumbling at night because they don't
have enough food. And that like turns them into like one of the most militant sort of
like working class, I mean, for like a hundred years, they are like, like they're syndicalists
and then they're communists and like they're, they're one of those militant things. And
I, I don't know. It's, it's interesting to me that, that this is like this aspect of the
society that, that you've, you know, you sort of drawn out of, of these historical revolutions
where a key element of it again, is, is this sort of collectivity. And also there's this,
like, if you look at like the trajectory of like the modern American state and the modern, just
the modern development of capitalism, it's been specifically trying to make that stuff
not happen by kicking people into suburbs and trying to physically alienate people.
I was wondering how much you were thinking about that kind of stuff when you were writing
the cultural aspects of this.
Sure.
No, that stuff is all in my mind.
And like I said, we're not meant to do anything alone.
Like humans are communal creatures.
Like you don't go anywhere in history,
like all the way back to the dawn of the species.
You do not find individual humans like living by themselves.
We have always done this as a group.
This has always been a group project.
And like, when you go back,
this is something that comes out of sort of like,
I studied a lot of like political theory in school
and the state of nature sort of works.
You know, these thought experiments
that like Thomas Paine would do or Rousseau would do.
And, you know, it's like, how did we come together?
Why did we come together?
Well, let's first imagine like an individual human
wandering through the forest
and like they encounter another one.
So they come together for defense
and they come together, you know, to share food and do some division of labor.
And it's like, no, there's no such thing
as a human wandering alone.
That's not a thing.
Like any outgrowth that comes from our description
of what human society is like,
whether it's defense or the division of labor,
begins with the fact that we are already a group.
There is a mother, there is a child, there is a father,
there are aunts and uncles and other,
like whatever the group is,
we are always doing this as a group.
And hyper individualization and hyper atomization
of our society is something that is trying to undo
one of the most fundamental parts
of what it means to be human.
This is something that I thought about a lot too,
because when I started having kids,
and, you know, I have two kids,
and the model for, like, having a family at this point
is like you have a mother, a father, or whatever,
you have kids, but the point being that they are a unit
that is unto itself, and they live in their own house,
and they have to supply their own food,
and they are in charge of getting their own money
and everything that happens is just up
to that little nuclear family.
And the nuclear family is not really
how we've ever done it before.
There's always been a broad network,
a broad family friend network that has been a part
of raising our kids and having our families.
And if something bad happens, we don't just say,
oh, wow, bad luck for them, you support that person.
And that is something that we've really gotten away from
as a society, obviously.
And it's something that we've been pulled away from
purposefully, right?
Like the atomization isn't just a byproduct
of incentives, right?
Like it is a directed move. I mean, you just gotta look back to some of the shit Thatproduct of incentives, right? Like it is a directed move.
I mean, you just gotta look back
to some of the shit Thatcher was saying, right?
There's no such thing as a society.
There are men and women and there are families, right?
This is a directed change.
And I'm not saying this in like the conspiratorial sense.
I'm saying this at a, this is what a lot of people,
a lot of the worst people in our society believe
because it's convenient for them. And they have pushed to make that belief more common
and done so by funding think tanks and funding media organizations in part.
Right.
I was actually about to quote literally that exact thing,
but the interesting part to me about the Thatcher line is that everyone,
almost everyone who quotes that line only quotes the part about there are only individuals
and then leaves out the part about the family.
Yes.
Which I think is a really important connection to what you were saying, where it's like,
your vision of the family is also still fundamentally this isolated group because they still need
some kind of collective because again, you can't just like leave a baby like out in the
woods.
It just dies. Right. But like they had to like create this version
to be the like the political base of their thing. They had to create this one collective that would
be cut off from everything else that had normally made it a collective. Yep. You know, people think
these days that that atomized nuclear family is like the law of nature, right? That this is like, this is the way it's always been.
And like, that's not true.
It's just not true.
There's a great line, I don't have it right in front
of me at the moment, but in Tocqueville's
Ancien Regime and the French Revolution,
which is really dynamite book everybody should read.
At the end of it, he lays it out.
He's writing this in like the 1840s and 1850s.
And he straight up says that like
what liberal capitalism is doing, which he was,
I mean, he's a conservative liberal.
Like it's not like he's on the left or anything,
but he's watching as the atomization of families
and individuals is happening.
And he's like, and that's how,
that's what tyranny thrives on.
Tyranny thrives when everybody is disconnected
from everybody else and everybody is in competition
with everybody else, because that's the other key part
of it is your family is now pitted against every other family
in terms of like getting money, getting jobs,
like getting that, getting this other thing.
Like we're all scrambling out there in a competition
to get a little bit more,
a little bit better, or just have enough.
Like I feel this every time I have to sign the kids up
for like summer camp, you know?
