It Could Happen Here - The Māori Fight for Liberation: Part 1 Ft. Andrew
Episode Date: July 18, 2023Andrew is joined by Garrison to talk about the indigenous Polynesian resistance to European assimilation in New Zealand, and more modern Māori struggles against racism and anti-indigenous discriminat...ion since the 1960s.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hello and welcome to It Could Happen Here.
I'm Andrew of the YouTube channel Andrewism.
And hi, this is Garrison.
I've not been on an Andrew episode in a while.
Yeah, it's been a minute. It's been a minute. at this point that Aotearoa or New Zealand is forgotten you know from maps both physical and
mental but those islands contain a rich history of activism that deserves a spotlight you know
much of what I've discovered has been thanks to the academic efforts of Te Ahu.
I hope I'm saying the name correctly.
But their research formed the foundation of my exploration of just some of the 20th century history
behind contemporary Maori struggles for autonomy on the islands.
The story of Maori oppression begins not long after the arrival of European
settlers in the late 18th century. The Treaty of Waitangi, signed in 1840 between the British
Crown and Maori chiefs, was meant to protect Maori rights and ensure a peaceful coexistence.
However, as a bilingual text, it kind of sucked at being bilingual because some of the words in the English treaty did not translate directly into the written Maori language at the time.
And so the Maori text is not an exact translation of the English text, particularly in relation to the meaning of having and ceding sovereignty.
In other words, the full implications of what they were signing was not fully understood.
The concept of private land ownership, as the British understood it, clashed with Maori communal land practices, which led to a significant land loss for Maori communities.
The New Zealand government implemented policies and laws that systematically favoured European settlers,
that systematically favoured European settlers.
And throughout the latter half of the 19th century,
Maori lost control of much of the land that they had owned,
sometimes through legitimate sale,
but often by way of unfair land deals,
settlers occupying land that had not been sold,
or through outright confiscation in the aftermath of the New Zealand Wars.
And New Zealand Wars, whether they're also known as the Land Wars or Maori Wars, were a series of conflicts that took place in Aotearoa
between the indigenous Maori people and the British government and its colonial forces.
These wars spanned from the early 1840s to the late 1870s.
And the underlying cause was that very struggle for land and resources
as European settlers were arriving in increasing numbers
and more and more disputes had arisen over land
ownership and the interpretation of the Treaty of Watangi. The wars were fought on multiple fronts
involving different Maori tribes and regions. Conflicts included the Northern War, the Taranaki
Wars, the Waikato War, and the Tauranga Campaign. And these wars were characterized by a combination
of guerrilla warfare, fortifications,
and conventional military tactics.
The results, as with pretty much all wars,
was the disruption of,
well, in this case,
specifically traditional Maori social structures
and economic systems,
and the results and hardship
for those Maori communities.
And so as the 19th and 20th centuries progressed,
Maori oppression would also manifest
in the suppression of cultural practices
and languages by the government,
as the government aimed to assimilate Maori
into European culture,
because of course, to them,
European culture is considered superior.
Maori children were often forced
into English-speaking schools
where their own language and customs were discouraged. And that also led to a decline in the use and transmission of the Maori language and the loss of cultural identity for many Maori individuals.
This, I think, can be characterized as a cultural genocide.
Moreover, discriminatory practices were prevalent in various areas, including employment in housing and in political representation
Maori people faced significant barriers and discrimination when seeking employment
or housing opportunities they were also underrepresented in political institutions
which limited their ability to advocate for their rights and influence decision-making processes
now the seeds of contemporary Maori activism were sown in the 60s and 70s
struggles were taking place basically from the point of first contact
but Maori activism as we understand it today
really launched with a new fervor in the 60s and 70s
the late 60s and early 70s really marked a turbulent period globally because there was an
upsurge in class conflicts and social activism you know there were the independence movements
and decolonization movements happening all over the world it was a time when people all over
were taking a stand against injustice and fighting for their rights and this wave of
political and social movements also known as the new, had a profound impact on the islands as well.
In New Zealand, as in elsewhere, student activism was really taking shape.
Across the world, students were protesting against the Vietnam War.
In the US, they were advocating for black liberation.
