It Could Happen Here - The Economics of the Tariff Regime
Episode Date: October 22, 2025Mia looks at the economics behind American and European steel tariffs to explain the push behind the broader tariff regime and how capitalism works. Sources: https://archive.ph/YUg11 https://foleyhoag....com/news-and-insights/publications/alerts-and-updates/2025/october/eu-proposes-new-safeguard-measures-to-protect-its-steel-industry/ https://www.piie.com/blogs/china-economic-watch/chinas-excess-capacity-steel-fresh-look https://www.librarysearch.manchester.ac.uk/discovery/fulldisplay/alma992976480893401631/44MAN_INST:MU_NUI https://endnotes.org.uk/articles/misery-and-debtSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Welcome to Akad Happen here, a podcast that has increasingly become about tariffs in the second Trump regime.
I am your host, Miaoong.
And, oh boy, it has been a big few weeks for tariff news.
We have tariff numbers on China that I'm not even going to bother to actually record right now
because by the time this goes out, the numbers will probably be different.
There are supposed to be major negotiations underway between Trump and the Chinese government
to attempt to come to yet another trade agreement and stave off yet another round of 100% tariffs.
Now, if you want to follow the sort of blow by blow of what exactly is,
going on, I'm going to just sort of refer you to my section tariff talk on executive disorder.
However, comma, we need to take a deeper look at what structurally is going on in the global
economy that is resulting in the demand for tariffs in the first place.
And I think the place to go, if that's the thing that you're trying to figure out,
And we've talked about the sort of ideological aspects of this in other episodes.
We've talked about the ways that the sort of politics of fascism, the politics of anti-semitism, the politics of masculinity lead people towards these extremely ultra-nationalist policies that are specifically supposed to sort of protect the domestic blood and soil national industry and are supposed to protect material goods over services.
But there are things that are happening structurally in the economy that make it such that people would consider things like the tariffs that have been happening under this regime as a solution to things that are kind of structural problems of the economy, specifically, and this is what we're going to be focusing on today, overcapacity and steel.
Now, some of you may be asking, Mia, why are we talking about steel over capacity?
And I think there's a few important notes here.
One, steel is in some ways emblematic of American tariff policy.
It is, I guess you would call it the most material of the tariffs in the sense that it's the one
where there's the most actual direct sort of material forces and direct lobbying groups asking
for these specific tariffs.
The American steel industry has been lobbying to some extent for some measures kind of like
this. Steel is also one of the industries where as tariff rates are fluctuated and got up and down
and whole waves of like Liberation Day tariffs got put into place and then removed and some of them
got put back into place a little bit. The steel tariffs were set at 50% and they've stayed at 50%
since they were set basically. There's been a little bit of variation sort of before the final 50%
number was arrived at, but the steel tariffs had been one of the most stable tariffs. And
The reason why it's been this stable, if people can think back all the way to 2018, which I know that was a long time ago, but there was a miniature trade war between the U.S. and China in 2018, and significant portions of it were focused on Chinese steel production specifically.
And, you know, this is one of the sort of fights that was had out. Nothing really structurally changed much from those.
there was kind of a back and forth, and then both sides kind of pulled back.
But, comma, that's not happening this time.
And what's interesting, and the reason that I was specifically talking about steel here,
is that it's now not just Trump that is attempting to institute large-scale tariffs on steel.
The European Commission for the EU has released a proposal to double tariffs on imported steel,
up to 50%, which is matched in the U.S.,
and also reduce the amount of steel
that could be imported into the EU
without paying any tariffs at all.
And this is actually massive
because this is an example of
the EU effectively following
U.S. trade policy for very, very
similar reasons as the U.S.
And if we can get to the bottom of what
is going on here, and I promise we will,
and I promise this will go
towards something that is explaining
really, truly the macro dynamics
of the entire global economy and why it's fucked,
if we can actually trace out what's going on
with these steel tariffs, we can do that.
