It Could Happen Here - The Māori Fight for Liberation: Part 2 Ft. Andrew

Episode Date: July 19, 2023

Andrew concludes our look at the indigenous Māori struggle for land rights, and the aftermath of Polynesian social justice movements of the 20th century.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

You should probably keep your lights on for Nocturnal Tales from the Shadowbride. Join me, Danny Trejo, and step into the flames of fright. An anthology podcast of modern-day horror stories inspired by the most terrifying legends and lore of Latin America. Listen to Nocturnal on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into tech's elite and how they've turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech

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Hey everyone, and welcome back to It Could Happen Here. In my last part, I spoke a bit about the historical context of the Maori struggle in New Zealand or Aotearoa. I spoke about the seeds of contemporary Maori activism, the involvement of Maori in the trade union movements and the development of Maori women's movements, as well as the development of the brown power slogan and the split between the movements, more radical and more conservative coalitions with the former eventually going on to,

as inspired by the Black Panther Parts in the US, form the Polynesian Panthers. For those unaware, this is It Could Happen Here. I am Andrew of the YouTube channel Andrewism, and I'm joined by... Garrison is also on this Zoom call. As we discuss the Maori Land Rights Movement. Now, the struggle against Maori oppression and racism led to a division within the movement regarding whether the existing political structures could bring about real change or if a complete overthrow of the system was necessary. The failure to address land alienation

through official channels created a sense of pessimism about the government's commitments to Maori rights. The Maori land rights movement emerged from 1975 to 1978, bringing together a diverse range of activists. They sought alliances with workers, both Maori and Pakeha, viewing them as natural allies in the fight against oppression. The common enemy was seen as the racist and capitalist state. The occupation of Bastion Point and subsequent eviction from Bastion Point intensified the direct conflict that the movements were having with the state. It garnered their public support and also their involvement from the Pacquiao left.

The Auckland Trades Council placed a quote-unquote green ban on the area which meant refusing to allow work to commence on the planned subdivision and a North Shore contractor even donated six trucks including two bitumen tankers to help with a planned blockade. The occupation at Bastion Point was followed by arrests at the Raglan Golf Course, and many of those arrested were representatives of various activist groups. The Land Rights Movement and the Struggle Against Racism radicalized a group of Maori women, who were already part of Nga Tamatoa, to go on to form the B B, capital W, capital M Black Women's Movement. In the early 1980s, the Waitangi Action Committee,

Maori People's Liberation Movement of Aotearoa, and the Black Women's Movement emerged as prominent Maori political activist groups, primarily based in Auckland, New Zealand. They continued the protest tradition of Ngāti Amatoa with annual protests to the watangi day celebrations and they even came up with the idea to call it the chiti of waitangi instead of the treaty of waitangi very clever and they also called for a boycott of the celebrations now initially maori activists had collaborated with certain Pakeha anti-racist groups,

but that association was weakened after divisions emerged during the anti-Springbok tour protest in 1981, which, as you may remember from the previous episode, was a protest against the national rugby team's participation in a tour that included apartheid South Africa. The perception was that, at least among Maori, that many Pakeha had failed to recognize the connection between apartheid in South Africa and colonialism and racism in New Zealand. And so the bonds between those two movements were beginning to weaken. You add on top of that a prolonged economic crisis that was taking place in New Zealand during the 1970s, 1980s, as a result, of course, of the inherent tendencies of capitalism,

the government had to grapple with a crisis of political legitimacy and of economic management. And that of course fueled further ethnic and gender inequalities, further social unrest, and worsening economic conditions and increases in unemployment. The upsurge that took place during that time in Maori protest really highlighted the marginalized position that Maori were dealing with in New Zealand society and studies ended up confirming their disproportionately poor educational outcomes, high unemployment rates, low incomes, health issues, high imprisonment rates, low rates of homeownership and dependence on the state.

