Jack - Saint Driscoll
Episode Date: February 9, 2025Multiple FBI agents filed a lawsuit against the department of justice to stop them from compiling and releasing lists of agents who worked on January 6th cases.Trump’s nominee to lead the FBI, Kash ...Patel, took a $25,000 payment from a Kremlin- connected filmmaker for his work on an anti-western documentary that aired on Tucker Carlson's online network.Attorney General Pam Bondi issued a flurry of memos this week including one that disbands the Foreign Influence Task Force, greatly limiting criminal prosecution and focusing instead on civil enforcement.Acting director of the FBI Brian Driscoll pushes back against Trump's DoJ. Questions for the pod Submit questions for the pod herehttps://formfacade.com/sm/PTk_BSogJ Follow AG Substack|MuellershewroteBlueSky|@muellershewroteAndrew McCabe isn’t on social media, but you can buy his book The ThreatThe Threat: How the FBI Protects America in the Age of Terror and TrumpWe would like to know more about our listeners. Please participate in this brief surveyListener Survey and CommentsThis Show is Available Ad-Free And Early For Patreon and Supercast Supporters at the Justice Enforcers level and above:https://dailybeans.supercast.techOrhttps://patreon.com/thedailybeansOr when you subscribe on Apple Podcastshttps://apple.co/3YNpW3P
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MSW Media.
Multiple FBI agents filed a lawsuit against the Department of Justice to stop them from compiling and releasing lists of agents who worked on January 6 cases.
Trump's nominee to lead the FBI, Kash Patel, took a $25,000 payment from a Kremlin-connected filmmaker for his work on an anti-Western documentary that aired on Tucker Carlson's
online network.
The newly minted Attorney General, Pam Bondi, issued a flurry of memos this week, including
one that disbands the foreign influence task force, greatly limiting criminal prosecution
and focusing instead on civil enforcement.
And an unlikely hero emerges
as acting director of the FBI, Brian Driscoll, the Driz,
pushes back against the Trump administration.
All of this and more on today's episode of Unjustified.
Hey everybody, I'm Alison Gill. And I'm Andy McCabe.
We have a lot to discuss today.
I'm not even sure we're going to be able to get through all of it, but we're going to
try to get to some listener questions at the end.
But this is Unjustified.
The episode airs Sunday, February 9th.
Little sorry to our patrons.
I was out of the country so
we had to record this on Saturday. So let's clarify that a little bit. You
were out of the country voluntarily. You were not pursued out of the country.
Correct. I am now returning to the country. So it's probably going to be
pretty late Saturday night when you get this. I do apologize because I know that
that's one of the perks that you signed up for, but I did have a much needed
margarita or two and I didn't want to record under the influence.
Nice, nice. A good decision under any circumstance, but also good decision taking a little bit
of a break because you certainly deserved it. I'm sure nobody's going to begrudge you
that. Oh, thank you
Thank you everyone. If you do have questions you want to submit to us
There's a link in the show notes. You can send in any questions that you have
For me or Andy now, let's talk a little bit before we get into some of the
More wonky parts of the news this week. I want to talk about Brian Driscoll
He's emerged as kind of an unlikely
hero here. He's not, first of all, he's not even supposed to be the acting director, right?
That's right. Trump messed him up on the website and put a guy named Kassein, who was supposed to
be the director, put him as the deputy director and put Driscoll as the director.
And they just kind of looked at each other and shrugged and said, well, I guess we'll
just switch offices.
And so yeah, it's just classic FBI.
I mean, you're getting like a insider's view as to how we stumble forward sometimes despite
ourselves.
But yeah, so Cassine's maybe a little more well known was the SAC of the Counterterrorism Division
in the New York field office,
and had been an SAC for a little while.
Driscoll had literally become an SAC five days
before they made him inadvertently acting director.
He was running the hostage rescue team,
which is of course the team of
special operators that lives down at Quantico and deploys to do things like, you know, get the boy
out of the bunker or travel overseas and work with our special forces colleagues to do the work we do
on the counterterrorism fronts around the globe. And so he had been promoted to the SAC of the Newark field office for
I think five days before he got the nod to be acting deputy director. And then of course,
the White House messed up the paperwork and the public announcement reversed the names
by accident. And then they were just like, oh, well, who cares anyway, it doesn't matter.