So let's talk about steel overcapacity.
Overcapacity as a concept is sort of convoluted.
You know, you have to sort of ask the question,
what is the quote unquote correct amount of steel
because overcapacity, you know, implies that
there's capacity to produce steel
over the amount that should be produced.
So, okay, how do you figure
how much steel should be produced?
Eh, very nebulous.
It's also very difficult to measure
because, okay, we're going to try to measure steel over capacity.
There's a lot of ways to do it that rely on things
like utilization rates, right?
So you look at the steel facilities,
you see how much they're being used at,
you see how much excess capacity there is,
how many factories are sitting empty,
what percentage of the factories,
you know, total outputs being used?
this doesn't work because the utilization rates of these factories, of this fixed capital, varies seasonally, for example, and it varies due to not just the season, but a whole bunch of other factors, things like, you know, labor supply, weather, demand poles, and of a whole bunch of other factors, utilization rates of steel producing facilities are very rarely at 100%, even in markets where demand-a-strip supply.
And this makes it very, very difficult to measure China's actual, quote-unquote, overcapacity.
I am not going to even really try to give numbers because it's extremely subjective.
How do I say this?
Based on the research that I have done, I think the numbers you normally see in the West are inflated
because they are not accounting for things like the weather because it is in the interest
of sort of Western research institutions, but for example, Western financial institutions,
specifically steel companies, and they're sort of like allied China Hawk, you know, sort of like
academics to have the number be as high as possible. You will also see numbers from people who
are tied to the Chinese government. And when I say tied to you, I mean, kind of in a loose ideological
sense in the same way that the China Hawks are or the China Hawks tend to actually be more directly
connected to the US government. Their numbers are probably also too low, but I don't want to
give you the impression that I have a extremely certain understanding of what the exact
number of millions of tons of XSDO production is happening. What we can sort of agree on is that
there does seem to be some kind of overcapacity in the Chinese economy, right? And this is
something that the Chinese Communist Party also agrees on. If you go back to a document that
really, really few people in the U.S. have ever seen to have heard of, which is the wonderfully
titled Opinions of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council on further promoting the
development of ecological civilization, which was one of the founding documents of Chinese
environmental policy and the ideological sort of underpinnings of this thing called
ecological civilization, which is the basis of Chinese environmental policy. One of the things
that they mentioned a lot is specifically overcapacity, right?
They are actually very concerned about the overcapacity of steel from an ecological perspective.
And this is sort of fascinating because we'll be looking at some scholars later who are favorably quoted in Chinese state media's sources describing how there isn't actually overcapacity because states say different things in different places and this is in fact extremely.
common. But there does seem to be some kind of overcapacity and the Chinese government was to
some extent making attempts to reduce it during this sort of period of trade war. Now, the other issue
we're talking about overcapacity is that overcapacity is an extremely political issue now, right?
It's extremely weird because Chinese steel lower capacity is like my most niche thing that I've
studied. I've had like a paper on this sitting in a drive on my computer.
for over half a decade. I have never brought it out until now. But it's become an extremely
political topic because the different theories of steel overcapacity have become a basis for
a lot of genuine trade policy. Now, I think of a very, very interesting book at Chinese steel
overcapacity is from the book, Understanding China's Overcapacity, which is written by two Chinese
economists that I think is a really interesting literature survey. This is around about 2018,
but I think what's interesting about it, it's from before the period where everyone in the
West had sort of decided what they think caused Chinese deal over capacity. And so you can go back,
you know, it's not just useful to sort of go back in time and look at the other theories that were
sort of floating ground academia before a few of them got specifically selected for ideological
purposes?
Now, I mentioned earlier we'd be talking about some economists who don't think that
how you steal overcapacity is real.
That's these people.
I think that part of their thesis is not very good.
I think their survey of the literature on overcapacity, though, is very good.
