It Could Happen Here - The Jewish Bund and Political Imagination
Episode Date: April 8, 2026Dana El Kurd speaks to Molly Crabapple, an award winning writer and artist. Her most recent book is Here Where We Live is Our Country: The Story of the Jewish Bund, will be out on April 7th. Dana... and Molly discuss what the Jewish Bund teaches us about the current political moment. Sources: Here Where We Live is Our Country - https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/646320/here-where-we-live-is-our-country-by-molly-crabapple/ We Need New Jewish Institutions by Arielle Angel - https://jewishcurrents.org/we-need-new-jewish-institutions Jewish Federations of North America polling - https://www.inss.org.il/social_media/jfna-survey-finds-just-37-of-jewish-americans-identify-as-zionists/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hello, everyone, and welcome to It Could Happen here.
My name is Dan Al-Kurd.
I'm a researcher of Arab and Palestinian politics.
Today I'm joined by Molly Krabapple, an award-winning writer and artist.
She's written three books.
She's co-author of the book, Brothers of the Gun, an illustrated collaboration with
Syrian war journalist Murawang Hasham, which was a New York Times notable book and long-listed
for the 2018 National Book Award. And her memoir, Drawing Blood, also received global praise.
Her most recent book is, Here Where We Live is Our Country, the Story of the Jewish Bund.
And it'll be out on April 7th. I've already pre-ordered. I'm very excited. So I wanted to talk to
Molly today, given how relevant the history she outlines in her book is to this current moment,
especially for the American Jewish community. So thank you, Molly, for you,
for joining us. Thank you so much, Donna, for having me. It's my total honor to be here.
So you describe in the book the Bun's philosophy of doyke, or heerness, as a rejection of the
idea that Jews need to seek a homeland elsewhere to find safety. How did you come to understand
this concept personally? And why do you think it was, at least from my perspective, so thoroughly
erased from mainstream Jewish historical memory after the Holocaust?
I mean, I came across dookite through studying the Boond, which I came across through
the watercolors of my great-grandfather, Samuel Rothbord, who was a post-impressionist painter,
who was a member of the Boond as a young man back in Russia. And what the concept of Doquite
or Heerness means is it's a defiant assertion of rootedness in a place that wanted Jews dead.
Jews had lived in Eastern Europe for over a thousand years,
but in the 18th, 19th, and at the dawn of the 20th century,
these countries were some of the roughest places to be a Jew in the world.
In the Tsarist Empire, Jews were a racialized minority.
It set it on their papers.
They could only live in a certain area.
There was military conscription for 25 years.
It sucked, shall we say.
And in interwar Poland as well, the government was trying to use racism
as a glue to hold this diverse and quite impoverished country together.
So what here this meant is it meant that Jews had the right to live and not just live,
not just survive, not just cling to life, but to flourish and have beautiful lives in their
homes that they had lived in for the last thousand years.
And that even if European Christians thought that Jews were, you know,
swarthy oriental aliens who needed to be forcibly deported to Palestine,
which is exactly what the Polish interwar government thought,
even if that's what those in power thought,
Jews had a right to live and flourish in freedom and dignity in their homes
because that's the right that every single human on this earth has.
And in many ways, it almost reminds me of this precursor echo of the Palestinian concept of Samud,
of the steadfastness to stay in your home despite the genocidal predations of the Israeli state.
And I think that the concept of Heerness was crushed by a variety of things.
I mean, first of all, as we all know, you know, there was a genocide in Europe that wiped out two-thirds of European Jews and wiped out 90% of the Jews in Poland.
But it wasn't just that.
