It Could Happen Here - The Globalization of Resistance with Andrew
Episode Date: June 10, 2026Andrew talks with Garrison about how the jailing of political prisoners in Spain inadvertently sparked the Filipino labor movement and helped globalize the anti-imperialist struggle of the late ...19th and early 20th century.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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When we think of globalization, we often think of trade
and late 20th century technological interconnection and the movement of capital.
But there was another kind of globalization emerging in the late 19th century.
That was the globalization of resistance.
In the closing decades of the 1800s, a network of ideas, outlaws, and revolutionaries,
would emerge to challenge the empires of the time.
Welcome to Icarapen here.
I'm Andrew Sage, Andrewism on YouTube,
and I'm joined again by...
Garrison Davis. Hello.
Welcome again.
And in this episode,
using the research of historian Bandit Anderson
in Chapter 5 of the Age of Mobilization,
I want to look at this period in history
where the tools of empire
were appropriated by the very people
the empire sought to suppress,
to link anarchist prisoners in Montreich to intellectuals in Paris, to agitators in Cuba to nationalists
into Philippines.
Now, the story doesn't actually begin in Montreux prison in Barcelona, Spain, but a narrative begins
there.
Following the June 7, 1896 bombing in Corpus Christi, 300 people were imprisoned in a wave
of Spanish state repression.
Among those caught in the crackdown was Fernando.
Tarida del Marmol, a Cuban creole whose background connected him to both metropole and colony.
His imprisonment was a direct consequence of the state's attempt to suppress the burgeoning anarchist
movement in Catalonia, but it would only end up fueling the movement, thanks to the efforts of
the radical international press.
Tarida was a math teacher, which actually helped him out when he got arrested because a young
lieutenant warden recognized his former teacher and managed to sound the alarm of his incarceration.
Therida also happens to be the cousin of a conservative senator who used his influence to ensure
Therida's release.
But Tarita didn't let these privileges cause him to forget his less privileged fellow prisoners
because he immediately upon release went to Paris, the city of duality, a city that was
both the central capital of colonial power and a premier global hub for political descent.
So there in Paris, Tarida gained access to La Revue Blanche, a very popular periodical of
era. He'd been a recognized writer from before his imprisonment, as he'd popularly advocated
for anarchism without adjectives, and he had gotten into a back and forth about workers' associations
and bureaucracy and propaganda of the deed with a certain Gene Grave, who was another popular
French anarchist of the period. So in La Revue Blanche, Terida published his personal, brutal
experience of imprisonment, and contextualized it as a broader political indictment by connecting
the gruesome suppression of dissent in Barcelona
to the exact same mechanisms
being deployed into Spanish colonies of
Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.
Thus, he demonstrated
that repression into Spanish provinces
was not an isolated domestic issue,
but a fundamental characteristic
of Spanish colonial policy.
And this narrative was taken up and amplified
by the efforts of Felipe Fignon
and Georges Clemen Chau.
Felifinion was an influential
art critic and prominent anarchist
intellectual, who helped frame
the struggle against Spanish repression as a significant moral crisis. He also wrote strongly
against French imperialism and revanchist nationalism, and Georges Clement Chow was a radical
journalist and politician, considered a formidable figure in the defense of political prisoners
as he had the capacity to mobilize public opinion around issues of justice, state authority.
So together these figures helped ensure that the grievances of Tirida and the Spanish prisoners
were integrated into the global conversation.
Now historian Benedict Anderson situates these events within the long 19th century, which had a lot of high-profile political violence, specifically anarchist bombings and targeted assassinations, which prompted a corresponding escalation in state power through much more stringent legal frameworks and surveillance apparatuses.
Parallel to the rise of anti-terror legislation was the emergence of a new structured infrastructure of dissent, consistent.
and of labour organisations and radical press, which served as a vital node in the global network,
capable of circulating revolutionary ideas and coordinating resistance across borders.
In addition to the Montreux Affair, the Dreyfus Affair would also be amplified by this network.
The Dreyfus was an incident in French history where in 1894, a certain Alfred Dreyfus,
who was a Jewish captain in the French army, was accused of treason,
alleged to have passed sensitive military documents to the German intelligence services.
The evidence against him was largely based on forged documents and a high degree of anti-Semitic prejudice.