And one of the very interesting arguments they make, this is an argument that's made by a couple
other economists that has sort of disappeared from the literature
is in argument about, okay, so there's steel production that's happening
that doesn't need to happen.
I think it's pretty fair to say that something is overcapacity
if it's producing a bunch of steel that sits there and rots because no one can sell it,
which is a thing that happens with Chinese steel.
And one of the most interesting feces that has really been abandoned,
even though I think it is actually, to a decent extent, explanatory,
of a lot of very, very weird stuff that happens in Chinese policy circles and a lot of
just very baffling investment decisions is specifically something about local cadras and their
performance incentives. So, okay, something that's very important to understand about the structure
of the CCP is that Chinese government institutions are sort of run by these cadras, right?
And so if you are, for example, I don't know, you, you are the mayor of a mid-sized city, right?
You get performance evaluations.
And those sort of yearly performance evaluations, sometimes they're less frequent than that.
But those performance evaluations rank you at sort of how good you're doing your job.
And obviously, there's political maneuvering here too.
But if you do a good job of hitting your targets, this is your path to advance upwards
in the party and be moved from, you know, like sort of running a small,
city to like being brought into cadre in larger cities and, you know, moving your way up
the party, moving to national positions. These evaluations are extremely important.
You can also get sort of busted down if your evaluations suck. Again, there's also my politics
here too, but these evaluations actually do matter. And one of the issues with these evaluations,
and these are also policymaking implementation tools, right? You know, the central government
can decide what kinds of policies they want to pursue, and then they can use these cadre evaluations
to make people at the sort of local level who are usually semi-autonomous in ways that I think
is not very well understood in the West. These cadre evaluations are ways to try to ensure
that Chinese sort of local and provincial government policy kind of aligns with national
party policy.
And the weighting on these examinations is such that it has very, very weird effects.
And what I'm specifically talking about here is that GDP numbers are very, very important
to these quadra evaluations.
And it matters that it's specifically gross domestic product because GDP is a very, very weird
number.
And there's a lot of stuff you can do to sort of juice GDP numbers.
that aren't really necessarily beneficial to an economy.
So you can have a bunch of firms that are basically unprofitable
or doing something that's not particularly economically or socially useful,
and that can still boost GDP numbers.
And one of the things that happens with this is that you can boost GDP numbers
by making a shit ton of steel that nobody actually really wants or uses.
And because of the priority that's set on,
on GDP numbers specifically, and there's also a whole bunch of these sort of weird financial
games that you can play that's also played a major role in the way the Chinese housing bubble
has played out, and the way that the government has been unwilling to sort of, you know,
and when I say the government here, I mean both the national governments and also sort of
these lower level governments have been unwilling to sort of let a bunch of debt bubbles
that they've accumulated pop, because those things prop up GDP numbers and the incentive on the local level
is to keep these numbers up.
This used to actually be one of the things
that people would talk about
when they talked about Chinese steel over capacity,
but it's complicated.
You can't very, very easily explain this
to, you know, like a right-wing Congress person
and have them go, oh, yeah, right,
this is unfair to the American market.
And so it kind of has fallen out of favor
and sort of like the explanation
to steel over capacity you see in places like the New York Times.
but I actually think this is one of the things that does to some extent cause Chinese steel over capacity.
Now, do you know what doesn't cause Chinese steel over capacity?
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For almost a decade,
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explanations, because I actually think these are kind of important. And I want to talk about
one other argument that's also not really used much, that used to be a lot more common,
which is an argument that a Chinese economist makes that one of the reason that there's
overcapacity in Chinese steel production is that upwards wealth distribution leads to lower
levels of consumption and thus overcapacity.
And so what this basically means, and this is something that I think is actually also a thing
that's been a structural problem in the Chinese economies, that the Chinese economy is
extremely highly unequal.
And wages, you know, like they have risen to some extent, but they're not rising anywhere
near, you know, like everyone in the U.S. has seen that famous chart of productivity
versus like labor gains, right?