It was also that after the genocide, countries like Poland were so psychopathically violent to Jewish survivors that it convinced the overwhelming majority of Polish Jewish survivors that they had to.
go somewhere else. There were about a thousand Jews that were murdered by nationalists in the
aftermath of the Holocaust, including dozens who were burned alive in this famous town called
Kelze. Now, whether that somewhere else meant Palestine or whether that meant New York City,
that was something that was very much up to the visa regimes of the era. The vast majority of Jews
who survived the Holocaust did not necessarily want to go to Palestine, let alone to
sign up to join the Haganah and throw themselves as cannon fodder into another war after surviving
Auschwitz, the majority of Jewish survivors probably wanted to go live with their families in America
and in other countries that had large Jewish communities. But the Western democracies, and tell me if this
sounds familiar in the current moment, while the Western democracies preached a language of human
rights and universalism, in practice, they were quite content to let impoverished refugees
rot in camps. I could see no other echoes. Of course not, no. No, it's only happened once ever.
Yeah, yeah, definitely we've learned our lesson. And yeah, exactly. The world has definitely
learned its lesson about the corrosive effects of hypocrisy. And so Zionist groups were able to
take over camp administrations and use them as recruiting grounds and to convince and, in fact,
sometimes violently coerce survivors to go to Palestine and in many cases to do the Nakhba.
And I think that these are the concrete reasons, right, that the concept of dookite was so crushed,
so erased, right? Like it was physically erased, you know, violence. But there's something more
than that, even, because, you know, there are many, many movements that are physically crushed
with violence whose memories are vivid and alive and resonant. I think about, like, the Black Panther
party in America, you know, who were subject to the most brutal violence by the state, but who,
you know, remain as legends. And I think the reason that the boons wasn't just physically crushed
by the 20th century, but the reason that it was so ideologically marginalized was because
they always opposed Zionism. From the very first days of their founding, they opposed Zionism
as a capitulation to the same European racists that wanted to kick Jews out of their home. And not only did
they opposed Zionism because many Jewish groups opposed Zionism.
The Satmar Pacific community, where I live, also opposed Zionism.
It wasn't just the Boone's opposition to Zionism that made Zionists so angry.
It's that Zionism is built on this very self-hating dichotomy.
And that dichotomy is that there are diaspora Jews who were weak and that's why they were murdered.
And then there are the brave, big-dict Israeli sabras who are strong.
and bravely oppressing and murdering themselves,
and that's why they live.
And what the Boond did was it shows the lie of that
because the Boond were strong.
They didn't just fight for their right
to stay in Europe with graduate school seminars.
They fought for it with brass knuckles and with guns.
The statement here where we live is our country
isn't something that has the same meaning
as it would mean if I said it in New York City.
Like, of course, New York is my city.
It's fucking awesome.
When they said it, I always felt like there was an implied motherfucker at the end.
Here where we live is our country motherfucker, whether you like it or not.
We are born here and it's ours.
Right.
It's so powerful.
And I'm glad that you mentioned other kind of ideological, like, resonances.
Like the Black Panthers, they don't really exist in the same way anymore, but they're still resonant in like Black Lives Matter.
It brings me to this next question, which is that especially younger Jewish Americans, they increasingly
are questioning, you know, Zionist narratives. And they describe their solidarity with Palestinians,
not as a rejection of Jewish identity, but as an expression of their commitment to universal justice,
and as a rejection maybe of Zionism, but not their Judaism. Do you think that this is a bundist
inheritance, even if unconscious, or is it something new? I think that decent people of all
stripes are seeing what Palestinian journalists and Lebanese journalists have risked their lives
exposing. They're seeing a genocide live streamed on their smartphones and, you know, live streamed by these
amazing journalists, you know, who are living in killing cages. And anyone who's a decent person,
whether you're Jewish or not, will turn away from the ideology that is responsible for that genocide.