Like I'm at war with every other family in the neighborhood
because I'm just trying to get my kid into this camp
and some people aren't gonna make it
and other people will and you gotta be there
and you gotta have strategies
about when to log on to the thing.
Like, because they're pitting us against each other,
like all the time, in all of those little subtle ways.
Yep.
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I think that's what's optimistic kind of about the Martian Revolution is like, you
know, on the one hand, there is this kind of, like, collective society, but on the other
hand, you know, this is a society entirely ruled by corporations, right?
And it is literally every single aspect of it is specifically designed to get to do this
pitting each other, like, pitting people against each other. And yet, anyway, somehow they, you know, even if it is by accident, which is to be fair,
how a lot of revolutions start, they do it.
I think the key thing is here is that we see throughout time, like really extreme societies
that try to mold people in certain ways with the idea of permanently changing them. And what happens in the past, at least to every one of those societies, is that
the society dies and people go on being people.
Right?
Mm-hmm.
Yeah.
Yeah.
There's no, there's no year zero.
There's no creating a new, there's no, there's no new man.
Right.
No, that's not ever going to happen.
That's actually, I mean, just, I wouldn't even have thought that I'm gonna tie this back
again to Tocqueville, which the reason I would recommend
Ancien Résime is because that is a book about how much
of the revolution was a continuation
of what was going on before it.
And not actually caused by the revolutionary break.
And even if you believe in the revolution
and believe it was this,
I actually believe in the revolution because it accomplished these great things.
But there was no year zero thing that happened.
A lot of this stuff like is just on a continuum.
And, you know, like,
I don't wanna get in a fight with somebody
about whether human nature is a thing that exists
or doesn't exist like as an abstract thing
because I'm not sure that it's true,
but there sure are a lot of things that keep popping up, right? like as an abstract thing because I'm not sure
that it's true, but there sure are a lot of things
that keep popping up, right?
Like we're interested in sex and we have to eat food
and we live in shelters and we make music
and there does seem to be some very like human qualities
that exist across all time and across all space.
And if you just say to yourself like,
well, like, I mean, this is one of the things
I'm very sympathetic to anarchists,
but like there's a point with anarchism,
like especially the early stuff,
where their idea was that if you smash the state
and you destroy the state,
then humans will be allowed to flourish
in their natural goodness and communalism,
which is, you know,
a little bit what we are moving towards right now,
but I'm not sure even that exists,
because if you crash the state out,
it's not the state that's necessarily making us this way.
There is stuff inside of human nature
that we created the state to begin with.
So the whole thing is like a very, it's a balancing act
that has gone way too far in a certain direction.
Yeah, and I think that's something
I always try to keep in mind.
Like, it's not that societies can't alter or improve aspects of how things are, right?
By changing the incentives, by altering the way things work.
You can reduce the prevalence of certain problems.
You can make things better in some ways, but there's certain stuff that you're just never going to...
Like, when I look at what the white supremacists
want to do, right?
Well, you're never going to get people to stop mingling
with other kinds of people.
You simply can't.
It's never worked and it never will, right?
Like that's an impossible dream.
So I can just say like, that's a thing,
no matter how tightly you grab ahold of the reins of state
and how many weapons you deploy,
you simply won't succeed in the longterm at doing this
because it's just not something we can do.
You can't stop people from mingling.
This is actually one of my points
about immigration and migration.
Is that no matter how tightly you try to control it,
no matter, you could build every wall you want,
you can make it as hard as you want,
people are still gonna move here. People are still gonna move away from here. People are still gonna
go from here to there and from there to here. And that is something that is going to happen no matter
what. And especially if we're going into the 21st century with all of its various climate disasters
that are facing us. On route. Yeah. It it's gonna make, yeah, it's already making some places
less habitable and other places will be more habitable.
And what's gonna happen is the people who are living
in less habitable areas are gonna wanna go to where
there are areas that are still habitable.
And so there's gonna be movements of people.
And the question before us in the 21st century is not,
you know, can we keep people in the places
that they are now and, you know, like sort keep people in the places that they are now
and sort of lock in rigidly
to like these xenophobic nation states
and that will actually stop those migrations from happening
or do we open ourselves up to the idea
that this is going to happen
and simply make it more humane and more rational?
That's the question.
It's not whether the migrations will happen or not.
It's simply how cruel they will be when they happen.
And right now we are choosing maximum cruelty.
Yep.
Sucks.
Yeah.
It sucks.
It does.
That's so much of our present society is like,
well, yeah, this is the cruelest way
I can imagine this happening.
And we are staring down the barrel of the worst
case scenario, right?
Like that's, that's the thing everyone's had to make peace with.
You know, even, even once Trump won, there was still a degree of like, well,
I guess we'll see and we've seen, right?
And, and we do just kind of have to guide off that without
pretending it's otherwise.