It's like wage gains versus productivity increases.
Wages in China have gone up, they have absolutely not kept pace.
with productivity growth
and they also
absolutely like have not
cut pace with the amount of
the profit being produced that is going
to a very, very small number
of capital owners.
And this actually creates a structural
problem and this is, we're seeing a very similar
structural problem to this in the US
where there is
a lot of consumption that
if that money
wasn't just all going
to a bunch
of rich people, people would
actually be spending it
on things. And particularly in Chinese
context, the argument was that if there was a better distribution
of wealth, people would buy more
houses. And this would actually
reduce over capacity because suddenly a bunch
of the slack capacity would be being used to
build houses, except
people can't afford
the houses. And this is a structural
problem that economists have sort of known about for
decades and decades, which is that China
has been for a very long time. The whole
thing was that they were trying to transition into a consumption
economy, which is to say they were trying to transition into an economy that was fueled by its own
internal consumption. The U.S. is, to a large extent, sort of kind of works like this, where, you know,
you want to increase the level of consumption, the amount of stuff that people in your country are
buying, and this is a way to sort of like create a middle income country, right? And China has historically
not been able to do this, and they haven't been able to do this because they won't raise wages.
But, you know, if they won't actually raise wages enough to increase people's consumption,
consumption levels, then you're left for structural overcapacity because demand is being lowered
because people don't have any fucking money.
Now, this is another argument, again, that I think is also probably correct that is very
much not talked about anymore because the argument that is used in sort of understanding
what's going on with Chinese steel capacity is about the Chinese subsidization of state-owned
enterprises at the expense of sort of private firms.
And the argument here basically is that the state is propping up a bunch of unprofitable enterprises
and they're holding sectors of the economy that should be, you know, taken over by more
efficient private firms, but they can't because they're being subsidized by the government.
And this is sort of true, but this became a massive geopolitical argument because the argument
from the American side, and when you hear anyone talking about steel capacity. Now, this is the
argument that you hear, right, which is that China is flooding the world with cheap steel
because there's a whole bunch of like Chinese state-owned industries or just like Chinese
businesses are just getting money from the Chinese government to produce steel, and they're pumping
cheap steel to the rest of the world. And this is not really, I mean, like, kind of this is
happening, but it's also not the reason why there's large-scale steel overcapacity.
and, of course, the argument is that China isn't competing fairly in the market.
Like, this is very silly.
Markets have never worked without large-scale state, quote-unquote, interference.
Like, American companies also get extremely high-level subsidization, et cetera, et cetera,
see all of U.S. corn policy.
But, you know, this is the political imperative that's behind a lot of the rhetoric coming out of steel producers
and out of the American rights about why there should be tariffs on steel.
Now, there's a problem, though, which is that all of these arguments are very specific to China, right?
The argument is that there is specifically steel over capacity in China because there's something
structurally specifically wrong with the Chinese economy that makes it not a free market.
And because of that, China is unfairly competing a global market, and this is why there's so much
overcapacity of Chinese steel.
This is wrong.
There are individual parts of this
where, yeah, like there are things
where there is excess capacity being produced
by cadre evaluations
and by, to some extent, like,
SOE subsidization,
however,
comma, there's a problem.
And the problem here
is that overcapacity
and overcapacity in steel
is not just a Chinese phenomenon.
It is a global phenomenon.
has been a global phenomenon for a long time, and it is largely a product of the fact that
we do not live in a global economy that can actually support the amount of production capacity
that exists in the world. This has been a problem really since the 70s and arguably even since
the 60s, where as countries rebuilt from World War II and as some sort of developments in global
capital that we're going to be sort of like talking about soon happens that the product of all
of this is that production has and this is the this is kind of the thing that the sort of fascist
right kind of intuitively understands production has become zero sum right it's very difficult to
increase production in one country without having it you know affect production in the
countries there isn't enough demand in the market to sort of like fuel all of these things
Here we go.