While some Maori activists had sought strategies to challenge the system and address these inequalities, others ended up pursuing struggles that posed little threat to the state and failed to address the root causes of economic and social crises inherent to capitalism. The initial focus of Maori cultural nationalism was on securing Maori studies and language programs in the educational system however the movement eventually shifted its emphasis towards rediscovering Maori history and culture more broadly and along the way there was less emphasis on putting together a robust political movement and robust strategies for broader social change. And while earlier movements had a very clear focus on left-wing politics, it's also around this time that we see a shift towards a broader range of politics, including right-wing.

One of the most important works in the Maori actress movement at the time was Donna Awatere's Maori Sovereignty, published in 1984. And that book was really less of a critique of right-wing racist politics and more of a critique of left social movements, which according to Awatere was committed to a status quo characterized by white supremacy and Maori subordination. And she was calling everybody out. She was calling out Pakeha activists,

whether they be feminist, trade unionist, socialist, or otherwise otherwise she called them all out as being committed to this status quo of white supremacy and maori subordination around this time there was also a growing sense that pakeha society was intrinsically based in competition, exploitation, material success, as opposed to Maori society and Maori values, which culturally was more communal, more collaborative, and more focused on the wellness of the whole. And so the solution was seen as really emphasising cultural consciousness. But the emphasis on cultural consciousness alone often led Maori

away from political activism and towards purely cultural vitalist pursuits. In 1984, the fourth Labour government was elected and it sought to address the rise in Maori protests by enhancing the status of Maori culture specifically and incorporating Maori representation and practices within state institutions. This approach is known as biculturalism and it extended the jurisdiction of the Waitangi Tribunal and incorporated Maori personnel and cultural symbolism into government institutions. into government institutions. For those who may have missed it, the Waitangi Tribunal was basically an institution set up to deal with specific cases

of violations of the Waitangi Treaty. And so by extending the jurisdiction of the Waitangi Tribunal, by incorporating more Maori into positions of government and of power, this gave this illusion of a partnership and it ended up

satisfying some of the maori demands for self-determination but at the same time and again echoes to other movements around the world you see that the government cedes certain ground but it does so so it doesn't lose other fights it pretends to lose certain battles so that it can win the war right because in conceding to more reformist demands of the movement it allowed them to marginalize and to disempower the movement's more radical demands and it allowed them to you know put forward this pr face of doing a good thing for the Maori community while not actually challenging the underlying social relations of racist and capitalist society basically the state's adoption of ethnic rhetoric and co-optation of Maori elites into state

institutions served to appease a decent portion of Maori protests while maintaining the status quo. Welcome, I'm Danny Threl. Won't you join me at the fire and dare enter Nocturnum, Tales from the Shadows, presented by iHeart and Sonora. An anthology of modern-day horror stories inspired by the legends of Latin America. From ghastly encounters with shapeshifters to bone-chilling brushes with supernatural creatures.

I know you. with supernatural creatures. I know you. Take a trip and experience the horrors that have haunted Latin America since the beginning of time. Listen to Nocturnal Tales from the Shadows as part of my Cultura podcast network available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into how tech's elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, better offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose. This season I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel-winning economists to leading journalists in the field, and I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong though, I love technology.

I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things that actually do things to help real people. I swear to God things can change if we're loud enough. So join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app,

Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. Hola, mi gente. It's Honey German, and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again, the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture, musica, peliculas, and entertainment with some of the biggest names in the game.

If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities, artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you. We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars, from actors and artists to musicians and creators, sharing their stories, struggles, and successes. You know it's going to be filled with chisme laughs and all the vibes that you love. Each week we'll explore everything from music and pop culture to deeper topics like identity, community, and breaking down barriers in all sorts of industries. Don't miss out on the fun, el té caliente, and life stories. Join me for Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German,

where we get into todo lo actual y viral. Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. or wherever you get your podcasts. Now, after the Labour government had introduced the Treaty of Waitangi Amendment Act, which expanded the powers of the Waitangi Tribunal in 1985, the Waitangi Tribunal actually had very little power when it came to enforcing its recommendations. So it would hear out these cases of land theft.