St. Trafus was convicted, stripped of his rank, and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island.
But the radical press began calling this out, especially when evidence suffice suggesting that the actual spy was another officer, Ferdinand Walson, Estahezy.
but the French military high command had covered it up,
suppressing evidence, manipulating court proceedings,
and intimidating witnesses to ensure that Dreyfus remained convicted.
A pivotal moment in the affair was the publication of non-radical Emil Zola's open letter,
Jacques Cuis, in the newspaper Lerourne in 1890,
as Zola used the power of the press to directly challenge the military high command
after the real culprit was acquitted the day after his trial began.
This landed Zola in jail for libel, where he eventually got out on a plea deal,
but it also earned him the tenuous respect of some critical left-wing intellectuals.
Meanwhile, Terida had already left Paris for Belgium, then London,
where he made use of his contacts around the world to create a coalition of, quote,
liberals, freemasons, socialists, anarchists, anti-imperialists, and anti-clericals,
end quote, against the Spanish government, and especially against prime minister,
Antonio Canova del Castillo, the conservative who was the chief architect of the brutal repression
of Spanish anarchists, socialists, and labor activists domestically. His aim was to ensure the
stability of the Spanish monarchy amidst growing pressures of anarchism, labor unrest, cluna
rebellion, and American aggression. On August 9, 1897, the Italian anarchist Michelangolillo
assassinated Canova's. Angiolillo was a real,
monarchy hater. He had traveled to Barcelona under a fake name and was working as a freelance printer
when the Corpus Christi bombing occurred. The city was put under martial law and his anarchist friends
were incarcerated in Montreich. After hearing about how they were being tortured, he fled for
Paris, was expelled to Belgium, then moved to London, where Tirida's agitation against the Canova's
regime was at full strength. He continued to work as a printer and engaged in activism in London for some
time, where people asked who would avenge those tortured and murdered by the Spanish state,
including the recently executed Jose Rezal, who was a Filipino nationalist. So after hearing this,
Angiolillo was like, okay, bet, and he makes his way back to the continent of Europe with a pistol
in his pocket. In France, he meets Dr. Ramon Betanus, was a Puerto Rican physician, revolutionary,
who sought the independence of Puerto Rico and the dismantling of Spanish colonial authority in the Antelis.
He spent his life country hopping, helping the sick and fleeing Spanish spies.
And although he wasn't an anarchist, he was connected with a lot of anarchists,
particularly French and Italian anarchists,
through the heterogeneous front against the Spanish state,
against imperialism and monarchical tyranny.
The European anarchists and socialists found a natural ally
in the anti-colonial movement he was part of,
as the liberation of Puerto Rico and Cuba
would represent a vital blow against the same imperialist structures
they were fighting to dismantle in Europe.
Now, Betancis claims he redirected the target of Angio Lilo's planned assassination
from the Spanish Queen Regent and Infant Son to the Prime Minister.
But Benedict Anderson calls this narrative into question
because there doesn't seem to be any corroborating evidence.
Anyway, so Angiolillo gets to Madrid,
he learns Canova's location,
he stalks him for a bit,
and then he shoots him dead with the pistol he brought from London.
In his trial, Anguilino defends himself with reference to Montjuiche and Cuba and the Philippines and says, quote,
Canova's personified in their most repugnant forms, religious ferocity, military cruelty, the implacability of the judiciary,
the tyranny of power, and the greed of the possessing classes.
I have rid Spain, Europe, and the entire world of him.
That is why I am no assassin, but rather an executioner.
End quote.
That does come pretty hard.
It does go hard.
When is this?
Is this late 1800s or early 1900s?
Late 1800s.
Late 1800s, okay.
Yeah.
So after his rousing speech, he was then himself executed at just 26 years old.
Now, beyond being a symptom of imperial crisis,
Canova's assassination functioned as an accelerant.
By removing such a central figure of the political machinery of Spain
in the midst of its war against the U.S., Angolillo's Act triggered the volatility that would
culminate in the loss of Spain's final colonial possessions.
In 1898, Cuba, the Philippines and Puerto Rico were in the hands of the United States,
and the bullets that killed Canova's just kept going, well into the decades to come.
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Hi, everyone.