They let it be. Yeah. And we also have another guy over at the New York field office named, I believe, Dennehy,
who was kind of putting the message out like, everybody dig in.
And so there was seemingly a little bit of resistance from what's happening in the Trump
administration there.
And a lot of this started with the fact that, you know, we talked about this last week,
Donald Trump, we saw it kind of happening in real time, wanted the names of all of the FBI agents that worked on his cases. And then
that got expanded in an email actually sent out by Driscoll to all FBI agents that he's
been asked to compile a list of all agents that worked on any January 6th case across
the country. And we're talking thousands of potential agents who did that.
And so according to some inter-office chats among agents, somebody witnessed Driscoll
when a Department of Justice person in a White House proxy showed up to get that list of
names or ask for it.
And apparently Driscoll pushed back pretty vociferously and actually
told according to some agents who may or may not have witnessed the interaction, told them
to fuck off. That was an interesting bit of message that got out. The Washington Post
reported on it, NBC picked it up. Not sure about that. But what is clear is that he's pushing back on
this because when he did supply that list of names and he did send an email out saying,
you know, hey, I was told I had to do this. I've provided the names. But he actually told
everyone in this email, hey, I didn't give the names. I gave what's called a unique employee
ID. So Andy, what was in that email he sent out to his colleagues and what's a unique
employee identification number?
Sure. So that's just a number assigned to every employee. So every employee has an employee
file, right? That's uploaded into the FBI system, just
like it would be at any large organization.
And each file has an identifying number.
I would expect those are the numbers that we're talking about here.
It's also possible that they just assigned a random number to the names on the list and
then held back the actual identities and have like essentially a key where you could decode any individual number associated to the actual ID after the fact as needed.
That's my guess or they maybe use the employee personal file numbers, but either way they
didn't provide the name.
So Driscoll's-
Making it hard for them.
Making it really difficult for them to figure out who these agents are.
That's right. Yeah. So let's talk about the email first. So this is what Driscoll said in his email, he said, consistent with my commitment to be transparent with you. I write this afternoon to provide you with another update on our engagement with the Department of Justice regarding the department's memo dated January 31st, 2025. That memo directed the FBI to provide lists by noon today of quote, all current and former FBI personnel assigned
at any time to investigations and or prosecutions relating
to one, events that occurred at or near
the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021
and two, United States versus Haneeah.
Now sidebar, note that the DOJ demand was FBI personnel.
So this is a list that's not exclusive to FBI agents.
It could also include FBI analysts or specialists
who do kind of specialized kind of functions in the bureau.
Like we have people who help us analyze data that we see is from search warrants or...
Right, that wasn't going to be my question.
So like the...
Yes, cyber specialists, things like that.
Somebody said, crack this phone or find out where this phone was on this day
and the guy's just sitting in his office like, okay, and he just gives that information.
Exactly.
If you executed a search warrant at a January 6th defendant's home, you could just get pulled
into that.
You might be a violent crimes agent, had nothing to do with any of this stuff, but they needed
an extra body on that search warrant, so you went out.
Or maybe you're a CART examiner, which is like these cyber trained folks who go out
and help us do things like download computers during the, you know, during the search warrant.
So we don't have to actually take the computer. We just take a mirror image of it.
So people who by no, you know, literally were involved in these cases simply because they were asked, maybe had no knowledge of it or no role in the investigation other than that. Okay, so the email goes on to say,
I understand that our response continues to be a cause
for concern and confusion among the thousands of employees
on the lists and thousands more concerned
for the wellbeing of our FBI family.
We have sent our response to the Department of Justice
as required and I want to explain what we have provided.
We are extremely sensitive to protecting the personal safety
and security of our personnel.
Therefore, the data we provided identified employees only by unique employee identifier,
their current title, their title at the time of the relevant investigation or prosecution,
the office to which they are currently assigned, their role in the relevant investigation or
prosecution, and the date of last activity related to the
investigation or prosecution.
We also made clear in our letter that consistent with our oath as FBI employees to uphold the
U.S. Constitution and federal law, we are assigned to matters purely based on the responsibilities
of our jobs.
Case assignments have never reflected a choice on behalf of any individual.
Our personnel are directed to work on specific matters
and, in fact, can be charged with misconduct
for failure to do work to which they are assigned.
I want to be clear again, as I have stated consistently,
that the FBI does not consider anyone's identification
on one of these lists as an indicator of misconduct.