It would hear out, you know, these Maori individuals or groups would invest a lot of time and energy and resources into their land claim cases. The tribunal would find them correct. It's like, oh yeah, they did steal from you. You probably should get that land back. But the only thing is, we can't really help you the tribunal which was set up to help with these cases did not actually have the power to enforce its recommendations to actually enforce the settlements that came to it was toothless so it really ended up being a waste of energy and at the same time the labor government was doing some economic restructuring to reduce government expenditure and implement an economic plan to restore profitability, which included measures like deregulation, privatization, dismantling of the welfare state.

Again, echoed, this is neoliberalism 101. Thatcher, Reagan, all of them. because the claims that were made to the Waitangi Tribunal and the recommendations made by the tribunal posed obstacles to that sale of state-owned enterprises and that further restructuring the economy towards more neoliberal ends there was a growing sense within the government that this was quote-unquote special treatment for Maori and the political costs associated with the tribunal was just causing too much headache for the government. And so by 1989, just four years after they introduced that act, under the immense pressure of, you know,

these Maori people getting in the way of their ability to neoliberalize, the Labour government ended up downplaying the way of their ability to neoliberalize. The Labour government ended up downplaying the significance of its treaty policy. And while that's going on, the government is co-opting key individuals in the Maori protest movement through various negotiations and consultations. More and more of this quote-unquote Maori elite was being brought into the fold of the state, All of this quote unquote Maori elite was being brought into the fold of the state, came in privileged positions and wealth. And so they became insulated from the grassroots Maori struggle.

The following government, not the Labour government, but the national government, also sought to restore, you know, profitable investment in the New Zealand economy and to address some of the uncertainty created by the treaty claims. in the New Zealand economy and to address some of the uncertainty created by the treaty claims. And so they went to the Maori elite, did their little negotiations, and they decided to settle certain claims to the fisheries around New Zealand. And that became known as the Sea Lords deal, which caused a lot of headache and anger and division within the Maori community because of the lack of transparency and democracy in these negotiations. The deal was made between the New Zealand government and a group of Maori corporate entities known as the Sea Lord Group in 1992. And under this agreement, the Sea Lord Group, which was said to represent Maori interests, acquired a 50% stake in Sea Lord, which is a major seafood

company in New Zealand. The other 50% remained with the Japanese fishing company, Nisui. And so the deal was seen as a resolution, like, yeah, we pat ourselves on the back. The Maori were making these claims over fishery resources. So we met up with some Maori businessmen and gave them a 50% stake in sea lord problem solved right now you know they will get some commercial benefits from the fishing industry but no more than 50% though of course as a result a lot of Maori were arguing that no this does not adequately address our grievances the settlement is not sufficient and on top of that why are you going to make any backrooms deals uh and not consulting the community as a whole

the positions or the opinions of one does that represent all of us and it's actually kind of similar to what was happening during the initial stages of the land theft that was taking place um New Zealand's colonization. Because when I mentioned in the first part that some of the land was sold legitimately, what I mean by that is certain Maori individuals saw an opportunity to profit by screwing over everybody else in their community. So they would claim, oh yeah, this is my land. Completely disregarding the fact that this is communal land

and it has been for generations. This is my land. So I will sell it to you. You give me the money. And so I, you know, profit and everybody else had a suck so. I see kind of seeing that mirrored in this 90s context and then at this time with the divisions in the maori community over the decisions made by these maori elites they were even further division strained by some negotiations that were also taking place

for the government's one billion dollar fiscal envelope which is an attempt to evoke a full and final settlement of all remaining treaty of itangi claims basically the government was saying here here have some have some money get out of the way shut up that's it so-called reparations right and so there's another upsurge of maori protests and you know more people were frustrated and there was greater desperation because there was really a lack of options for resolving the grievances that they were dealing with. Some of the protests were continuing the struggle of the land rights movements in the 1970s, but others were challenging the decision-making power of the Iwi bodies. The Iwi bodies, by the way, are the largest representative bodies of Maori in Aotearoa. They're like mega tribes. And so there was an increasing frustration