And then there were also social movements that gained momentum, the women's liberation movement the anti-racism movement
the environmentalism movement
and the gay and lesbian rights movement
they were all you know
sparking around the same time
so the new left and out here role
was shaped by these international developments
the late 1960s
had witnessed a surge in student activism
and the emergence of various social movements
again environmentalism
women's liberation
anti-racism etc
and so maori
protest groups were really picking up on those movements and those movements would shape the
mindsets and the actions of maori protest groups during that period they were taking the analysis
and the understanding of of racism and other inequalities faced by maori in a broader context
and so they will align themselves
with class struggle as well
and with the progressive ideal
to the left at large.
So at this point in time
in the Maori struggle,
it was characterized as largely leftist.
That is something that will change later on
as the movements become more heterogeneous.
But for now, it's been mostly leftist even though there were
some power protest groups that were less left-oriented and more just you know national
liberation focused they still saw themselves as part of this broader left movement okay
they were still actively working to incorporate these radical intellectual traditions particularly
marxism and feminism into the maori struggle in the late 1960s there was this very strong
collaboration taking place between pakeha or european new zealanders and pakeha anti-racist
groups and the emerging maori protest movements um One significant event that really brought them together
was the exclusion of Maori rugby players
from the 1960 All Black Tour of South Africa
by the New Zealand Rugby Football Association.
And that decision, of course, sparked widespread opposition
because at the time, South Africa was very much involved in apartheid
and this decision to exclude Maoriori uh rugby players from the team
and from that particular tour uh led to many protests under this banner of no maori no tour
which focused not only on the exclusion of the maori but also on the morality of engaging with
a country practicing apartheid more collaboration would take place in the form of the formation of the Halt All Racist Tours group,
also known as HART, in 1969, which was an umbrella organization that united a couple different voices
and groups, both Maori and Pakeha, in their opposition to racially discriminatory sports tours.
They also involved organizations like CARE, which included young Maori political activists among
its members alongside Pakeha political activists in organizing these panel discussions to address
the position of Maori in New Zealand society. And then while this is going on, there's also the
growth in the influence of individuals like Ngahuia Te Awikotuku and Donna Awatere,
began shedding more and more light on the barriers that
prevented Maori women specifically
from fully participating and contributing
to Maori society.
They were out here criticising
the patriarchal nature of traditional Maori
leadership and advocating for the speaking rights
of Maori women
drawing inspiration from the broader
non-Maori specific
women's liberation movement as well.
So these were like other, were these other movements that were happening in New Zealand
that were kind of working together or this just like part of like a broader trend of these
movements in the 60s? Yeah, so they were starting to collaborate at this point in time. Both Pakeha and Maori political organizations
were beginning to form connections
and spark discussions.
Those Pakeha organizations
obviously being of the leftist variety
and the Maori organizations
being primarily leftists
or primarily align themselves
with leftist causes
and political ideologies.
But from a more like
indigenous perspective and standpoint
and like goals
yeah yeah definitely
alright got it
one particular organization which was formed in the mid 1970s
was created
by Maori women
within the Maori activist organization
Tamatoa who had embraced
a feminist perspective
to analyse the oppression
faced by Maori women particularly.
And this awareness was fuelled
by their experiences of frustration
and anger with the Maori land rights movement.
Because these women are here
and they're struggling for
Maori rights as a whole.
But then also they're facing issues
as women, both in the organization
and in broader society yep so they're fighting to preserve the politics and culture and language of
maori society while also seeking liberation from the oppression that they would face in that maori
society so it's a struggle for both preservation and also reformation of Maori society. Or rather, liberation, preservation, and dare enter. Nocturnum, Tales from the Shadows, presented by iHeart and Sonoro.
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Hi, I'm Ed Zitron,
host of the Better Offline podcast,
and we're kicking off our second season
digging into how tech's elite
has turned Silicon Valley
into a playground for billionaires.
From the chaotic world of generative AI
to the destruction of Google search,
Better Offline is your unvarnished
And at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech
From an industry veteran with nothing to lose
This season I'm going to be joined by everyone
From Nobel winning economists
To the leading journalists in the field
And I'll be digging into why the products you love
Keep getting worse
And naming and shaming those responsible
Don't get me wrong though
I love technology
I just hate the people in charge And want them to get back to building things and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love technology.
I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things
that actually do things to help real people.
I swear to God things can change if we're loud enough.
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Check out betteroffline.com. There was also an increase in strike activity and general class struggle
happening during the late 1960s, which had a significant impact on the political education
of many Maori workers who were fighting for better wages and improved working conditions.