So I wouldn't say it's a bundist resonance that's making young people turn against, you know,
Zionist institutions, I think it's just their basic humanity, the same as so many other groups
of people are. And I credited a lot to the amazing work of Palestinians who have done so much work
with so much grace at such huge risks to their lives to be able to tell these stories for the
world to, you know, at least see. However, I think that there's something a little bit different
going on, which is that, you know, young Jews are seeing the Israeli mass murder machine for what
it is. But if they've gone through like the standard issue, you know, like Hebrew school education,
they don't really learn a lot about Jewish history. Like the way you would learn about it would be
ancient kingdoms, the Park Okhba revolt, maybe if you're lucky. And then like a big long, you know,
2,000 year gap of horror and murder where nothing interesting or good ever happened and where you were
just a victim of all of history. And then, you know, glorious creation of the state of Israel,
redemption. Like, that's the sort of bullshit narrative you'd get. And when young Jews reject that
narrative, as they should, you know, when they learn about the reality of what Zionism means,
a lot of them are left to the real hole in them because they haven't, like, learned anything positive
about their own heritage. They've just been fed fairy tales that are meant to, you know,
legitimize this state. And so, you know, there's like a lot of shame, right? A lot of pain over that.
And I think what a lot of young Jewish people are trying to do is they're trying to look back to like their own grandparents and their own great grandparents. And for Jews in America, like most Jews in America come from Eastern European backgrounds. It's a different sort of demographic breakdown than in Israel. And that sort of like Jewish socialism is something that's very, very, very, very present in so many people's family history. Not necessarily that, you know, your grandfather was like the greatest socialist revolutionary in the world, but you
just that he belonged to a socialist garment union and was part of like a socialist mutual aid thing
because that was just the culture that so many American Jews swam it 100 years ago. And so I think
there's this huge rediscover of the boon and of Jewish socialism that's inspired by the rejection
of the sinus genocide. Canadian women are looking for more. More to themselves, their businesses,
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On the one hand, I'm witnessing what you're saying.
You know, like we're all kind of witnessing. Like you said, it's not specifically to the Jewish
community, but because the Jewish community has been fed, you know, this idea that Israel is so
integral to their Jewishness and to their safety and to these kinds of things, there is a very
maybe specific way that they are metabolizing that or acting out against it. But at the same time,
you know, we've seen a number of different polls, including most recently the Jewish federations
of North America, they put out polling results, where 37%
identified as non-Zionists and 7% of their polling identified as anti-Zionists.
But it was an interesting poll because it's like both people who were like critical of Israel
and those who were supportive of Israel took it to mean that it, you know, confirmed their,
their biases. Because despite the fact that the genocide has happened and is happening,
that anti-Zionism component hasn't really risen very much. And then still a lot of
lot of polls show that, like, people presume Israel is vital to Jewish continuity. So how do you make
sense of that contradiction? Well, that's one question is how do you make sense of that contradiction?
But the second question is, like, do you think rediscovering Bundest like offers a way through it?
I do, actually. I mean, I think that, you know, people have not just but like been fed this idea that
Israel is, you know, like essential for their safety, for continuity, but also that it's like an
essential part of themselves. And I do think that it's very life-affirming and important to know that
you have something better, that you can reject this shitty ideology. I mean, in terms of polls,
I often feel like, I mean, maybe I'm, maybe I'm just wrong about Americans, but I sometimes
feel like people don't even know what the hell they're signing on to with polls. Like,
I will see something where people be like, we want strong borders and to like, you know, deport all
the illegals, but also we fucking hate ICE. And I'm like, you just, you just want, like,
wildly contradictory things. And I wonder, like, how, I don't know, like, how educated people
even are and how much, like, the framing of questions affects what people think. I mean,
I'm trying to think of what to make of it. I mean, I do think, you know, very sadly, like,
there are a large number of, you know, American Jewish people. And in some way, I'm talking,
like, outside of my own experience because my own family's not Zionist. So this is more
and like my speculation type thing. But, you know, they're very progressive. They believe in,
you know, like Medicaid for all. They believe in, you know, they believe the cops shouldn't be
constantly murdering black people as they do in America all the time. They believe even ICE
should be abolished. But they also have this like unthinking, emotional attachment to Israel, even if
they literally hate everything that Israel's doing. And I feel like a lot of those people,
what they'll do is they'll try to blame it on Netanyahu and not on the entire system.