The lists simply reflect that an FBI employee
was assigned to an appropriately authorized and predicated matter at a moment in time.
I want to thank you for your continued commitment to our mission, to our partners, and to each
other. Day after day, you are out there protecting the American people and upholding the Constitution.
We remain in your debt.
Yeah. So I think that's really important that he drove home the point that you were making
earlier that, you know, these FBI agents or analysts or specialists are just pulled in
and said, do this thing or testify here that you did this thing, right? Because we saw
a lot of folks, you know, when you get the data from the phone, you have to come in and have an expert testify in court from the FBI that this is how they got this data.
This is what it means.
This is why it's verifiable, et cetera.
So anybody like that, you're pulled in and told.
And I think it's interesting that he's like, nobody does this just voluntarily.
And you can actually get in a lot of trouble if you don't do what we ask you to do.
That's right.
You learn day one in Quantico, we all serve the needs of the Bureau.
The needs of the Bureau.
You will hear that phrase, the needs of the Bureau reiterated 10,000 times during the
course of your career.
Because it basically it's like saying, hey, tough shit.
You do what the Bureau needs you to do,
not what you want to do.
So the other thing that I would think
is important to point out here, I absolutely, totally
approve and applaud what Brian Driscoll did here.
Mad respect for this guy.
He stepped up, put himself in considerable danger
or risk of getting fired, and tried to push back in
whatever way he could.
The end of the day though, DOJ is asking for some employee information.
They're going to get that.
It is not on its face, illegal or improper for them to ask for employee information.
We provide employee information to the DOJ all the time, maybe for something like awards,
you know, a list of people who worked on a case that are up for the AG awards or to the DOJ all the time, maybe for something like awards, you know, a list of people who worked on a case that are up for the AG awards or to the IG who is investigating specific
allegations of misconduct.
So what Driscoll is doing here is totally appropriate for standing up for his people
and trying to protect them with by not immediately identifying them.
But he's also playing for time.
He knows that eventually he's going
to have to do what they're asking him to do.
But I see this as kind of a strategic move
to kind of delay the harm that might come from what DOJ would
do with this information.
That's where the bad part comes in.
Not the request for it, but what they are likely
going to do with it.
And he's trying to hold that off in an effort
to give people a little time to organize,
maybe think about getting together around lawsuits,
injunctions, things like that.
So I think it was a great move,
but I think people who hoped like this would be the end
of it were probably a little bit disappointed, but Driscoll did the right thing here.
Yeah, I agree. It kind of reminds me of that CIA sabotage manual from World War II that's
been going around. Create subcommittees, always use channels, slow the work down. I keep saying in my head, autocrat meet bureaucrat. This
is what we do here. Yeah, here's a list. It's all numbers. Good luck.
Good luck. There's no punctuation. So good luck reading it.
It was kind of like when they knew the FBI was doing the background check on Kavanaugh
and they knew that nothing that they found was going to get past the White
House because it was an expanded background track and the White House was the client,
that they're like, all right, we'll open up a tip line. And then they just dumped like
4,500 tips on the White House's front steps. And we're like, here you go, buddy. Because
they were ordered not to investigate those further and they have to follow those orders.
But then the incredible thing happened here.. I think the acting Deputy Attorney General, acting
Assistant Attorney General, Boves, Emil Boves.
I can't remember what position he's in right now.
He's acting Deputy Attorney General.
The DAG, Deputy Attorney General,
is well known as the second most powerful person
in the Department of Justice, right after the AG.
He's the Rod Rosenstein of this novel.
Exactly.
So, Emil Bove, by the way, Trump's personal lawyer, actually was very angry about this
list of numbers instead of names.
And you know, the FBI's major concern is that these names will be published and put out
to everyone in America and that would put these agents and analysts
and FBI employees in danger because that's what Trump does.
So then Boves, I guess, told Driscoll to send out an email.
He wanted him, he wanted Driscoll to send this email out to all of the FBI.
And it says Driscoll's intro to Boves email says acting deputy attorney general
Emil Boves asked that we send the below email out to you. Thanks for your continued commitment
to our mission. I continue to be humbled by the incredible work you do every day to keep
the American people safe. And I'm honored to serve alongside you, which I thought is
an it was a nice touch. Stay safe, Brian Driscoll, acting director. So here's the email that
Driscoll had to forward
from Beauvais to his people.
