It Could Happen Here - Rohingya History and Cuture with Aung Kyaw Moe
Episode Date: February 3, 2023James sits down with Aung Kyaw Moe a Rohingya, human rights advocate, and adviser to Myanmar’s NUG.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information....
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On Thanksgiving Day, 1999, five-year-old Cuban boy Elian Gonzalez was found off the coast of Florida.
And the question was, should the boy go back to his father in Cuba?
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or wherever you get your podcasts. the Rohingya genocide. We're not going to cover that in depth, but we will give a little bit of an overview. And I'm talking to Ong Kior Mo, who is Rohingya himself and who works with the National
Unity Government in advising them about Rohingya people's human rights. I think the news cycle
hasn't really covered many Rohingya issues since the Rohingya genocide. The world's kind of moved
on from caring about them, but they're still in a very difficult situation and we want to update you on issues that continue to face the Rohingya people.
I hope you enjoy the interview.
So today I'm joined by Aung Kyaw Moe, who's an advisor to the National Unity Government
of Myanmar, which people will hopefully be familiar with.
If not, he can explain a little bit of what that is.
He's an advisor to the Ministry of Human Rights and also a Rohingya
human rights activist himself. So Pai, thank you so much for joining me.
Thank you for having me.
Yeah. So what I'd love to do today is I think if our listeners have listened to our previous
coverage of what's happening in Myanmar or Burma, depending on which one you prefer,
they will know a lot about the coup and they will know a lot about the
things that have happened since the coup right the pdfs and the ethnic resistance organizations
but i think they might not be as familiar with the situation uh that the rohingya people have
been in for a long time and continue to be in it's a different part of the country. We were in Mesot, which is on the other side.
That's something we've covered a lot less.
So perhaps you could begin by explaining
why there are so many Rohingya refugees who have left.
Obviously, the history of the persecution of Rohingya people
is very long.
But if you could give us sort of a potted history of the persecution of Rohingya people is very long, but if you could give us sort of a potted history
of the persecution of Rohingya people
by various governments in Myanmar
and what has led to this massive exodus
and this big refugee population of Rohingya people now,
that would be great to start with.
Great, thank you.
Thank you for having me.
And the history is very long,
but I will be concrete and short.
The Rohingya people have been in Myanmar before Burma even existed, before Burma became Burma,
and before the British came and their significant architectural related infrastructure that exists, indicates the existence of the Rohingya.
And there's a lot of literature, research, and Rohingya people themselves living in generations
and generations there indicates that Rohingya are part of Myanmar and it used to be and
it will be.
And Rohingya are not only the ethnic minority,
they are also the religious minority.
Majority of Burmese people are Buddhist,
and of course the second largest,
followed by the Muslims are Christian,
and then the third largest are Muslim,
and Rohingya are Muslim.
And Rohingya are single Muslim ethnic groups,
and also religious ethnic groups.
And there has been historical exclusion discriminations
sponsored and carried out by the consecutive government of Myanmar
to target this religious and ethnic minority
to exclude from religious, ethnic and social aspects of the society.
And it has been politically motivating for many government.
It has always been beneficial in convincing
the larger populations of Myanmar
by showing Rohingya as a threat to the country
because of their religious differences
and the way that we wear and we eat
are slightly different than Burmese, because we have our own
culture and own traditions and own language and it's enriched by those. Thus, the first
start of executing these discriminatory policies towards the Rohingya started as far as back in 1960,
where the first coup took place, 1962, when the first coup took place,
and then the consecutive military government accelerated that to form two situations
where it can be defined and fall under the category of the crimes against humanity. So in 1978 there is a big
operation against Rohingya people to deport them and 200,000 people has to be flee to Bangladesh
and some of them still remain as refugees to third generation fourth generations in bangladesh
not being able to repatriate it to the place where they uh they come from and followed by that uh the
1992 there was another influx of the refugees and uh the refugee uh it's also the quite significant
larger number of the refugees and and uh and not everyone could come back and
there is another uh layer of the refugees that uh remains uh from the repatriating then from
the the violation of the human right violations became toward the rohingya as business as usual
uh limiting the child uh the number of child that you can have and treating you less than an animal, not having
the religious right to exercise the way that you believe and restrictions of movement,
killing, raping, and it's continued and it has been accelerated in different form and
shape where it could come to a situation from crimes crimes against humanity it's being transformed to genocides
and and in 2017 it's one to the highest peak of the genocides where a million people are being
deported uh by burning and many thousand people died and many thousands women being raped and
there are a lot of fatherless a child in the camp today uh born by the women who are victims of the rape of
the Myanmar military.