Like I would see people who supported the protests, you know, over the judicial reform,
but they weren't willing to like fully confront the absolute fucking horrors,
not just of the occupation, but of Israel itself.
Yeah, yeah, definitely.
I've also, you know, obviously experienced that kind of block, you know,
where it's easier to blame a particular government than to maybe.
think about, I mean, the specificities of Israel's founding and Israel's ideology, but also, like,
the violent nature of nation states. And, like, just kind of thinking through that, I think can be
a little bit difficult for people. And as someone who works on polling, like, yes, there are so many
contradictions. We take polling to understand the starting points, but that doesn't restrict
our political imagination. Like, that's how I think of it. It's obviously also difficult for people,
to start to kind of maybe disentangle their emotional commitments to the state of Israel,
especially in this moment where there are like white supremacists and Nazis and neo-Nazis
and all sorts of evil people regaining control of all sorts of state institutions
and finding, you know, a great deal of legitimacy and a great deal of traction amongst
the American public.
It's difficult to tell, I think, some parts of the American Jewish community, like, hey, Israel's not a safety valve for you when, in fact, there's so much anti-Semitism now in the United States.
I mean, I feel like it's a self-reinforcing loop, though.
I mean, on one hand, you have Jewish institutions who are literally sticking up this fucking flag of a state that is committed by the ICC of doing genocide.
And, you know, waving that flag around and having soldiers from an army that's doing a genocide speaking there, like honored guests and saying like, this is what it means to be Jewish. It's that we back Israel. And on the other hand, you have these wormy little neo-Nazis like Nick Fuentes, who have always hated Jews and not because of Israel. Nick Fuentes also thinks all women should be put in breeding camps and all black people should be locked behind bars. He hates Jews because he's a neo-Nazi who are
the rightful anger that people have with the ongoing genocide. And they're seeing people's
disillusionment with both political parties who are continuing to provide weapons and QN cover
to Israel. And they're exploiting that. And that's something that fascism has always done,
right? Like fascism has always exploited issues that are popular. It will try to exploit the
desire that people have for peace, for instance. It will try to exploit the desire people
have for economic justice, but instead of, you know, actually giving people economic justice,
they'll just say, oh, it's the Jews, oh, it's the leftist billionaires, or it's George Soros.
And, yeah, like, you absolutely see some of the worst scumbags on earth who are exploiting
the anger that people feel over the genocide in order to worm their way into power and
to warm their way into legitimacy. And I always think about this with Tucker Carlson. I mean,
Yeah. For me, like, okay, like he's like, you know, standard issue. He has anti-Jewish shit. That's like standard issue Christian shit. But like for me, the thing that's so, I hate so much about seeing smart people boost Tucker Carlson is that Tucker Carlson advocates the ethnic cleansing of the United States of immigrants. Ten months ago, he was on Megan Kelly, reying about how he wanted one million people deported in Trump's 100 days. He was even saying, we don't have to put them in detention centers. We can just force them.
a million people, a million people over the border into Tijuana and, quote, let the Mexicans deal with
them. This is hardcore white supremacist ethnic cleansing, and it's not just a speculative thing.
There are tens of thousands of immigrants right now in concentration camps in the U.S.
And the fact that anyone, because he gives good clip on Palestine, thinks that he's their
ally when he would happily support the same ice system that is locking up Palestinians right now is
insane. It's madness. And I just, I mean, I know that people are so traumatized and so heartbroken
and, you know, even being like driven crazy by the ongoing genocide and by the American
enthusiastic collusion with the genocide. But there has to be a certain basic level of solidarity
with other groups who are also under threat, like all the other immigrant communities that are
getting around and I've been putting in concentration camps right now. No, absolutely. I mean,
there has to be a basic minimum level of solidarity and like a basic minimum level of like analysis.