Colleagues, I write with additional information
regarding the memo I sent out to the FBI's acting director
on January 31st.
Multiple times during the week of January 27th,
I asked the FBI's acting leadership
to identify the core team in DC
responsible for the investigations
relating to events of January 6th.
The purpose of the request was to permit the Justice Department to conduct a review of
those particular agents' conduct pursuant to President Trump's executive order concerning
weaponization in the prior administration.
FBI acting leadership, Driscoll and Cassane, refused to comply.
That insubordination necessitated, among other things, the directive
in my January 31, 2025 memo to identify all agents assigned to investigations relating
to January 6. In light of acting leadership's refusal to comply with the narrower request,
the written directive was intended to obtain a complete data set that the Justice Department
can reliably pare down to the core
team that will be the focus of the weaponization review pursuant to the executive order.
The memo stated unambiguously, and I stand by these words, that the information requested
was intended to, quote, commence a review process, unquote, that will be used to, quote,
determine whether any additional personnel actions are necessary, unquote.
Let me be clear, no FBI employee who simply followed orders
and carried out their duties in an ethical manner with respect
to January 6 investigations is at risk of termination
or other penalties.
The only individuals who should be concerned
about the process initiated by my January 31 memo
are those who acted with corrupt or partisan
intent, who blatantly defied orders from department leadership, or who exercised discretion in
weaponizing the FBI. There is no honor in the ongoing efforts to distort that simple truth
or protect culpable actors from scrutiny on these issues, which have politicized the Bureau,
harmed its credibility, and distracted the public from the excellent work being done
every day. If you have witnessed such behavior, I encourage you to report it through appropriate
channels.
In closing, I'm extremely grateful for the service and sacrifices of those at the FBI's
ranks who have done the right thing for the right reasons. You will be empowered to do
justice as we work together to make America safe again. I'm very much
looking forward to continuing to work with you." So I think like five times he's
bashed Driscoll in this email. I came in on January 27th and asked for all the
names. You wouldn't give them to me. That's why I put out that memo. You're in
subordination is why we're conducting this review
Right. It's just like and then he goes to Driscoll and has Driscoll who he's
Calling out for insubordination
Send this information to the rest of the FBI
Which was such a misfire because all he's doing is adding to the growing
Legend of the Driz, right?
It's such an honor to be accused in subordination by a political loser like Emile Beauvais.
So a couple things I got to point out here.
Despite the fact that he throws this out there as some way to kind of like ease people's
fears about his original data call message, Let's remember that that message, the subject line was termination.
So the data call is what it is, Emil. There's no hiding it. There's no like, no, we were
just opening a review process to make sure everybody wasn't corrupt. But yeah, termination. And then, right. And so then he's, he says here, the only individuals who should be concerned
about the process are those who acted with corrupt or partisan intent. Okay, so what
does that mean? If you, I don't know, I don't know what that means. If you voted Democrat
or if you don't like the fact that the Capitol was attacked, and
how are you going to prove someone's partisan intent other than taking this massive list
of now we know over 5,000 individuals, employees of the FBI, and subjecting it to some sort
of review against what their statements on social media, their political affiliation or maybe donations to
political groups that are disfavored now. And then this other thing, people who blatantly
defied orders from department leadership. There are no people in the field and the FBI
who are, first of all, getting direct orders from the Department of Justice. They follow
the orders of their supervisors in the field.
They don't even listen to headquarters at the FBI.
The idea that there's this band of diehard leftist partisans in the FBI field who are
out there showing the finger to department leadership and targeting Republicans for political reasons
is absurd.
This is a fever dream of people like Emile Bové and our current president.
What happens is they get assigned to work cases that are lawfully predicated, or maybe
let's say to execute a search warrant or an arrest warrant that's been signed by a federal
judge. It's not, it didn't come out of the progressive wing
of the FBI, which does not exist.
It comes from a federal judge.
These are people who just did their jobs
and are now being subjected to this level of scrutiny.
And give me one more minute here to finish this rant.
And I'm gonna give us a brief history lesson.
This is something that I've been talking about with some of my colleagues, former colleagues who
are also retired now. It's so fits the story of a probably, I'll probably mess up his name,
Martin Neumoller, who was a Lutheran pastor in Germany in the twenties and thirties, sympathized
with kind of Nazi ideas and supported right-wing political movements. But after Hitler came to power, really started to question
his Hitler's focusing on the Protestant Church. And he wrote this infamous poem.