And today there is a million people in Bangladesh with no hope to be repatriated soon to the
place of origin with safety and dignity.
And of course, the political landscape in myanmar has shifted uh it used to
be in the democratic um transition from 2010 to 2020 with two consecutive different government and
and uh the democratically elected government has been overthrown by uh by a temku by the military
who had ruled the country for for for many And of course the democratically elected government,
which I advise to is being,
some of the member of the government are being arrested
and some are in the ethnic territorial control
and some are in exile.
And so the country,
so the reactions of the 50 million people has been different because there has been several coup in Myanmar.
And this was the political calculations of the military leaders to attempt the coup was wrong, that they did not expect the resistance of the people.
And then, of course, the young Generation Z people came in to resist.
the the young generation z people came in to to resist and usually they claim to be peacefully protesting to hand over the power back to the uh to the to the democratically elected people but as
a result they were being brutally cracked on and killed arrested and then and then young people
started to understand that we need to speak the language that they understand they understand
so they speak that language is grabbing a gun and forming
the military. So followed by that, national unity government has been formed with elected members
of the parliament, both lower and upper house. So the national unity government today is the
most legitimate government of Myanmar and having also some territorial control. Of course, the
majority of the government infrastructure are being captured illegally by the military junta.
Yeah, and it's interesting that people aren't familiar
with the sort of ethnic makeup of previous governments
and then the National Unity Government.
From what I understand, it's not as much dominated
by the majority ethnic Burman people in the National Unity Government as it was before,
even under the NLD, even under the most democratic that there has been in Myanmar for some time.
There was still a domination by one ethnicity, but the National Unity Government is more ethnically
diverse. Is that right? Correct. But still, there are a lot of rooms for improvement, particularly Rohingya people has always been part of Myanmar and
politically excluded. And despite a million people being pushed out to Bangladesh through
a genocidal attempt, the remaining populations in Myanmar is 600,000 people, politically
representative both sides of populations, under continued genocidal attempts of the Myanmar military.
And the national United government did not include politically meaningfully the Rohingya
populations till now. And they appointed me as an advisor, but a politically representable size
of populations need to be represented not by functions alone, it needs to be both all represented by functions and number equally to to uh to other
ethnic and we are in the context of identity uh politics in Myanmar and your political rights and
and responsibilities to what to the nations are associated that the very identity that you were
uh so time to time there is a big questions like you know we are moving forward to the path of democracy to make the country to to back
to the track of democracy but the the very principle of democracy is majority rules and and
respect the minorities right right and still the the Rohingya are being uh despite the international
uh pressure particularly the United States and its allies to have inclusive democracy and Rohingya people are not yet
meaningfully included in the government.
Yeah, and I think that's something we've spoken about a lot with Karen and Karen-y people
who we've spoken to about sort of the need for a more inclusive structure, whether that's
like a federal democracy after, obviously after the military junta has been deposed or certainly something
that's more inclusive and perhaps we can talk about how like it's very interesting to me when
i talk to young people generation uh z people from myanmar they will say that like they wouldn't have
even said sometimes rohingya like 10 years ago that they wouldn't have used the term. They'd have
seen the people who we now, who we would call Rohingya as Bangladeshis, right? Because this
was the narrative. Can you explain how, you've explained very well that that's not true,
but how that narrative was constructed and what it was used to do?
I think it's, once again, to exclude Rohingya and to carry out systematic distractions mentally
and physically on the Rohingya is also a lot to do with the spreading propaganda,
misinformations and disinformations through state-led media, both online and offline.
And so this means these distractions has happened to the state sponsored and state pre-planned
intentional way of doing it and thus the society the Rohingya people has been restricted from
moving and this one of the least developed region where the Rohingya people live and a lot of people
from like other state wouldn't be able to travel and go and
see what is happening really inside there and Rohingya people would not be able to move out
of that to tell their stories. So all the narrative that people hear is the military
and the government, what the government used to put at that moment. So in the eyes or in the
perceptions of the people, the Rohingyas are from Bangladesh
and they are trying to take over the country
and they are a national security threat.