I'm Cheryl Strayed, author of Wild and Tiny Beautiful Things.
I'm excited to share that I have a new podcast called Mind Overpass.
Mountain. In each episode, I interview athletes, adventurers, and adrenaline seekers to discuss the
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June is Black Music Month, and on the Drink Chams podcast, we're speaking with the
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Do you realize how legendary you are?
I appreciate that.
I'd be seeing it, but I'm like, man, I still got, like, so much more to do.
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Listen to Drink Chams from the Black Effect Podcast Network
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Now, speaking of the Philippines,
we can turn now to that specific node of the movement network.
Isabello de los race was a moderate liberal of his time,
somewhat privileged as a businessman, publisher, journalist,
but he wasn't afraid to advocate strongly against Spanish colonial rule
and was arrested in connection to the Philippine Revolution of 1896,
as part of a broader repression against rebels, intellectuals, and activists.
The revolution had begun prematurely after the Spanish authorities discovered their plot.
and so many of the revolutionaries were imprisoned as a result.
Now, while imprisoned, Isabello had to deal with the death of his wife
and was unable to attend her funeral or do anything for their children.
Naturally, after an experience like that,
he would be pissed at the colonial injustices that he and his people suffered
at the hands of the government and at the hands of the religious orders.
He demanded political reform and was met with relocation,
first to a Barcelona municipal jail,
and then to the infamous Montuich.
While in Spain, he met several brave anarchists
who had been imprisoned for various crimes,
crimes including advocating for Cuban independence,
protesting trials by military courts,
and opening secular schools gasp for children.
Which, I mean, it was Catholic Spain at that point in time.
Yeah.
So that was like the worst thing you could possibly do.
There was some anarchists who were in jail for assassination.
But I mean, come on, what's a little assassination between friends?
I mean, yeah, assassination and opening a school, I think, is the same level of danger to the state at this point.
Indeed.
And these dangerous criminals demonstrated a level of solidarity that really inspired Isabello.
And while in prison, he also got access to anarchist literature and was able to take part in discussions with anarchists.
where he learned about their rejection of state authority,
colonial domination, and class hierarchy.
Now, in this exile period, I don't think he ever became an anarchist,
and I mean, late in his life even served as a senator,
but he was profoundly influenced by the anarchists
and did come to admire them for decades to come.
Eventually, following the assassination of Canova's and the change in government,
in 1898, Isabello was freed.
He then moved to Madrid and started,
a fortnightly publication, Filipinas and Europa,
an anti-imperialist critique with particular focus on the growing American empire.
And it's funny because after Spain lost their colonies to the US,
all of a sudden public opinion in Spain started to become sympathetic to the Filipino fight.
It was like, oh, now we could start to feel bad for all.
You know, the Americans embarrassed us, so now we have some sympathy for your plight.
And so Isabello criticized America's claim to be.
liberating the Philippines and Cuba as hypocrisy by pointing to the regular occurrence of
lynchings and racist institutions within the U.S.
And he also criticized the Filipino elite for their willingness to collaborate with the new colonial
rulers.
The Philippine Revolution was basically over by 1901, as a key leader named Emilio Aguinaldo was
captured and had to swear allegiance to the U.S.
By the way, Alginaldo would also prove to be a collaborator later in his life.
as he worked with the Japanese occupiers of the Philippines during World War II.
So it's a pattern of behavior for that guy.
Anyway, so after the end of the revolution, Isabelo decided to finally return to the Philippines,
to reunite with the six children he had with his first wife, who he hadn't seen in years,
and to continue the struggle.
Also, when he was in Spain, he got married.
Isabello arrived in Manila with the works of Thomas Aquinas, Voltaire,
Here Joseph Pridon, Charles Darwin, Carl Marx, Peter Kropotkin, and Erico Malatester.
He might have been the first person to bring the works of some of these thinkers to the Philippines.
And I think we kind of understate that luck of the draw, I suppose, when we talk about the movement of ideas in the 19th and 20th centuries.
You know, they didn't have the internet. They didn't have the anarchist library.
It takes a lot of work. Yeah.
Yeah. They didn't have all these accessible means of learning.
about these ideas.
So if you didn't happen to know somebody
who could bring in that kind of literature for you,
well, first of all,
you wouldn't even know that literature existed
unless somebody told you about it.