It says, first they came for the socialist and I did not speak out
because I was not a socialist. Then they came from the trade unionists and I did not
speak out because I'm not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews and I did not speak out
because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me
and there was no one left to speak for me.
That is what's happening today in the FBI
and larger in the federal government.
Make no mistake, this is an effort to cleanse
the government of people who might harbor some
questions, concerns, disagreements with Donald Trump.
That's what this is.
And this first coal of 5,000 in the FBI, if this goes through to any significant degree,
will greatly impact and degrade the FBI's ability to protect
the American people and uphold the Constitution.
Yeah, agreed.
All right.
So moving on a little bit in an exclusive story from Hugo Lowell at The Guardian, the
US Justice Department fired more than a dozen prosecutors who worked on the criminal cases
against Donald Trump hours after the president directly ordered
it from the Oval Office, according to two people familiar with the intervention.
The move to purge people who worked for former special counsel Jack Smith had
ostensibly come from the acting attorney general, James McHenry, who sent the
formal termination notices that said they could not be trusted to implement
Trump's
agenda. But the genesis for the firings was Trump himself.
Yes. And in any other universe, that would be a massive, massive story. I mean, you remember
with all of the dancing around of him trying to fire Mueller and not doing it, and that
ended up being part of the obstruction case that was out like laid out.
How about the Bush administration who fired a couple of US attorneys because they didn't
find them to be politically aligned enough with the administration. It turned into a
total disaster. Those people all got their jobs back or recovered massive settlements
through the legal system and it's a black mark on the Bush administration to this day. Yeah. Yeah. And also lots of Department of Justice lawyers were asking for the agency
to put, you know, the deferred resignation program, the fork in the road email. Now they're
calling it DERP, the deferred employee resignation program.
Rhymes with burp. Yep. I like it. DERP. So a lot of DOJ lawyers were like, can
you put this in writing that I won't be riffed in the next eight months or that the lack
of possible appropriations on March 14th when the continuing resolution runs out won't impact
me? Can I get this in writing? We're lawyers. Hi, can we get this in writing? And it says they actually made one. A contract. Yeah, a derp contract. And it says, among other
things, in number five, that the employee agrees that the employee's effective resignation date
and separation from federal service shall be September 30 2025 employee, however, may resign
from the federal service on any date prior to that,
if you want. The agency shall not take steps to terminate the employee's employment from
the federal service prior to that date, except where the employee is convicted of a felony
that would render the employees ineligible for federal employment. So I thought it was
kind of funny that they said that being a convicted felon is a problem if you're going to work for the government.
Unless you're one particular employee. But other than that, it's a problem for everyone
except one guy.
And then they actually sent this to lawyers, which I find hilarious. Hey, if you sign this,
you forever waive and will not pursue through any judicial administrative or other process, any against the agency that's based on, arising from, or related to the employee's employment at the agency or the deferred resignation offer, including any and all claims that were or could have been brought concerning said matters.
agency and its present and former employees, officers, agents, representatives, and all persons acting by, through, or in concert with any of those individuals, either in their
official or individual capacities, from any and all liability based on, arising from,
or relating to the matters that employee may have against them, including any and all claims
that were or could have been brought.
Consistent with applicable law, employees similarly waives any claim that could be brought on employees behalf by another entity, including
the Employees Labor Union. So basically what that says to me is, Hey, it's illegal to fire
you. So if you take this resignation, you can't ever sue us ever or anyone related or
anybody who knows us or anybody who even has a name that sounds like us you can't
If you slip and fall on the agency steps on your way out the door on your last day
You cannot sue us for failing to scrape the ice off the ground. It's uh, it's pretty broad and
It's hard to tell like how much this this buyout offers appealing to people or not
I hear you know from different different things from my former colleagues
that basically people who are retirement eligible
are considering it pretty closely because they think,
well, I can retire and then basically get paid
for another eight months and then I still get
my full retirement on the date of retirement.
But one of the things that's hanging people up is in responding to the
infamous email, the payoff email, if you decide to take it, you check a box,
it basically says you have resigned slash retired.