Like the, that, that's one of the few things that does give me hope is that the people
who are insistent upon pretending otherwise
seem to be getting increasingly marginalized.
I mean, we'll see, Gavin Newsom still hasn't been
sort of choked off of access to the public,
but you know, the statements he's been making recently
about Abrego Garcia, it's just like, yeah,
I just can't imagine this guy being the future
of the Democratic Party if this is just looking
at where popular discourse is right now.
Right, and there's a lot of them who would like it to be
the future of the Democratic Party
because they don't care as much as Republicans don't care
about the lives of these people who are living
on this earth,
who are living, breathing human beings,
who are just someplace else and living in a world
where like, yeah, the United States and Europe,
we suck up the world's wealth and resources.
Like that's where the Imperial Center of the globe.
And people are like, oh, and even when people say like,
well, why do people come here?
And there's a kind of a standard American exceptionalist notion, which is like, oh, and even when people say like, well, why do people come here? And there's a kind of a standard
American exceptionalist notion, which is like,
well, they come here because they want freedom
and freedom is what America offers
and like the American dream and all that stuff,
like the entrepreneurial spirit, et cetera, et cetera.
But mostly it's because this is where you can come
and get the world's money.
Yeah.
This is where it all is.
It's sitting in my pocket, it's sitting in your pocket, right, we are the ones who have all of the world's money. Yeah. This is where it all is. It's sitting in my pocket, it's sitting in your pocket.
We are the ones who have all of the world's money.
And so that is why they are coming here.
Yep.
So you just have to like fit that in your brain.
And what is happening is this constant division
between like Americans being more important
than anybody else.
And I understand why that exists politically.
And even these questions of like citizens
versus non-citizens, like one of the things that got me
when I was reading Bakunin was like,
it was a throwaway line.
It wasn't even like a point he was making,
but he referred to something as mere citizenship,
which kind of struck me because I grew up very liberal.
Like I come from like the liberal suburbs of Seattle and I had very liberal notions.
And citizenship in sort of the liberal imagination is the highest thing that you can be, be a citizen
of a polity with rights. There's a constitution, you get to participate in the government. Like
citizen and citizenship are these words that had great profound meaning. And really kind of like knock me sideways
to have them be like mere citizenship, right?
You've been reduced to simply a part of a polity
and your humanity has been taken away from you.
You're no longer being recognized as a human being,
you're being recognized as a citizen.
And if you're not a citizen,
then you just don't count at all.
And it totally wipes out their humanity.
So not only do I not have humanity
because I'm simply a part of some polity,
rather than being me, Mike Duncan, a human being,
but it's erasing our human obligations
to each other, to non-citizens.
And the idea, like, and you just see this very casually,
like right now, like all over the place,
it's just like, they're not citizens,
so they don't deserve due process.
They're not citizens so we can just send them
to El Salvadorian torture prisons and it's fine
because they're not citizens
and therefore they don't have rights.
It's like, what about, you know,
just being a person thinking about other people?
And one of the greatest, one of my very favorite,
and I know I'm steamrolling here,
I'll let you get a word in edgewise here in a second,
but I forget what the court case was,
but there was a court case out of Texas,
you know, like back in like the 60s,
when they decided that the Texas school districts
had to open the schools to undocumented children.
And they said that because it says
in the 14th amendment, persons, it doesn't say citizens.
And they were resting a lot of this on the notion that like,
it says person has these rights,
not citizen has these rights.
And this is what conservatives and MAGA hate, hate, hate,
hate this is why they're gonna try to undo
the 14th amendment.
But to have the Supreme Court at one point in the past
be like, no, you have to do this because you owe an obligation
to them as a person, not just as a citizen.
That's like mind blowing.
I could not see the Supreme Court today
making that same decision,
but like that's the kernel of something really good,
I think for the future of humanity,
rather than like clinging to this like citizen
or non-citizen thing.
Yeah, I guess kind of for me,
the most important belief I ever came to
was the understanding that like,
I don't care about citizenship
and I don't care about who is supposed to be
in a specific place, right?
I think one of the most toxic ideas possible
is that like your rights as a person
are dependent on where you were born.
That's just the thing I'll never believe.
And it's the fight we've lost the worst as the left,
or I should even say getting beyond left and right,
because I really think those are not the most useful ways
to look at things.
It's like human beings, the fact that that battle,
the battle to just see people as humans
with inherent value as humans,
regardless on their place
of birth. The fact that that has been botched so badly is maybe the greatest calamity of
the 21st century. Although there's a few, there's a few contenders. Don't get me wrong.
Yeah, there's a lot.
Well, and it's so, it's so deeply ingrained. This is something I'm going to talk about
more like in a different place, but like one of the things that's been driving me the most up the walls is like so I've had to read like every single piece
Of terrorist cover tariff coverage has been written by like fucking all these analysts all of these media people
Like and every single one of them only fucking talks about its impact on Americans
Right. Yep. And if you look at the like the Liberation Day like turf tariff package, right?