Trade unions were playing a crucial role in providing an organizational base for Maori protest groups,
as demonstrated by the emergence of groups like Te Hoki Oe and the Maori Organization on Human Rights, or MWHR,
both located in Wellington and both strongly connected to trade unions the secretary
in fact of the MWO HR Tama Poata was actively involved in the Wellington Drivers Union
and the New Zealand Communist Party these organizations were advocating for an alliance
yeah between Maori and progressive elements within the working class they view the fundamental
contradiction society as being between labor and capital between workers and progressive elements within the working class. They viewed the fundamental contradiction in society as being between labour and capital,
between workers and bosses or landowners,
and racism was seen as a consequence of class inequality.
And the majority of Maori being working class
were considered an oppressed segment of the working class.
Both Te Okihoi and MWHR promoted the idea
of a unified struggle across racial lines,
focusing more on class-based strategies as the most effective means of addressing racism
and reducing Maori inequality. If you're picking up hints of class reductionism...
Yep, I was actually going to mention that.
Yeah, there are some hints of that in this particular approach,
and you'll see the consequences of that as we progress a bit further through the history.
Could you briefly explain class reductionism in case someone is listening and is unaware of that concept?
idea that the exploitation of labor uh and the exploitation of of the working class by the capitalist class is the fundamental um you know a form of oppression within society and it trumps
all other social divisions all the forms of oppression such as racism or sexism yeah like
when you mentioned like they were viewing like viewing racism as a consequence of capitalism, right?
That puts racism after capitalism, but racism has existed way before capitalism.
It is one of the main drivers of capitalism.
It's not merely a consequence.
It's actually a motivating factor.
Yeah, and particularly their position that focusing on class B strategies would be the most effective means of addressing racism.
Yeah.
What I can see from a particular angle, considering that the majority of Maori were working class at the time,
saying that the best way to alleviate their condition would be to focus on things you do to impact their class position.
Yeah.
That may be true, but then at the same time you also have to consider uh that the racism embedded
within new zealand society you're not going to go away just as a result of the end to that class
based oppression to be fair to the mwhr they were also played an active role in raising awareness
about racism specifically you know in housing, in employment, and in violation generally of Maori political rights.
They also had a very strong stance on issues related to the Treaty of Waitangi,
you know, the alienation of Maori from the land and depletion of resources
and the inability of Maori to access those resources.
Their stance, interestingly enough, was really on sort of reclaiming the
Treaty of Waitangi as a potential foundation for a harmonious and bicultural country,
with the conditions that past injustices were addressed and rectified. However,
like I alluded to earlier, there would be a shift as the movements would progress
the inspirational momentum behind the te hokeoi and mwhr had begun to wane particularly during
the early to mid 1970s and eventually in 1975 the mwhr would merge with Matekite as part of the land rights movement, which marked the end of their separate existence and also led to the rise of brown power.
Welcome, I'm Danny Thrill. Won't you join me at the fire and dare enter?
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Nocturnum, Tales from the Shadows, presented by iHeart and Sonora.
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From ghastly encounters with shapeshifters to bone-chilling brushes with supernatural creatures.
I know you.
Take a trip and experience the horrors that have haunted Latin America since the beginning of time.
Listen to Nocturnal Tales from the Shadows
as part of my Cultura podcast network,
available on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast,
and we're kicking off our second season
digging into how Tex Elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires.
From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose.
This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel winning economists to leading journalists in the field.
And I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse and naming and shaming
those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love technology. I just hate the people in charge
and want them to get back to building things that actually do things to help real people.
I swear to God, things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every week to understand
what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeart
Radio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com.
Hola mi gente, it's Honey German and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again,
the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture, musica, peliculas,
and entertainment with some of the biggest names in the game.
If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities,
artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you.
We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars,
from actors and artists to musicians and creators,
sharing their stories, struggles, and successes.
You know it's going to be filled with chisme laughs
and all the vibes that you love.
Each week, we'll explore everything
from music and pop culture
to deeper topics like identity, community,
and breaking down barriers
in all sorts of industries.
Don't miss out on the fun,
el té caliente, and life stories.
Join me for Gracias Come Again,
a podcast by Honey German,
where we get into todo lo actual y viral.
Listen to Gracias Come Again on the
iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,
or wherever you get your podcasts.
So if brown power
sounds like black power, that's because it's
copied black power. Similar
to the ideologies of black power advocated
by folks like Kwame Ture and
Charles V. Hamilton, Brown Power centred on the complete rejection of the racist institutions and
values of New Zealand society and the belief that group solidarity was essential for effective
collective action and negotiation. The proponents of Brown Power urged Maori people to unite,
to recognise their shared history,
and to foster a sense of solidarity and community.