And a lot of people don't want to ever on paper legally in writing indicate
that they're resigning, right? It's like, it's a,
it's a legally significant term to use, but it's also, I think, emotionally resonant to people who
worked an entire career someplace with the goal of retiring duly and lawfully, having completed
their service kind of end of watch sort of approach.
And so a lot of people are just kind of repulsed by that implication and not doing it for that
reason.
So we'll see what the numbers bear out, but so far it's pretty hotly contested in the
workplace.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And there have been a couple of lawsuits from, we're going to go back to the FBI for a second
about the agents who worked on January 6 cases,
but a couple of lawsuits about not releasing the list of names.
And we do have some orders that have come out
from federal judges on that matter,
and an agreement that was reached with the Department
of Justice, good old Emil Beauvais over there,
between him and these FBI agents
associations and individual FBI agents to two lawsuits. And we'll talk about that. But we do
have to take a quick break first. So everybody stick around. We'll be right back.
Welcome back. Okay, let's talk about the lawsuits that hit the docket regarding the list of
FBI agents that worked on January 6 cases. From Cheney and Gerstein at Politico, they
say two sets of FBI agents who worked on cases stemming from the January 6 attack on the
Capitol, as well as the criminal investigations of President Donald Trump, have filed lawsuits
to block Justice Department leadership from assembling lists of agents that they say will be used as part
of a retaliation campaign.
Yes, they go on to say that the agents who brought the federal suits anonymously say
they're fearful that the Justice Department leadership intends to publicly identify them
and make them targets of threats and harassment.
One suit brought by the FBI Agents Association points to calls by Proud Boy leader Enrique
Tario to punish an FBI agent involved in his seditious conspiracy prosecution related to
January 6th.
Quote, this bell cannot be unrung and once the plaintiff's personal information is released,
it will be eternally available on social media.
That's from the attorneys for the unnamed agents in the suit.
The second suit filed by the Center for Employment Justice
included screenshots of a three-page survey they say DOJ leadership intends to use
to identify thousands of agents who worked on the politically sensitive cases.
Quote,
Plaintiffs legitimately fear that the information being compiled will be
accessed by persons who are not authorized to have access to it, they argue. Plaintiffs
further assert that even if they are not targeted for termination, they may face other retaliatory
acts such as demotion, denial of job opportunities, or denial of promotions in the future.
Yes, and the suits were filed in federal court in Washington, DC Tuesday around the same
time as a deadline that the Justice Department had set for the FBI to identify all the personnel.
And that's what we're talking about with the Driscoll emails.
It's unclear what DOJ officials plan to do with the names, but some prosecutors and FBI
leaders deemed untrustworthy by Trump appointees have already been fired.
That's right. And Marcy Wheeler, who is absolutely one of the best and most detailed DOJ watchers
out there, you can see her stuff at emptywheel.net. Marcy points out that the first lawsuit represents
nine Jane and John Doe FBI personnel. It fashions itself as a class action and demands a jury trial it's been assigned to Biden appointee G a Cobb.
It also makes claims under the first amendment fifth amendment and fifth amendment privacy and the privacy act provides these details about how much the government spends to obtain the expertise of FBI agents.
the expertise of FBI agents.
It says, FBI agents are chosen through a highly selective process
and are carefully screened for aptitude and trustworthiness.
Again, this is Marcy quoting the actual lawsuit.
The suit goes on to say,
FBI agents go through more than four months
of intensive training at the FBI Academy
before beginning their duties
and attend numerous training sessions
throughout their careers to adapt to new technologies and emerging threats.
Many FBI agents are multilingual and routinely interface with intelligence agencies from
allied nations.
The training FBI agents receive is comprehensive and in some instances extremely expensive.
On information and belief, plaintiffs assert that each agent of the FBI receives more
than $3 million worth of training in a 20-year career. FBI agents also develop scientific
expertise from their assignments and field duties, much of which cannot be replicated solely by
training. Yeah, and that was something we were kind of looking for. Like, well, how much if you're firing 6,000 people
with an average 10-year career at 1.5 million?
I mean, it gets into the high billions of dollars
of just wasted training and talent.
Throwing it out the window.
And another actual email that Brian Driscoll sent out
was about the eight top FBI officials that were fired. And he just listed their
years of service. He just listed their names and their years of service. Just want to let
you know these are the people who were let go.