And that was the narrative.
So the reality is being defined by the perceptions
and false and misinformation that being given
in a consistent, intentional way to the young people.
And of course, today, I think has changed slightly
to be seeing what is reality
and people showing the sympathy
to what happened to the Rohingya
because it's every time something happened in Myanmar
like that, it's consistent to what to the Rohingya,
the human rights violations,
crimes against humanity and genocide.
And the people, 50 million people in Myanmar were not,
either they are seeing neutral
or they are standing with the military,
not like to, that they should do this
and this is right to do, to kill people,
try to rape because they are national security threat.
But what had happened to the Rohingya people, perhaps in the not the same shape
and same celerity or velocity or momentum or intensity, started to happen after the coup to
the Burma people. And then they tend to realize, oh, what happened to the Rohingya, what Rohingya
used to tell, burning the whole villages, killing and raping is exactly what what is happening uh
more or less exactly what is happening to us then they they were right and it's uh the victims
change and the proper treatise remain the same and with that concept people come to but again i think
the still it's very small number of the populations uh uh compared to the whole populations that uh
lives in yanmar and And in the democratic principles,
there is no, like, you don't tend to say something
just because that you sympathize,
and there are principles and values
that you do not compromise in any circumstance.
So equal rights, justice, and inclusivity,
and like celebrating of the diversity.
These things are very core principles of the democracy that we are like as Burmese people
asking from international community to help.
What we are preaching for towards the democracy
need to be demonstrated at home first.
We need to act upon.
And so I think the benchmark,
there is no, the benchmark shouldn't be defined to include or exclude someone based on the sympathies, need to be based on the principles and values.
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Can you explain a little bit about the situation that Rohingya people who have left Myanmar,
maybe they're in Cox's Bazaar, maybe they're in no man's land, maybe they're now being moved to an island, right?
Can you explain what life is like for those people?
Of course, when Rohingya people fled to Bangladesh, it was attempting to survive.
Like they managed to survive and otherwise many died.
And they could be one of those who died and they survived.
Meaning that these all people have physical and mental destruction and unhealed scars
in their physical and mental aspects of their life.
And of course, a million people in Bangladesh to be hosted by the Bangladesh government
and Bangladesh people has been also very difficult because the resource
in the given area is very limited and Bangladesh itself is a small country with limited resource
and we should always appreciate Bangladeshi people and Bangladeshi government to open their arms and
hearts to absorb and the Emilian people and and and and again
i think the problem has started in myanmar and the the solutions need to be in myanmar and and
people need to be going with safe dignified uh way to the place of origin and and of course bangladesh
uh it has been five years plus now that the people like the largest influx took place in 2017
years plus now that the people like the largest influx took place in 2017 uh and there were repatriations that time being made and and the when people fled from Myanmar jump into the
river and bay of Bengal in 2017 because the land was more dangerous than the sea
situations remain very same or even worse than that now in Myanmar to be going back. So you escape from a grave that you have buried to be killed
and being pushed to go back to Myanmar is as in sent him back
to the grave that he escaped from dying.
So the situation doesn't favor for a safe, dignified,
voluntary return for the Rohingya.
That's Bangladeshi.
Authorities are trying to find different innovative modality, different ways how to create a sustainable situation for the Rohingya,
including relocations of the certain number of the Rohingya populations,
because the camps are very congested and the hygiene level in the camp
are very low and there are a lot of also the crowd on like you know if a million people in
a small scale place like that are being closed anything could happen anytime you know so the
idea was to by the Bangladeshi government which doesn't fall
into into the principle of international way of doing things and and relocating some of these
refugees to an island uh that has is a new island no human being has been ever lived there and the
island has been technically uh from various technical assessments, has identified it's not livable by human beings yet.
And because there are a lot of like cyclones and floods and things like that.
And it's very far away from mainland of Bangladesh.
So there is risk from various perspectives to be able.
But despite this, Bangladesh government has built sheltered this and relocated
some number of Rohingya and some of them went by their own will seeing that it might be a different
and some are being maybe perhaps forced and of course there are a certain number of like around
close to five to six thousand people in no man's land when Bangladesh at the beginning did not open its
border to when drinking we're filling. And so this no man's
land were being occupied by the nearby villages because
Bangladesh wouldn't open the gate for them and they were
stuck in India. So they have happened to be stuck there since
last five years. And the remaining Rohingya lives in Cox's Bazar districts
of Bangladesh in different parts of this district.