among some Maori of, you know, these representative bodies' inability to accurately represent them. And another key component to this division was the fact that the more middle class elements, middle class professional elements of the Maori population were enjoying an expansion opportunities and were growing in wealth and prestige. But they were leaving behind the working class Maori population, which was still struggling

the same way they had been for decades. The policies of both the Labour government and the national government disproportionately impacted working class Maori communities. And the movement that was supposed to represent them had lost sight of them and their interests. There was a lack of inter-movement solidarity, of pushing for fundamental social change instead of these individual changes and there was a sense of crumblings internal cohesion some Maori activists such as Te Ahu who like I said in my first part I drew primarily from their work when researching this particular history and they were very critical of that

historical period and particularly of the personalization of the conflict for liberation and so their position was that by focusing on individual relationships and prejudices rather than challenging the systemic structures perpetuating oppression, it left the struggle to be fought on this individual level while the larger system was left unaddressed. And particularly because, you know, in the 80s, there was a shift away from class struggle as a central component of the Maori struggle. Middle class and wealthy Maori interests were dominating the conversation

and their interests were exclusively in cultural nationalism with no real room for working class struggle for class struggle in any form and then part of that whole strategy and that whole focus on exclusively cultural nationalism would attempt to throw everybody under this one under this broad brush right the wealthy neoliberal Maori politicians would be in the same vein as the impoverished and unemployed working-class Maori despite their clear differences in access to economic and political power and so this notion of Maori as a homogenous group with identical experiences and political aspirations, disregarding the diversity within Māori society and the conflicting political strategies within

Māori communities, would really weaken the cohesion of the struggle as a whole. and I don't know how else to say this except there needs to be a recognition of racial struggle, of gender struggle, of class struggle, of struggles for ability and disability justice, like intersectionality.

It's really so simple. Cultural nationalism has its place, but it's very insufficient and very easily co-optable. That's why the new African anarchist Ashanti Alston says that we must go beyond nationalism even if we don't go without it that's why i've made a whole video on the subjects of nationalism or more specifically national liberation for oppressed groups you see it's a tool that oppressed people can use in their struggle but it's not enough and focusing too much on it leaves a lot of exploitable gaps in one's analysis. Again, it's a tool, it's not an end in itself. It does little to change material realities. Welcome, I'm Danny Trejo.

Won't you join me as the fire and dare enter? Nocturnum, Tales from the Shadows, presented by iHeart and Sonora. An anthology of modern day horror stories inspired by the legends of Latin America. From ghastly encounters with shapeshifters to bone-chilling brushes with supernatural creatures. I know you. Take a trip

and experience the horrors that have haunted Latin America since the beginning of time. Listen to Nocturnal Tales from the Shadows as part of Michael Duda Podcast Network, available on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline Podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into how tech's elite has turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires. From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech from an industry veteran with nothing to lose.

nothing to lose. This season, I'm going to be joined by everyone from Nobel-winning economists to leading journalists in the field, and I'll be digging into why the products you love keep getting worse and naming and shaming those responsible. Don't get me wrong, though. I love technology. I just hate the people in charge and want them to get back to building things that actually do things to help real people. I swear to God things can change if we're loud enough, so join me every week to understand what's happening in the tech industry and what could be done to make things better. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts. Check out betteroffline.com. Hola mi gente, it's Honey German and I'm bringing you Gracias, Come Again,

the podcast where we dive deep into the world of Latin culture, musica, peliculas, and entertainment with some of the biggest names in the game. If you love hearing real conversations with your favorite Latin celebrities, artists, and culture shifters, this is the podcast for you. We're talking real conversations with our Latin stars, from actors and artists to musicians and creators, sharing their stories, struggles, and successes.

You know it's going to be filled with chisme laughs and all the vibes that you love. Each week, we'll explore everything from music and pop culture to deeper topics like identity, community, and breaking down barriers in all sorts of industries. Don't miss out on the fun, el té caliente, and life stories. Join me for Gracias Come Again, a podcast by Honey German, where we get into todo lo actual y viral.