The single country that is the most far from this is Sri Lanka
Yep like turf tariff package, right? The single country that is the most rough from this is Sri Lanka.
And if those tariffs go back into effect in like, in like 50 days,
whatever, whatever, like 80 days,
like the entire country of
Sri Lanka is fucked.
They're doomed.
They're completely fucked.
And all of these countries, you
know, all these countries need US
dollars in order to like literally
to buy fucking fuel.
And then suddenly, oh, wait, hold
on, you can't do exports to the
US and like the entire, this
something that affects literally the entire world, right?
You can look at the tariff rates on every single country, like in the world and everyone
writing about it only writes about its effect upon the US because there's this just like,
like there's this, this, this pure sort of Ameri-centrism thing where like people and
this, I see this on the left too, too was like they fundamentally don't see anyone who's not in the US as human and the people in the
US who are seen as like people who seems like humans who you know like think and
feel and like act and like hurt in the same ways that we do like that's only a
thing that happens if you're a very specific kind of American citizen and if
you're not or God help you you were born in like most of the,
like the rest of the world, which is again,
an unhittiest super majority of everyone on earth,
you just, you don't matter.
And-
Yep, they don't.
Yeah.
Not in all this.
And like, I mean, to bring it back to the Martian revolution,
like one of the things that is happening right now,
like in the series, you know, it's gonna be 30 episodes long
and I'm writing episode 23 right now,
but like we've gone through the revolution.
There's been, I don't wanna give away too many spoilers,
but obviously like they win at certain points,
otherwise it wouldn't be a very interesting story.
And there is a debate right now
among the victorious Martian revolutionaries about who
should count inside of the Martian constitution and this thing called the Republic of Mars that
they have just declared. They're no longer a part of a corporation. They're going to be this thing
called the Republic of Mars. And there is a guy who is passionately committed to Mars and to the
Martian people, and he hates earthlings and he doesn't trust earthlings, and there's no reason for him to trust earthlings.
They have tried to screw them over a bunch of times,
and it caused nothing but pain.
And so, but there are a bunch of earthborn earthlings
on Mars, and he wants to exclude them
from the Republic of Mars.
And if you're born on Mars,
then you should get to participate.
And if you're not, then you shouldn't have rights.
You shouldn't be a part of this project.
And I would love to just, I would love to deport you.
That's what he's gonna be arguing.
And then there is another side
that has a more universalist take on this.
And my character, Alexandra Claire,
who is like a D-class, she comes out of the Warrens,
which you can just,
now that's basically like the working class.
You know, she's like, when Earthlings come here,
yeah, I don't like it when they bungle things because they're new
and they don't know what they're doing.
Like I'm as annoyed by the new guy as anybody,
but like they've suffered right alongside me,
like suffering the same conditions.
Like the fact that they were born on earth
doesn't mean that they're not suffering right now,
that their contracts weren't annulled,
that they are not suffering from the new protocols.
Like, and you know, when, during these revolutions
did they hold neutron guns in their hands
and fight and die for Mars?
Yeah, they did.
And so probably we should say
that it's not Martian good, Earthling bad,
but like, let's just open it up to everybody
and we will sort out like, you know, who's, you know,
who's in on this and who's,
who's actually trying to undermine us because, you know,
there is, there are loyalist fifth columnists
that they are gonna have to deal with.
Yeah.
Well, I think we're encroaching on an hour here,
so I think we need to probably call this for the day.
But Mike, I really appreciate your time.
You've been so generous and I can't wait
to see where you end.
I know that you're also can't wait to see
where you land on all of this.
Right, right, right.
I've got all the plot points, you know,
I know where it's going, but just getting there is,
it's weird because sometimes when you write fiction,
characters are like, you weren't supposed to do that,
and now I've got to deal with that.
And like, what are you, well,
she wouldn't do that in this moment.
So I guess I was gonna have her do it,
but I just can't believe that she would ever do that in that situation, so I guess she can't do it, and I she wouldn't do that in this moment. So I guess I was gonna have her do it, but I just can't believe that she would ever do that
in that situation, so I guess she can't do it,
and I'll have to figure that out.
And that's my weekly struggle these days.
Yeah, yeah, that's the struggle of releasing fiction
before you're entirely done with it.
Yeah, well, I write, I mean, I wake up every Monday morning
with a blank piece of paper and have to have
that week's episode done by Sunday night.
So I'm writing these in real time.
Yeah.
Well, I congratulate you on trapping yourself
in such an exquisite hell.
I'm enjoying listening to it.
And I know everyone else is as well.
Oh, it's great.
I love it.
All right.
That's the episode, everybody.
Thank you.
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