So that's the situation.
Yeah, that's very well said.
And some people have taken on recently
leaving these camps in Bangladesh.
They've taken on this very risky boat journey, right?
I think they're going to places like Malaysia, if I'm not mistaken, Indonesia.
Can you explain a little bit about how prevalent that is?
And of course, how incredibly high risk it is for people to take that journey?
Sure.
The situations in the camp is not much different than the life that they used to live in Myanmar,
despite that the level of human rights violations and the treatment that they are having may not be
the same. But Bangladesh is not a signatory to 1952 refugee conventions, and it's not legally obliged to be following all international norms and protocols to be hosting the refugees.
But despite they have demonstrated the humanity and demonstrated the moral obligations to the humanity to host the Emilian people.
And then the Emilian people, some of them has been from 1978 and some of them are from 1992.
Some of them are from 2017.
It has a very dark future.
They are closed in this fence camp and the movements are restricted.
Access to information is not given.
Access to information, like internet service and things like that has been
denied access to livelihoods are denied and they are not able to legally work and solely rely on to
to the international humanitarian assistance access to education has been denied so the the
young people who are growing in this camp does not see a future that they will be able to go back to
myanmar or if they live here as if you're living at that like you know you don't have any
any any way forward seeing a bright future so there is uh there is the only uh they don't have
a best alternative uh to be try to be exploring different path and the only path it happened to be
is uh being created in the past uh uh in the past by some Rohingyas taking these boats and making to Malaysia, where they could
do some domestic works and get a refugee status and maybe able to work.
And some, you're lucky enough to be resettled in a third country, a small number, maybe
less than 2-3% of the total Rohingya in Malaysia.
So the journey is very risky the the the the boats that
they are taking the the first the sea is very rough that they take and they are the the the
infrastructure what infrastructure that they're taking are not uh built like they not built in
a way to be coping with this rough sea and rough rough weathers and climate so many of these rohingya people who
make this less than 50 percent of them may make it to the to the destinations either they die on
the sea or they are being arrested by different navies and and or they are they are being jailed
by by myama myanmar junta and in 2022 alone 3 500,500, more than 3,500 people, including children as young as two years old, are jailed to five years for trying to attempt to go to Malaysia.
So this is what is happening.
So the life is meaningless there.
And of course, taking this journey means that you are tossing a coin whether you you you
get a tail or you get uh you get head or you got tails you know and and and uh so it's like
batting your life whether if you make it uh your life to somewhat level meaningfully if you don't
make it your life and it is more or less the same that you will live in there in there uh so that's
why these are the push factors and of course they are full factors reunifications if a son has made three years ago five years ago to to malaysia and
working in the constructions or or or or gardening like levers and and you have a remaining family
in the camp and you don't want to see your family in that situation and you're going to bring your
family the kids or children or wife and you do that.
Lastly, also they are growing youth
in Malaysia who want to marry
the Rohingya and maintain the culture and language
and things like that. So they want to have
rights bringing from the refugee camp
and so there are different
pull factors
as well from Malaysia, but
the primary factor is the push factor
in Myanmar and in bangladesh
right yeah and it's perfectly reasonable for people to want
sort of yeah some futures and chance to realize their own life and their goals
welcome i'm daniel won't you join me at the fire and dare enter...
Nocturnum, Tales from the Shadows.
Presented by I Heart and Sonorum.
An anthology of modern day horror stories
inspired by the legends of Latin America.
From ghastly encounters with shapeshifters
to bone-chilling brushes with supernatural creatures.
I know you.
Take a trip and experience the horrors
that have haunted Latin America since the beginning of time.
Listen to Nocturnal Tales from the Shadows as part of my
Cultura podcast network, available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcast.
Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into how tech's elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires.
From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose.
Nothing to lose.
This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel-winning economists to leading journalists in the field.
And I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse
and naming and shaming those responsible.
Don't get me wrong, though.
I love technology.
I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things
that actually do things to help real people.
I swear to God, things can change if we're loud enough.
So join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better.
Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,
wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com.