Like yeah, yeah, exactly.
The animating force behind Tucker Carlson is not love for Palestinians or like some, you know, desire for justice or or anything.
You know, so it's like the natural conclusion of a Tucker Carlson is something like the ethnic cleansing that he's asking for.
It has been disturbing to seek and continue to see how people have really convinced themselves that,
This is something to try to capitalize on.
I mean, Tucker Carlson went to the Middle East and people were taking photos with him.
And I'm like, this man hates you.
This man doesn't care about any of these things that you care about.
But like you said, it's just the situation is so bad that people are willing to forego solidarity and basic political truths to engage with someone like him.
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Hi, I'm Bob Pittman, Chairman and CEO of IHeart Media.
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literacy month and the podcast eating while broke is bringing real conversations about money,
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If I'm outside with my parents and they're seeing all these people come up to me for pictures,
It's like, what?
Today now, obviously, it's like 100%.
They believe everything.
But at first, it was just like, you got to go get a real job.
There's an economic component to communities thriving.
If there's not enough money and entrepreneurship happening in communities, they fail.
And what I mean by fail is they don't have money to pay for food.
They cannot feed their kids.
They do not have homes.
Communities don't work unless there's money flowing through them.
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When you listen to podcasts about AI and tech and the future of humanity,
the hosts always act like they know what they're talking about and they are experts at everything.
Here, the Nick Dick and Poll Show, we're not afraid to make mistakes.
What Coogler did that I think was so unique.
He's the writer-director.
Who do you think he is?
I don't know.
You mean it to like the president?
You think Canada has a president.
You think China has a president?
President de la Cruzette.
God, I love that thing.
I use it all the time.
I wrap it in a blanket and sing to it at night.
It's like the old Polish saying,
not my monkeys, not my circus.
Yep.
It was a good one.
I like that saying.
It is an actual Polish saying.
Yeah.
It is an actual Polish saying.
Better version of Play Stupid Games,
win stupid prizes.
Yes.
Which, by the way, wasn't Taylor Swift,
who said that for the first time.
I actually thought it was.
I got that wrong.
Listen to the Nick Dick and Poll show
on the IHeart Radio app,
Apple Podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts.
I mean, you've kind of mentioned it and alluded to it in your answers already about
Jewish institutions like flying Israeli flag and things like that.
Who are the forces today?
What are the institutions today that benefit from something like the Boond and like its
philosophy not being revisited?
And what do they stand to lose if these Buddhist ideas become widely known again?
I mean, I feel like the vast majority of maybe.
mainstream Jewish institutions. I mean, there's obviously like the ADL, right? You know, a ridiculous
group that I almost feel like primarily exists to try to like terrify elderly people so that Jonathan
Greenblatt keeps getting his ridiculously inflated salary and keeps getting to like prance around like
he's important. There's, you know, like the campus Hillel's, right, who claim that they're just,
you know, a neutral thing for Jewish identity, but make it a prerequisite that you're Zionist.
there's just like a vast amount of institutional Jewish groups that are not democratic. They're not
things that we vote for. I did not fucking vote for Jonathan Greenblatt to be appointed my spokesman.
You know, I didn't, I didn't vote for these things. These are institutions led by very wealthy people
that are in no way responsive to young Jews. They're not responsive to like ordinary people.
And they want to keep having their sort of stranglehold on getting to be the,
like spokesmen for these very, very, very diverse communities. And I think that, you know, as the
boon and as other anti-Zionist forms of Jewishness are discovered and rediscovered that these spokespeople
are terrified because, I mean, the biggest thing that they want, that they're so terrified about
is they're terrified about losing the young people. The whole project, it's about, you know,
like this Jewish continuity, they call it. And, you know,
Jewish people like getting married to each other, you know, having having kids like contributing
money to their institutions, you know, maybe making aliyadh to Israel. And if people are like,
no, I reject this. I reject this state that's committing a genocide and I reject this ideology
built on supremacy. And actually it's like fine to live in New York City and to, you know,
live and love and struggle alongside my neighbors. That's directly antithetical to their project. And I think
that's why the boond has not just been erased, but it's mere mention provokes such anger.