Significant emphasis was placed on the goal of Maori self-determination,
which involved the ability for Maori to define their own objectives and establish their own distinct organizations and institutions.
So this is like, at this point, brown power,
much like black power,
This is like, at this point, brown power, much like black power, is the opposite of just assimilation or adjustment or cohabitation with existing structures. It is a movement that desired complete autonomy from those systems, from those structures, an association of the freedom of Maori people to exist and not have their
existence imposed upon. The organization, Nga Tamatoa, initially drew inspiration from the
revolutionary faction of the Black Power movement in the US. However, as the group evolved, different
interests and objectives had emerged, which led to a division within the movement. On the one side,
there were the conservative university educated members,
such as Sid and Hannah Jackson, Peter Rikes and Donna Awatere. And on the other side,
there were the more militant proponents of Black or Brown power, like John Ohio, Paul Kutara,
and Ted Neer. Eventually, unfortunately, the more conservative members of tamatoa uh really took center stage
in the movement their strategies diverged from the militants and that they sought change through
alliance with more liberal elements within the ruling class they believed that by implementing
appropriate legal measures ma Maori could achieve prosperity.
So they were really advocating for
welfare and self-help programs
for Maori development.
And in fact, there was even some
belief among them that New Zealand
capitalism, coupled with the
parliamentary political system,
could be rid of racism.
That you could extract racism from capitalism
and then everything would be hunky-dory
interesting
which is like the opposite
of the class reductionism that we mentioned
previously
yeah and I mean this perspective
is exactly
the kind of thing that you see manifest
again and again within
political movements across the world really the interests of
middle class university educated individuals who are more focused on their own individual
advancement within the existing system than an actual thorough critique of the structure and history of that system
and so when you have when you're um fueled by those individual interests and you're focused
on how you can advance in that system in business or in politics whatever the case may be it's very
easy to just you know be like oh well i don't know what you guys are talking about I'm sure once we get the racism out of the way you know
we can all succeed wink wink
but of course
that is a rather
myopic approach
and so as a result of the
centrality of those individuals
and that particular perspective in the movement
the meaning of brown power
as a slogan kind of got watered down.
It became more ambiguous and potentially associated
with either Maori capitalism or revolutionary activity.
Arguably, the same thing could be said for black power.
A lot of people, a lot of advocates of black power
ended up going in the direction of black capitalism,
talented tenth um black business
black wealth that kind of thing um and well we've seen the consequence of that i mean
there are more black billionaires and millionaires than there ever have been in human history but
that doesn't mean racism has been dealt with putting aside the capitalist oriented advocates of brown power on the revolutionary side a new
group would emerge to challenge the system and this group and you're gonna you know gonna pick
up on a little bit of a theme here in terms of inspiration this group was called the Polynesian Panthers. Huh. Interesting.
Established.
Yeah.
They were established in June of 1971,
and they had a membership primarily composed of Pacific Islanders,
such as Samoans, Tongans, and Yuans.
And they drew, obviously, explicitly inspiration
from the Black Panther Party in the United States.
Just a heads up, in Maori, well, in New Zealand,
the Maori and the Pakeha, the Pakeha, the Europeans,
are the two primary groups, right?
But in New Zealand, there are also minorities of other Pacific Islanders,
Samoans and Tongans and Niuans and people from the other smaller islands within Polynesia,
within the, you know,
area from those various islands in Oceania and, um,
in the Pacific ocean. And, uh,
a lot of them had arrived as immigrants, uh,
during the 1960s economic boom that had taken place in New Zealand.
The founders of the Polynesian Panther Party were actually high school students.
They weren't university students, they weren't adults,
they were mostly from working class, first generation families.
That's cool.
And their parents were actually encouraged by the New Zealand government
to migrate as cheap labor during that economic boom.
But of course, as these things go, again, once you've been looking at this history for any significant length of time, you see certain patterns emerge.
So governments are going to invite you like, yeah, yeah, yeah, migrants come, we'll take advantage of your labour.
And then the second there's a downturn, migrants are to blame for everything.
So as the production boom was subsiding in the mid-1970s,
and living conditions were deteriorating,
racism and police harassment against Pacific Islanders became even more prevalent.
And by the way, Pacific Islanders does technically refer to Maori as well.