Hola mi gente, it's Honey German and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again,
the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture,
musica, pelÃculas, and entertainment with we dive deep into the world of Latin culture, musica, peliculas, and entertainment
with some of the biggest names in the game.
If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities,
artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you.
We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars,
from actors and artists to musicians and creators,
sharing their stories, struggles, and successes.
You know it's going to be filled with chisme laughs
and all the vibes that you love.
Each week, we'll explore everything from music and pop culture
to deeper topics like identity, community,
and breaking down barriers in all sorts of industries.
Don't miss out on the fun, el té caliente, and life stories.
Join me for Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German,
where we get into todo lo actual y viral.
Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
So, can you explain, people will probably have seen, like I think we're recording this on Thursday,
which is the 19th,
and people will have seen the last couple of days,
maybe videos of fires in No Man's Land. And they will probably have seen like some acronyms,
which are a lot of acronyms when you're reading about Myanmar,
it can be very confusing.
So could you explain a little bit about who these two groups that we've seen, right, the ARSA and the RSO, who they are and what they
represent and perhaps why these two groups who are normally Rohingya are fighting each other?
So in the context of Myanmar politics, the ethnic people have been fighting for decades and decades
with Myanmar military and Burma supremacy, like larger majority supremacy. At the beginning,
they were attempt during the time of independence through reconciliations and dialogue, meaning like without arms.
But the language, again, being understood by the Myanmar larger majority is the language that they speak as well.
So then ethnic people started to grab the arms and resist, control their territory, to attempt to control their territory
in order to get the equal right
and decide for their own future,
be part of the decisions
that collectively impact the nations,
and basically equal right justice and those things.
That's what ethnic peoples are fighting for
and giving their lives and livelihoods.
It's nothing less than that and nothing more than that.
It's very simple.
We want to live with dignity, freely,
equally with anyone else.
And so many ethnic revolutionary organizations forms
came up in different part of Myanmar
representing different ethnic.
And Rohingya also used to be one of those back in 1950,
after 1948, depending.
And 1952, Rohingya is the first one to drop the gun
in exchange of the peace with the government,
saying that we are peace-loving people
and as long as you give us what our identity
and we're able to...
So then there's a certain period of time
that the Rohingya people did not have an arm
opposition uh group uh because i am someone who believe in non-violent movement but in a context
like myanmar again non-violence movement wouldn't go anywhere if it's worked 70 years uh myanmar
wouldn't have longest civil war in the world yes more than 70 years right so we need to be practical and seeing
the reality like that so then then 1978 again these things happened and then and the Rohingya
thinks okay then what we have been promised and what we have we are being told to be
promised to be given is not given so we have to grab the gun again and form uh do as
others are doing in order to to uh so the rohingya solidarity organization has been formed and and it
has been one of the popular organizations getting a lot of popularity from the rohingya community
and then there were issues within the institution that has been growing of course uh uh they were
not able to maintain uh
the the institutional growth and institutional resource management and then the the institution
collapse and as well as it has to do something with it like you don't have a territory like
other uh other other uh arm of positions group will will be in stations in Myanmar where Rohingya
where stations in Bangladesh and Bangladesh government
were not really supporting enough for them to survive uh with with with them to enhance its
military capability and of course there are several other other other things and and um
so then it's disappeared in between and then and 2014 uh this guy a guy called uh
And in 2014, this guy, a guy called, the guy who is leading currently the ARC, the Arkan Salvation Army, who was born in Pakistan and grew up in Saudi Arabia, his parent, he claimed
his parent is Rohingya.
Of course, he speaks the Rohingya language that means it indicates
that he is and came to our Rakhine state to mobilize people saying that you need to grab
the gun and this is what then people of course who have critical thinking skills and did
not believe into things because it needs to be from and within and someone who does not
understand how Myanmar politics look like cannot lead
revolutions because revolutionary has to do a lot with the with the politics uh political landscape
as well in the country and and uh but however there are certain number of people who believe
in it and for a very small number and uh and Rohingya didn't want to again fight or or enter into violence and they just want to live peacefully and and that uh uh
and they are resilient uh to what to the to to what they are trying to uh uh gain uh equally as
others and and uh so then the uh our conservation survey um uh erse has attacked the post uh 30
different police force in 2017. That's where the collective
punishment has been given as a result to the Rohingya community. And it's not collective
action. It was individuals action. A certain hundreds of people gathered together and at
10 police force and the whole Rohingya population has been punished. So then followed by that as well, RSO has been re-strategizing themselves.