Listen to Gracias Come Again on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Teahu in their piece had said that while, and I'm quoting him, while culture and identity remain absolutely essential to Maori social well-being, it does not automatically follow that cultural identity alone should provide the organisational basis for the fight against racism and Maori disadvantage. Because identities are blurred and multiple, any fight against Maori oppression must be based upon building the strongest possible liberation movement

by uniting different oppressed groups into a common struggle. This is essential because true liberation for Maori will not occur without a fundamental transformation of capitalist society and the creation of a classless society in which there is real women's liberation, gay and lesbian liberation, and freedom from racism." Historical evidence has shown that the political movements based solely on the identity of the participant can be very uh diverse let's just say on the spectrum um there are reactionary and there are revolutionary segments of pretty much every national liberation movement from black power to free palestine because when the focus is on cultural or national liberation there is a lot of room to adopt a variety of approaches and a variety of political aims. There's also a lot of room for middle-class interests to dominate as they have a lot more

time and resources to contribute and take over the rhetoric and the messaging of the causes. Another example of that can be seen in the feminist movement, which in a lot of ways diverge from the struggle of working-class women towards the more niche interests of you know the girl bosses who were facing genuine hurdles uh in their climb up the corporate ladder um but in focusing on those instances there was a loss of the needs of working class women and the precarious position that when as a whole are still in Maori political activism has always been diverse you know there's a wide range of strategies campaigns and participants there's not a unified movement but is a heterogeneous force with both

radical and conservative elements each pursuing different methods to achieve their objectives. There is no unanimous agreement on the vision of Tino Rangatiratanga, which is the Maori term for Maori self-determination. Tino Rangatiratanga can be associated with Maori capitalism, electoral power, cultural nationalism, or revolutionary activity. In the past, some activists had believed that fundamental transformation of the system was necessary for liberation, and so they rejected reformism. But the landscape has changed. While some still advocate for constitutional changes and electoral politics to address systemic issues, some influential tribal executives and

corporate warriors have even gone as far as to argue that Maori can only achieve true self-determination and liberation through unrestricted free market capitalism. The objectives of Tino Oranga-Tiratanga promoted by different groups are contradictory because there is no homogeneity in the Maori struggle. But I hope that the takeaway here has been clear and that is the need for a clear intersectional approach to revolution in our struggle against racist, sexist, capitalist, racist, sexist, capitalist, etc. society. The Maori movement is still ongoing and though the focus of these two parts has been primarily on the current or rather has been primarily on the struggle of the 60s, 70s, 80s and early 90s, Maori liberation has not been found. Tino Rangatiratanga has not been achieved.

And there's still a long way to go. That's it from me. Again, I'm Andrew from the YouTube channel, Andrewism. You can find me there and you can support on patreon.com slash stdrew. This has been It Could Happen Here.

It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media. For more podcasts from Cool Zone Media, visit our website, coolzonemedia.com or check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can find sources for It Could Happen Here updated monthly at coolzonemedia.com slash sources. Thanks for listening.

You should probably keep your lights on for Nocturnal Tales from the Shadow Broth. Join me, Danny Trails, and step into the flames of riot. An anthology podcast of modern-day horror stories inspired by the most terrifying legends and lore of Latin America. Listen to Nocturno on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hi, I'm Ed Zitron, host of the Better Offline podcast, and we're kicking off our second season digging into tech's elite and how they've turned Silicon Valley into a playground for billionaires.

From the chaotic world of generative AI to the destruction of Google search, Better Offline is your unvarnished and at times unhinged look at the underbelly of tech brought to you by an industry veteran with nothing to lose. Listen to Better Offline on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, wherever else you get your podcasts from. Hey, I'm Jacqueline Thomas, the host of a brand new Black Effect original series, Black Lit, the podcast for diving deep into the rich world of Black literature. Black Lit is for the page turners, for those who listen to audiobooks while running errands

or at the end of a busy day from thought-provoking novels to powerful poetry we'll explore the stories that shape our culture listen to black lit on the black effect podcast network iheart radio app apple podcast or wherever you get your podcasts at&t connecting changes everything