The second lawsuit from FBI agents represents seven Jane and John Doe FBI personnel and
the FBI agents association, which represents most active duty agents. It was initially assigned to Trump appointed Judge Tim Kelly, but was reassigned to Judge Cobb,
probably in a consolidation thing. Mark Zaid, highly experienced lawyer in this field,
is leading that suit. The FBIAA, that's the Agents Association, makes two claims under the Privacy Act,
a First Amendment claim, two due process claims, and this mandamus
claim. This is from the lawsuit.
The provisions of 28 U.S. Code Section 1361 provide a statutory basis for jurisdiction
in cases seeking relief in the nature of mandamus against federal officers, employees, and agencies,
and they provide for an independent cause of action in the absence of any other available
remedies. Defendants' actions, as set forth above, constitute unlawful, intimidating, and threatening behavior
toward plaintiffs in response to plaintiffs' lawful actions of executing lawful search
and arrest warrants and participating in lawful investigations of crimes committed by January
6th perpetrators.
Defendants do not have discretion to redefine the truth of January 6th, nor do defendants have any
discretion to recast the lawful actions taken by the FBI and the previous leaders within the
Department of Justice as illegal, let alone any discretion to retaliate and disclose names.
Defendants have no discretion when it comes to ensuring the safety of the American people from
extremist violence, let alone the safety of their own employees. If no other
remedy is available through which the unlawful termination orders may be
rescinded, then the plaintiffs are entitled to relief in the nature of
mandamus, compelling defendants to recognize plaintiff to rescind the
unlawful termination orders. Yeah, yeah And Adam Klossfeld pointed out on Blue Sky that the DOJ is arguing
that emergency injunctive relief is improper because the FBI agents have failed to show
irreparable harm. Ed Martin writes, plaintiffs alleged harm is based on a series of speculative
future events. Indeed, the central premise of plaintiff speculation is that someone,
somewhere, at some time, may leak the compiled list. Putting aside that the list will contain
no names, just identification numbers, see Supra, the speculation runs contrary to the
well-established presumption of regularity in government operations. I mean, I can't
even read that with a straight face.
All right.
The regularity. Are we there still?
We're in regular operation now?
Didn't we just go over a Judge Cannon order to prevent the Volume 2 from going to Congress
on the speculation that they would leak it to everybody?
Good point.
Sorry.
Okay.
So this again is Ed Martin writing for the Department of Justice.
Plaintiffs can point to nothing that suggests the government intends to make public the list in this case.
Wow. To the contrary, the department and the FBI management have repeatedly stressed the purpose
of the list is to conduct an internal review, not expose dedicated special agents to public insult or ridicule.
Now let's remember that the original data call made it clear that the list would eventually
be passed on to the White House.
Yeah. And you know, Donald Trump never released his names of his enemies.
No, he doesn't talk publicly very often.
He's not known for that at all. I mean, pretty much every single gag order that was slapped on him had that kind of evidence
there, but all right.
So then Judge Cobb urged the parties to come to a settlement agreement and they did.
And here is that order.
With the consent of the parties, the court defers ruling on the plaintiff's motion for
temporary restraining orders and orders as follows. Number one, the government will not disseminate the list at issue in
these consolidated cases and any subsequent versions of that list, including any record
pairing the unique identifiers to the list of names to the public. So not only can you
not release the names, you can't even release the key directly or indirectly
before the court rules on the plaintiff's anticipated motions for a preliminary injunction.
So they're going to file for a more permanent injunction.
But for now, they've agreed to this.
Absent further court order from the court, the government may terminate the proscription
set forth in paragraph one at its election by providing two business
days notice to the parties and the court of its intent to terminate. So if they want to
release the list of names or the key, they have to give a 48 hour notice.
Right. That just gives the plaintiffs enough time to run back into court and pursue the
more permanent injunction.
Exactly. The following schedule shall govern the plaintiff's
anticipated motions for a preliminary injunction.
Plaintiffs shall file their motions on or before February
24, a couple of weeks from now.
Defendants will file their opposition by March 14,
and the plaintiff should file any replies
on or before March 21.
And then she set the hearing for this preliminary injunction,
anticipated preliminary injunction for March 27.
And this is interesting. Classfeld draws attention to this important point. for this preliminary injunction, anticipated preliminary injunction for March 27th.