Hey, I'm Cal Penn, and on my new podcast, Here We Go again,
we'll take today's trends and headlines and ask,
why does history keep repeating itself?
You may know me as the second hottest actor from the Harold and Kumar movies,
but I'm also an author, a White House staffer,
and as of like 15 seconds ago, a podcast host.
Along the way, I've made some friends.
who are experts in science, politics, and pop culture.
And each week, one of them will be joining me to answer my burning questions.
Like, are we heading towards another financial crash, like in 08?
Is non-monogamy back in style?
And how come there's never a gate ready for your flight when it lands like two minutes early?
We've got guests like Pete Buttigieg, Stacey Abrams, Lili Singh, and Bill Nye.
When you start weaponizing outer space, things can potentially go really wrong.
Look, the world can seem pretty scary right now, because it is.
But my goal here is for you to listen and feel a little better about the future.
Listen and subscribe to Here We Go Again with Cal Penn on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
All I know is what I've been told, and that's a half-truth is a whole lie.
For almost a decade, the murder of an 18-year-old girl from a son.
small town in Graves County, Kentucky went unsolved until a local homemaker, a journalist, and a
handful of girls came forward with a story.
I'm telling you, we know Quincy Kilder, we know.
A story that law enforcement used to convict six people, and that got the citizen investigator
on national TV.
Through sheer persistence and nerve, this Kentucky housewife helped give justice to Jessica
occur. My name is Maggie Freeling. I'm a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, producer, and I wouldn't be
here if the truth were that easy to find. I did not know her and I did not kill her, or rape or burn,
or any of that other stuff that y'all said it. They literally made me say that I took a match and
struck and threw it on her. They made me say that I poured gas on her. From Lava for Good,
this is Graves County, a show about just how far our legal system will go in order to find someone to blame.
America, y'all better work the hell up. Bad things happens to good people in small towns.
Listen to Graves County in the Bone Valley feed on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
And to binge the entire season ad free, subscribe to Lava for Good
Plus on Apple Podcasts.
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This is Snacks from the Trabner's podcast,
and we're bringing you the horror every week all October long.
Kicking off this month,
I'll be bringing you all my greatest fear-inducing horror games
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me and Tony bringing back fire team on Left for Dead 2.
And we're just going to be going over some of the greats.
Also in October, we'll be talking about our favorite horror.
and Halloween movies and figure out why black people
always gotta die further.
The umbral reliquary invites any and all
fooling, brave enough, to peruse its
many curiosities. But take heed. All sales
are final. Weekly horror side
quest written and narrated by yours truly.
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Caught between a federal investigation
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Once I saw the gun, I tried to take his hand
and I saw the flash of light.
Listen to the Chinatown Sting on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or anywhere you get your podcasts.
So why is there not enough demand to fuel the amount of supply that would be necessary to make there not be overcapacity?
The answer to this in sort of Marxian theory is that, as they sort of put it,
overproduction and underconsumption are doubly constructed.
I'm going to read a quote from N-Notes Volume 2,
and then we're going to explain a little bit what that means.
The wage allocates workers to production,
and at the same time allocates the product to workers.
So what that means is that under-consumption and over-production
are in effect the same thing, right?
Because the way that we allocate workers to what thing they're going to do,
and at the same time allocate products to those workers
is the wage, which is one thing.
So overproduction and underconsumption
are the same thing, right?
And they're caused by the same structural elements
of the wage relation.
Now, this means that the Chinese capacity crisis
is actually part of a larger crisis, right?
You know, the thing about the double construction,
you know, of overcapacity and under consumption, right?
the fact that they are really the two things that's unified in the fact that, like, your wage
allocates, what kind of production you're doing and what you can consume. The fact that both those
things combined are realized in the sort of secular crisis in what's called Marx's absolute
general law of capitalist accumulation. So what the fuck is that? The short version is over time
in capitalist economies, there's supposed to be an increase of what's called the organic
composition of capital.