And the Polynesian Panther Party's position is that Maori are Pacific Islanders does technically refer to Maori as well and the Polynesian Panther Party's position is that
Maori are Pacific Islanders are considered part of the Polynesian Panthers
but I'm speaking specifically about the migrant Pacific Islanders
and their experience here
they're dealing with you know just like the Maori
they're dealing with low wages and poor living conditions
and the government you know being migrants
they're in an even more
precarious position because government had taken a more aggressive stance towards overstayers people
who overstayed on their work visas which put these first generation New Zealanders at risk of
deportation to countries that they had never visited had never known you know being forced
into these precarious circumstances a lot of young Pacific Islanders were living in unsafe neighborhoods and a lot of them felt compelled to join gangs or to stay hidden at home for survival.
And so the Polynesian Panthers really emerged as an alternative option, seeking to provide a more positive path for young people in Pacific Islander communities.
communities. The Polynesian Panthers were particularly influenced by Huey Newton's policy of Black unity and also echoed his distinction between revolutionary and cultural
nationalism when debating the conservative members of Nga Tamatoa. The Panthers identified
the root cause of Pacific Islander oppression within the exploitative social relations of the
capitalist system and so they advocated for a liberation strategy
that involved completely overthrowing the capitalist system
and the social relations and enabled its existence.
And so in practice, this meant that the Panthers expressed solidarity
with other liberation struggles, oppressed groups and activists,
and ultimately aimed for a global revolution.
They worked to empower the Polynesian community
and improve their quality of life.
They organized strikes in factories
with poor working conditions.
They protested outside substandard housing
through the Tenants Aid Brigade.
They established homework centers
to help address educational struggles.
And they focused on raising awareness
of rights and entitlements
among Pacific Islander families
who were often unaware of their legal
protections. In fact, a lot of the Panthers' focus was on assisting individuals who were
caught up in legal issues. They distributed pamphlets that informed people of their rights,
they provided legal aid for court representation, and they organized buses for families to visit
their loved ones in prison.
In fact, the Panthers' support and advocacy earned them the gratitude of prisoners who often contributed a portion of their meager earnings to the movement.
As they shed light on the daily struggles faced by Maori and also other Pacific Islanders,
ranging from land claims to discrimination and police violence,
the Panthers actively worked to unite Maori andific islanders in a pan-ethnic
coalition which contrasted with the viewpoint of negata matoa because they were prioritizing
maori unity above everything else it almost reminds me of the um the way that sometimes in in the US context. There were some organizations,
or rather,
there are some,
to me,
PSYOP organizations
that are attempting now
in the present day
to emphasize
African-American unity
above and before
any other form of
pan-Africanism
or Black unity.
So an insidious seed
to attempt to
distance African-Americans from the rest of
the black diaspora and to uh ferment divisions between african-americans and african um immigrants
or caribbean immigrants um so again the tactics the strategy is the it feels like a canon event at this point that there will always be these um individuals or
groups who are trying to find ways to chop up and to divide uh groups that should be united
and have a lot to gain from being united in a common struggle
the panthers along with many other
Pacific Island youth
were actively working
to support Maori causes
including the 1975 Land March
and the Bastion Point occupation
they became more and more
adept at political lobbying
which became apparent
during the Dawn Raids in the 1970s
and the Springbok Tour of 1981
T. Ness was jailed
for his actions during the tour,
but was eventually released without charge.
And Will Airola Haya,
along with Hone Harawira and others,
were on trial for two years,
only getting off the charge after.
And, you know,
they'll calm your parents here.
Bishop Desmond Tutu,
well-known South African activist,
flew in to be a character
witness
for their
trial
and I think
I'm going to
put a pin on
it there
cover the
seeds of
contemporary
Amari activism
the trade union
movement
brown power
and the
Polynesian
Panthers
and in the
next episode
we'll talk
more about
the development
of the
land rights
movement and the weaknesses others and in the next episode we'll talk more about the development of the land rights movement
and the weaknesses of the Maori struggle in the post-1980s context that's it for now for me
I'm Andrew you can follow me on YouTube at Andrew Azam and support on patreon.com
this has been
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Listen to Nocturnal on the iHeartRadio app,
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Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast.
And we're kicking off our second season digging into tech's elite and how they've turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires.
From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech brought to you by an industry veteran with nothing to lose.
Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts from.
Hey, I'm Jacqueline Thomas,
the host of a brand new Black Effect original series,
Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep
into the rich world of Black literature.
Black Lit is for the page turners,
for those who listen to audiobooks while running
errands or at the end of a busy day. From thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry,
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AT&T, connecting changes everything.