Like, sometimes I just look through my comments and it's just these endless fucking comments from
people being like, the boondall died in the Holocaust, L-O-L.
Like, what do you say to this, right?
That's so distrust.
Yeah, the boond was all gassed, L-O-L, you won't use to be gassed, you know, Zionists are thriving.
And I'm like, this is the most psychopathic, talk about self-hating, right, mocking people
for being murdered in the Holocaust, you know.
It's because the Boone's ideology of solidarity, cross-difference, of hyrness, and of socialism
is profoundly threatening.
And honestly, like, what thriving is happening?
Like, people in Israel are terrified.
There are missiles raining down.
Like, a garrison state cannot keep people safe.
No such ethno state can keep people safe.
But, and I'm reminded also from your answer about Ariel Angel's article, I think last
year in Jewish currents, we need new Jewish institutions. I think it's like they see the writing on the
wall that this is something that's going to happen. And with books like yours, with kind of a revisiting of
this history, it only hastens, you know, this kind of political project coming to fruition.
My last question that I have for you is more about the memory project nature of it all.
You write in your book about your great-grandfather. You've already mentioned Samuel Rothbert about
how he painted these memory paintings to kind of resurrect the vanished world of Eastern Europe.
And you've also kind of written this book in the same way. What do you think the relationship is
between this kind of recovery of erased history and building a politics for the present?
Thank you. I mean, I spent seven years on this book. I learned Yiddish. That's wild, by the way.
I know, right? I resented because I studied Arabic for so long and I like had finally gotten like,
I don't want to say good, but mediocre at it. And then I feel like Yiddish pushed it out of my brain.
And I'm just like, no, I want my Arabic back. But yeah, so I studied, I learned Yiddish.
I went to, you know, all the countries that I could that the boon was active in. I wasn't able to go to Belarus or Russia, but I went to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania.
I went to Ukraine during the Russian invasion. I translated so many books. I think I'm probably the only person who has read all five volumes of.
the terrifically boring a Geshechte von Bund official for history. And I felt like I was doing
necromancy. You know, I felt like I was in love with these rebel ancestors, these gun-toting seamstresses,
these lovers on the barricades, these stubborn people who constructed whole worlds out of love
and grit, even when society wanted to crush them, I just like fell in love. And I didn't just
want to resurrect them from a racial because their philosophy was opposed to Zionism,
though that was also part of it, of course. I wanted to resurrect them because the boon were amazing,
because they fought back against every single bastard of their age. They fought for an ethos that was
rooted in human dignity and in human flourishing and freedom, but also in economic justice and leftism.
I just fell in love and I wanted them to live again. And, you know, one of the things that
the powers that B do is that they try to impose themselves onto the past. They try to say,
because we won now, it was inevitable that we would win. It was always going to be like this.
There is no alternative, as Margaret Thatcher said. And what you do when you preserve these rebel
histories is you show that that's not the case. It expands our capacity for fight. It expands our
capacity for imagination. Things could have been differently and people still can change the world.
Yeah, there's nothing inevitable.
And you always have agency.
I think that that's like the thing that, like,
I get goosebumps thinking about when I think about these kinds of people
because they give you so much hope in the present that things could be different.
Thank you so much, Molly.
This has been such an interesting and provocative conversation.
And thank you so much for learning Yiddish and for translating all those books
so that we can read your book and we don't have to do all of that.
Exactly.
So you do not have to suffer through the world's doll list.
socialist prose stylings. Yeah. No, you've done it for us. And I'm so excited for the book. I'll put it in
the show notes. Everybody should read it. Thank you so much, Molly. Thank you so much, Donna.
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