The access to information was severely limited.
And so fortunately,
he said Bello brought these ideas to Philippines
and he was the first to do so in his time.
But as we'll soon see,
the history of the Philippines
could have gone in a slightly different trajectory
if he had not brought in that literature,
learned about those ideas,
started engaging and agitating,
on that basis, based on his experiences.
I mean, he ended up in a Spanish prison of all places.
So the Spanish empire that imprisoned him
ended up sowing the seeds for rebellion
in the former territory later on.
As it happens.
A not uncommon turn of events, actually.
Indeed.
So Isabella pulls up in Manila
and his reputation as an anti-imperialist
preceded him.
He was labeled a dangerous anarchist.
And it really didn't have
that the U.S. President McKinley had literally been shot to death by an anarchist just a month prior.
This whole period of time is just while. Every time that I've done an episode with you about
like the late 1800s to early to early 1900s, it's always stuff like this. It's like an
unbelievable collection of happening. Like history really has such a momentum during this period.
Like it's unbelievable.
Yeah, I just, I really enjoy drawing those connections.
Because, I mean, he came to Manila with all these organizational plans.
He was going to start a party.
He was going to launch a newspaper.
But as he pulls up and he realizes, he's literally on a list.
Yeah.
You know, he kind of had to scrap those ideas and pull back a bit.
And like Lenin's doing the same stuff like in Germany and Russia during the same time.
Like everyone, everyone like everyone understands the mission.
Yeah, yeah.
Everyone knows what has to happen.
And this is like before the standardization of passports.
Yeah.
This is before the global visa system.
And so people are literally just moving around.
Yeah.
I mean, I always marvel at the fact that Eric Komano tester was like, he was getting active in Egypt.
At one point he pulled up in Brazil.
You know, everybody has to come to Brazil eventually.
He was everywhere, right?
And these ideas were everywhere, too, as a result of the,
the movement of people bringing these books, bringing these ideas,
get involved in conversation.
It also helps, of course, that a lot of anarchists were printmakers.
Still are.
Yeah.
Many such cases.
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Hi, everyone.
I'm Cheryl Strayed, author of Wild and Tiny Beautiful Things.
I'm excited to share that I have a new podcast called Mind Over Mountain.
In each episode, I interview athletes, adventurers, and adrenaline seekers to discuss the inner landscapes and life experiences that informed and inspired their extraordinary feats.
I also bring a bit of advice into the mix so we too can better understand how to face our own seemingly insurmountable challenges.
Do you know what I'm going to do? I'm going to pull out what you already have inside.
We're coming into this world fighting for our lives. All I'm going to do is pull out what you already got inside.
We're there to support and celebrate each other.
And that's not like your story versus my story.
You're going to walk up and over that dang mountain.
You're not just going to put your mind over it.
Yep, yep, exactly.
And if I can't walk up and over it, I'm going to go through it.
Listen to Mind Over Mountain every Thursday on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcast.
June is Black Music Month, and on the Drink Chams podcast, we're speaking with the hottest names in the culture, like Sway Lee.
realize how legendary you are.
I appreciate that.
I'd be seeing it, but I'm like, man,
I still got, like, so much more to do.
Like, Prince, he dropped, like, 30 albums.
We dropped, like, five right now.
Like, that's the rate we gotta be going.
Yep, that's a good attitude.
You also hear stories from industry legends
and hip-hop pioneers like Fab Five Freddy.
I directed when the Nazis' early videos.
Which one?
One love.
Wow.
I literally filmed in his apartment in Queensbridge.
His moms were still up in that apartment.
Menaz was just beginning to take off.
His pops used to live near me in Harlem.
His dad introduced him to a whole lot of, you know, conscious stuff, and he made a young prodigy.
No matter the era, Drinkchamps brings you the biggest names and the most unfiltered conversations.
Listen to Drink Chams from the Black Effect Podcast Network on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcast.
So, Isabello switched strategies.
In his words, he took advantage of the occasion.
put into practice the good ideas that he had learned from the anarchists of Barcelona,
who were imprisoned with him in the infamous fortress of Montreich.
So he started organizing the working class in Manila.
He had the benefit of actually being able to speak the language of the swaths of workers in Manila,
because he happened to come from the same region of the fastly linguistically diverse Philippines that they did.