Basically, the organic composition of capital is a way to measure how much in the
labor process is like fixed capital to variable capital.
So it's like how much factory is there relative to the amount of worker there is.
And Marx's thesis, which has generally been borne out, although we'll talk a little bit about
that more later, is that this composition is going to increase.
And as it increases, accumulation also needs to increase in order to maintain a
employment levels. This is sort of accomplished by things like automation, which reduces the size
of the labor force. And thus, to quote end notes again, as accumulation proceeds, a growing superabundance
of goods lowers the rate of profit and heightens competition across lines, compelling all capitalists
to, as Mark said, economize on labor. So basically what this means is like as capital gets turned
into more capital and larger amounts of capital.
This is the accumulation process.
As this continues, right, you get this massive sort of increasing the amount of goods
that are being produced.
Eventually, that lowers the rate of profit in a sector.
And eventually what that does is, you know, in order to sort of economize on labor,
capital increases the amount of automation, reduces the amount of people that they need
in the labor process.
You know, this is what's generally known as automation and the sort of crisis of people
getting kicked out of the jobs because of it. As this process is sort of generalized across
sectoral lines, across different parts of the economy, the relative demand for labor decreases
and workers are spit out of the wage relation, which is the fancy Marxist way to say they become
structurally unemployed. And, you know, the thing that happens when you get kicked out of
the capitalist wage relation is you get kicked into informal labor and slums, which, you know,
decreases demand and increase overproduction at the same time overcapacity.
is skyrocketing, right? Because you have increasing numbers of people who have been spat out the
formal economy, who no longer have access to regular wages. The wages they get in the informal
economy are less than the ones they would get in the formal economy. And as we were saying,
right, access to like the wage both determines production and consumption. So if you lose access
to the wage, right, and there's still more stuff being produced because of automation levels,
what you get is a massive skyrocketing double increase of overproduction and under consumption,
right because there's just not enough money to fucking buy the stuff and the result of this is
emiseration everything gets fucking worse this sort of used to be an academic argument it is no longer
an academic argument it is just the terrain on which economic policy unfolds now the
emiseration thesis is this is you know as a sort of like general law of of capitalist accumulation
is called has been argued about constantly there have been ways that has been avoided one of the
biggest ways traditionally has been by capitalism sort of transforming goods into services.
So, for example, like the operative example, if this is the transition in the U.S.
from rail lines to cars, something that N.N.S. points out. So, you know, you get these new
industries that are both labor and capital intensive by replacing train with car.
You know, you can absorb huge populations of workers as well as incorporate the peasantry into
the industrial economy by sort of like converting these things into services. This has sort of been
well, the economy has been increasingly converted into a service-based economy of various kinds.
That's kind of what's happening now. And you can see this process that work in the Chinese
economy back when it was, you know, really growing in the 90s and 2000s. But, you know, once the
peasantry had been absorbed as sort of both a new market and a new labor force with lower cost
of reproduction, because wages are cheaper for a bunch of structural reasons, the old tendencies
of capital set in. And so what happens inside of China was what was happening everywhere else in the
world, which is that as labor-saving technology begins to be implemented, and, you know, a bunch of
services refused to be turned into new goods to, like, bolster the ranks industrial working
class, you know, you get what's happened in the U.S., which is this full transition to service economy
shit that doesn't actually really grow. And, you know, if you look at Chinese growth rates,
like they've been slowing for a decade, actually a little bit longer for a decade. Actually, a little bit
longer than a decade. And so, you know, as China was integrated into the global economy,
it, too, became caught in this cycle of industrial booms where, you know, you get an industrial
boom where you have a country with favorable exchange rates to the U.S. dollar that inevitably
sets off, you know, the economies on the bad end of the exchange rate to collapse as they're
forced to bear the way to global overcapacity. As I've mentioned, 100 billion times on this show,
it is the one thing I will make sure every it could happen to hear, listener,
will be able to explain
the Plaza Accords and the reverse
Plaza Accords.