And then Rohingya solidarity organizations
also pop up parallelly back in 2018, 2019.
And of course the ideology that they stand
are slightly different from one another.
And so that's why the clash happened.
And Rohingya solitary organization think that
like the way that ARSA has been conducting
and they're responsible for what happened
to the Rohingya people as collectively genocides
and things like that, creating opportunities
for Burmese military to wipe out the Rohingya and deport the Rohingya.
And so there were these political disagreements between these two groups.
And this nomad land has been mostly occupied within the Rohingya refugees there.
Some ARSA members are often trying to enter there and stations there. And so recently, what we have learned from the ground
is that our SO, Rohingya Solidarity Organizations,
wrote out operations to remove them from there
so that the Rohingya refugee in the normal land
could live peacefully without crimes and things like that.
And that's how the fight started and it's escalated. And there were
200 houses being burned down, shelters, refugee shelters. Around 2,500 to 3,000 people has
been, has to be displaced. They were not allowed to enter Bangladesh because no man's land
is not accessible by neither parties and it's just in between.
So some of them have destroyed the fence to go to Burma and enter to there because they
are just from the nearby villages. They could see their villages for five years, but they
could not go back. So they went back there. But now Myanmar military is pushing them out
from there back to the no man lands.
Yeah it's just a terrible situation and if those these aren't the only armed groups in that state right there are other armed groups but like this this sort of explains it more succinctly like if
we get into the other armed groups it gets even more complicated. So I wonder what people listening obviously will, they've heard a lot
about the conflict in Burma, about the various different groups that are being persecuted by
the Burmese military. How can they help specifically with this issue? Is there ways
that people can help out? I think we have seen how the world came together to help Ukraine people
unjustly uh illegally uh to be attacked by by Russia and uh and threatening the democratic
society of the world and and that has been very inspiring appreciated and and and we stand with
the Ukrainian people.
And people in Burma, the value of the life of the people in Burma has also, there is
no difference in lives.
You can buy one.
So the people in Myanmar have been fighting for the cost of life and livelihood today
with whatever means that they have to make this country back to the path of democracy and and so international community should do uh beyond
releasing the statement uh or or of concern and a statement of concern maybe maybe uh may name and
shame and may put political pressure and political pressure uh is the thing that's being cared by the junta.
So the total enemy of the overall people, including Rohingya people, are the military.
And they are the one who has destroyed this country and they are the one who is destroying,
and they are responsible, primarily responsible people, institutions who wiped out the Rohingya
and who carried out the genocide.
So I think the international community should do beyond sanctions, embargo, and respective citizens
of the country should claim to their respective government to do more for Burmese people and the
Rohingya people to demonstrate the moral obligations to the humanity.
And in 21st century, genocide took place while the world was watching. And we said in the United
Nations back in 1948, that's never again. And it's very shameful that it could, that genocide could take place in the eyes of 8 billion people in 21st century in modern age.
And the world failed to protect the Rohingya, despite there has been compelling stories, images and satellite arrays and still it's continued to be.
So, and followed by that crimes against humanity war crimes has been
being committed continually by the by the same military that committed genocide yeah and I I
think the international community will have at some point to answer to themselves on their beliefs of
the humanity yeah like I think the international community let this happen for too long and they ignored
it for too long.
And then now this always happens, right?
It's like Foucault's boomerang.
The violence spreads and gets used in the metropole.
And it's deeply upsetting.
What does that support look like from the international community?
Does that mean man pads for PDFs?
Does it mean recognizing the National Unity Government?
Like what concrete things should the community be doing?
The international community should recognize.
There are, again,
there are some issues that need to be fixed
within the National Unity Government,
particularly the inclusions of the Rohingya
and other uh like
it's its positions to what to the religious other religious and ethnic minorities particularly
those are small and that need to be fixed and international community should do it in an
incentivized way that okay you do this and we will do this for you. And the recognitions come with incentive of supporting,
because it's only legitimate.
Whether we like the national unity government or not,
we don't have the best alternative to it.
It's democratically elected.