He was from the Ilocos region of the island of Luzon,
and he natively spoke the Ilocano language, like many of the workers that had migrated to Milan.
Though he was technically part of the intelligents here, Isabello had a connection to the roots,
you know, to the people, the streets, until he began by organizing the printers, of course,
and helping them with their strikes, and from there the efforts very quickly snowballed,
far quicker than the elites could have anticipated into a cross-industry worker federation.
called the Union Obrera Democratica,
the first of its kind in the entire country.
The Federation was flexible and loosely structured,
which made it quite suited to undertaking various strike actions.
But beyond demonstrations and strikes,
Isabello also incorporated a little local flavor
because the union was also involved in festivals
and theatre and music events.
So it was a combination of worker and non-worker-based organization.
You get a little bit of every.
involved when you do that, rather than strictly focusing on just one plane of struggle and connection.
Eventually, however, the Americans got their act together and met this movement with surveillance,
arrest, and trials. And though they couldn't legally justify keeping him in jail for very long,
they did throw Isabello back into jail for a short period. Now, the Wilco Federation would eventually
collapse, but the ideas remained, and those ideas fed directly into various labor organizations.
organizations, socialist parties, and guerrilla movements going forward.
As for Isabello, his second wife, the one he married in Spain, died, and two years later,
he married again to an 18-year-old.
Isabello married and was widowed three times.
He actually outlived all of his wives and had a grand total of 27 children.
Jesus Christ.
Yeah.
I have no comments.
on what kind of father he may have been, but that's just...
I mean, yeah, you can kind of assume based on those numbers, but yeah, that is what it is.
And the fact that he was in Spain, got married in Spain, had six children back home who
had lost their mother.
Yeah.
I mean, he wasn't in Spain by choice, right?
But, you know, he was middle class.
He may have had family back at home taking care of his children, but still as rough.
Yeah.
That is rough.
So later in his life, like I mentioned before, he got into electoral politics on the municipal level and the Senate level.
And he also in his life got to work in religious reform, eventually found in the Aglipayan Church, which was the first ever Filipino independent Catholic Christian church.
Yeah, I was wondering, because like you mentioned he brought over Thomas Aquinas.
Yeah, yeah. He was very critical of the religious orders, the Spanish Catholic.
religious orders, but he ended up forming an independent Catholic church. So a Catholic church
that is not associated with Rome. You said he didn't identify as an anarchist. Did he identify
as like a socialist? What kind of was his like self-defined politics like around this point and
like when he started running for office on the municipal level? I didn't see how he defined himself.
I think he considered himself to be a patriot. You know, patriots, somebody who was pro-labor.
I don't know that he assigned himself necessarily the title of socialist or anarchist or liberal or anything like that.
Yeah.
He has, however, been called the father of the Philippine Labour movement and the father of Filipino socialism.
But what do we take from all of this?
You know, the empire might globalize trade, might globalize capital, might globalize various forms of suppression.
but it inadvertently globalizes resistance.
The same infrastructure that empires use
to extend their reach
across their claim territories
is the same infrastructure that radicals can use to fight.
You know, even prison was used as a site of connection.
A literal place of repression
became a place that connected people
across multiple countries.
I think the lesson that I take it
from this kind of narrative I've spun here between the Cuban Creole Fernando Tarida,
the Puerto Rican Dr. Ramon Betancis, the Italian Michelanguelo, and the Filipino Isabello
de los race is that the globalization was not a one-way imposition. We could potentially
adopt the empire's tools to fight back. And to next.
work or resistance. People who are doing resistance, but on the other side of the political
spectrum, do this same thing, like the formation of ISIS in prisons because of how we imprisoned
Al-Qaeda members is a pretty key example of this. Yeah. This is a very common thing. Like,
it turns out very, very often the master's tools actually are used to dismantle the master's house.
that phrase still has some like
I think metaphorical uses
but in a sort of like
literalist sense
I occasionally push back on it
because yeah it does
it does view movement
as a one way thing
it has it has like no dialectical analysis
and I think part of part of our job
is like adapting and moving
as empire and capital
adapts and moves to the flow of history
100%
And with that, as always, all power to all the people.
Peace.
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