You know, but this is sort of
what the reverse Plaza Accords and the Plaza Courts
were about was the U.S. This is the last
time the U.S. tried to
use its just sort of like
pure political power
and military might to be like
eat shit, I'm going to force all of your
countries to fuck with your currency so that our manufacturing
economy will come back. And again,
the U.S. did that
successfully and the Japanese economy collapsed
because we need cap Japanese economy to do it.
Right. And to some extent, Trump is attempting the farce as farce version of this
with these steel tariffs, right? To some extent, these tariffs are his attempt to pull
the Reagan maneuver of, okay, we can just, like, force other countries to lower their capacity
and increase our capacity at their expense. The problem is that, again, this production
is zero-sum, and if you do this, it will annihilate the rest of it.
of the global economy.
And this is the sort of context behind all of the stuff that we've been seeing for the
last, like, 30 years, which is that actual profit rates have been collapsing for ages.
And right now we're in the middle of a just unbelievably, hideously, staggeringly massive bubble
that is maintaining the sort of last, like, fake vestiges of economic growth, where billions and
billions and billions of dollars have been sunk
into all of this AI bullshit
and it's, you know, like tech
driven AI is a significant
specifically, specifically the AI
stuff is a significant portion
of total U.S. economic growth
if you want to listen to
why that's all going to go to shit,
turn on effectively, literally
any episode. Of course
on Media's own
Ed Zitron's podcast, better offline
and you will hear a lot
about this. But, you know, this has been
that tech has been sort of the escape strategy
of the United States.
Traditionally, it's going to implode,
it's going to do tremendous damage to everyone.
But in the remains of that,
and in this world in which profit rates are declining,
and in this world in which increasing portions
of the population are being spat out
of the capitalist production cycle,
in which increasing percentages
of the world population
are being kicked into an informal economy,
and in this world of generalized,
overproduction under consumption.
What's happening is that
there's an enormous effort to get
everyone to think that this is
because of very specific tendencies
of like the bad government over there.
Right? That, you know,
overcapacity in steel, oh, it's just
because the evil communist government in China
is cheating at capitalism
by giving their company's money.
And so we're going to do tariffs on them instead of that.
And again, like, it's easier
for these academics to make this argument because there is
kind of stuff going on, right?
Because there is this sort of cadre evaluation stuff, because there is to some extent
state subsidization of steel production, they can present this boogeyman to sort of pin what is
really a global overproduction and under-consumption crisis on to just, you know, it's just
this government we don't like, and then you can sort of implement these ultra-nationalist
tariff policies. It's a way of deflecting the blame from capitalization.
on to another country and using nationalism to paper over the actual economic contradictions
of capital.
And if you want to escape that, it's not enough to sort of just get rid of Trump and go back
to the previous free trade regime.
You have to actually structurally change the thing at the center of all of this, which
is the wage relation, right?
You have to fundamentally change the fact that this economy, the entire economy, is based
on there being classes of people who make money from owning things
and that there's an entire class of people
whose labor is stolen every single day
so that those other people can make money by owning things
who do all of the actual work.
And that's what's actually fundamentally at stake here.
It is this question of,
are we going to continue to do tariff bullshit
or are we going to take power from the people
who caused all of this?
from Trump, from Elon Musk,
from all of the billionaires,
from Thiel,
from all of the tech billionaires
that funded them,
from all of the Republican Party
Koch Brethren networks,
are we going to
destroy these people completely
by getting rid of the social relations
of capital
that make this all possible?
Or are we going to sit here
and let them continue
to produce AI videos
of them shitting all over us
while they take all of our money
and commit an ethnic cleanse
and continue to fund genocides abroad.
It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media.
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