And there is a lot of issues within the national unity government, uh within uh the the national unity government
particularly when it's come to the rohingya issues so these need to be dealt in national unity
government i have been consistently advising them to fix this acting beyond policy and and and showing
like state level prioritized agenda uh with concrete milestone to uh to uh to the change
to what to the Rohingya.
And of course, parallel to that,
international communities should ensure that supports are being given, being recognized.
And in order to win these revolutions,
which has shaken this very institution
that has consumed the resource of the country
in various means and ways,
and one of the strongest institutions has been shaken by the young people
with very small means.
Very small.
And time to time, very innovative and utilizing whatever means that they had.
An international community should provide support to PDF to be first and foremost institutionalizing
and capacity building enhancing acting upon international standard we are operating as a
military group and of course when you are being established as a military uh and it's it's it's being formed by the by the legal government of
Myanmar and to support this this this military and many many nations are getting military assistance
package yeah and and I think international communities should have no problem to provide
military system package to of course in in a very principles and value-based with a value-based approach and and and and that's include the
technical support to to uh to set up the mechanisms uh to hold accountable and to ensure the transparency
and account across this spectrum yeah yeah i think that that's very well said and they do tend like
people aren't familiar with the way the pdfs have been organized like they have been very respectful
of like norms and laws of war and things like that,
which obviously the Burmese military have not. I think an institution that's a group that has been
with 100,000, 100,000 people, young people with no prior military experience and mostly operating in a very limited to no resource context.
And being able to respect the human rights and human dignity should be recognized.
You know, when you have a gun and there are things that happen and need to be justified and being held accountable for.
But I'm saying that I'm not saying that it should be allowed
and any kind of misconduct within the military systems
need to be investigated properly and take actions upon
and held accountable those who carried out these actions
and who gave comment to carry out these actions.
But the number of cases related to the PDF
has been significantly low when it's come to the human rights violations.
And it has to be zero.
And even one is too much.
But I'm saying compared to,
and I think continued support
need to be given there
in order to enhance their capacity
to defeat the junta,
plus to defeat it in a principle
and value-based, with a principle and value-based
with a principle and value-based approach yeah yeah certainly they could definitely do like the
people we've spoken to are terribly equipped by any modern standards incredibly brave and innovative
and they could certainly do a lot better if they had a lot more okay where can people if people
want to follow along with your work which is is very impressive, how can they find you?
Do you want to share your Twitter account or a website maybe?
Where can people keep up with you?
So I'm on Twitter and Facebook mostly.
And my Twitter is akmo2.
And you can see it with my pictures.
And I have put my bio as well there.
And I'm also very active on the Facebook
and the work related, most of the work that I do
are being, not everything,
but some part that international community need to know
are being portrayed there.
And particularly the human rights situations
related to the Rohingya and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are being
shared
there in a timely, very timely
manner, sometimes even lives.
It's happening now.
Yeah, you've been very good at that.
I follow your Twitter account.
It's very informative and it helps me stay informed.
So it's AKMOE2 if people are searching for it.
Thank you so much for giving us some of your evening.
I really, really appreciate your time.
Is there anything else you want to get to before we finish up?
No, it's lovely to be part of the program
and thank you so much for having me once again.
Thank you very much.
It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media.
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Thanks for listening.
You should probably keep your lights on for Nocturnal Tales from the Shadow Broth. Thanks for listening. by the most terrifying legends and lords of Latin America. Listen to Nocturno on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Welcome to Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German,
where we get real and dive straight into todo lo actual y viral.
We're talking musica, los premios, el chisme,
and all things trending in my cultura.
I'm bringing you all the latest happening in our entertainment world
and some fun and impactful interviews with your favorite Latin artists,
comedians, actors, and influencers.
Each week, we get deep and raw life stories,
combos on the issues that matter to us,
and it's all packed with gems, fun, straight-up comedia,
and that's a song that only Nuestra Gente can sprinkle.
Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,
or wherever you get your podcasts.
On Thanksgiving Day, 1999,
five-year-old Cuban boy, Elian Gonzalez,
was found off the coast of Florida.
And the question was,
should the boy go back to his father in Cuba?
Mr. Gonzalez wanted to go home, and he wanted to take his son with him.
Or stay with his relatives in Miami?
Imagine that your mother died trying to get you to freedom.
Listen to Chess Peace, the Elian Gonzalez story, on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.