And this is interesting, Classfeld draws attention to this important point. He says on Blue Sky,
this court order binds the Trump administration government-wide, a point that the Department
of Justice's lawyer resisted at the hearing until our good friend Norm Eisen and his team
extracted that concession. So that's why this is government wide because of the
quick thinking of one ambassador to Norm Eisen. So thank you.
Nice piece of lawyering by our boy Norm.
Yes, absolutely. All right. We have a lot more to get to including a flurry of a really
weird messed up memorandum, memoranda, excuse me, from our newly minted attorney general
Pamela Bondi. And we'll get to that right after this quick break. Stick around. We'll
be right back.
Hey everybody, welcome back. So this past week on February 4th, Pam Bondi was sworn in as the attorney
general after the Senate confirmed her in a 54 to 46 vote. Who's that one Democrat?
It was John Fetterman. He voted to confirm Pam Bondi. Now the next day she issued a tranche
of memos, 14 in all, I think. And I thought we'd go over a few of them because they outline
a pretty clear direction that this Justice Department is going. And I thought we'd go over a few of them because they outline a pretty clear direction
that this Justice Department is going.
And that's the point of this show,
is to keep an eye on the Justice Department.
And here's what's up.
Heck yeah it is.
Mm-hmm.
So let's start with the return to full-time in-person work
at the Department of Justice memo.
Basically says,
everyone has to return to full-time in-person work
by Monday, February 24th, 2025.
As federal employees, we are held to the highest standards
and maintaining a clear distinction between our professional duties and personal lives
is essential to maintaining public trust. Well, what they're doing is they're bringing
everybody on remote and telework back into crowded offices to entice them to just quit.
That's what it is.
Essentially, yeah. The next memo is entitled, Restoring the Integrity and Credibility of the Department of Justice.
Oh, God, this one.
Yeah, this is awesome.
It includes the following.
The Department of Justice must take immediate and overdue steps to restore integrity and
credibility with the public.
These steps are required because, as President Trump pointed out following his second inauguration, quote, the prior administration and allies throughout the country
engaged in an unprecedented third world weaponization of prosecutorial power to upend the democratic
process. That's pretty remarkable that an attorney general is making this claim officially on a document from the Department
of Justice that they have been engaged in third world weaponization.
Okay, anyway.
Right.
It's almost like she doesn't care about the department at all or giving it a giant fat
black eye.
Exactly.
It's like an admission in some weird way.
Okay.
She goes on to say, the reconciliation and restoration
of the Department of Justice's core values
can only be accomplished through review and accountability.
I hereby-
Punishment and termination is what that means.
The punishment will continue until morale improves.
Okay.
I hereby establish the weaponization working group,
which will conduct a review of the activities
of all departments and agencies exercising civil
or criminal enforcement authority of the United States
over the last four years.
In consultation with the heads of such departments
and agencies and consistent with applicable law
to identify instances where a department's
or agency's conduct appears to have been designed to achieve political objectives
or other improper aims rather than pursuing justice
or legitimate governmental objectives.
Yeah, she goes on, but I just have to jump in here
and be like, all of these investigations
were opened properly and lawfully,
and the search warrants were signed by judges, like you said, and it went through really
rigorous due process on behalf-
A thousand people pled guilty.
Of the criminal defendant.
Of the 1600, a thousand pled guilty and several hundred of the others were
convicted by juries of their peers.
Yeah. So there's absolutely zero evidence in any court or anywhere by this massive, the thing that makes justice
grind slow, this due process for criminal defendants rights, that no judge ever, including
all the Trump appointed judges were like, these were wrongful investigations. Everything
must be thrown out, blah, blah, blah. That never happened.
Not a single allegation of misconduct on the part of FBI agents or prosecutors assigned
to these cases during the totality of the largest investigation ever conducted by the
FBI. Not one allegation of misconduct that we're aware of so far.
So, and the other thing that really concerns me here is the way she phrases this,
there is not a trace, even a reference,
to what is the standard by which you are going to determine
that a department or agency's conduct
appears, just appears, to have been designed
to achieve political objectives.
So I guess the, we, we're, we're
now creating the new appears like standard. Right. So if there's one piece of it, if one
person moves forward, raises their hand to say, I think these people were political,
that's enough because now they've created the appearance. Yeah, no. And, and it's also kind
of bizarre that they're like, we are going to get rid of politicization
and weaponization by feelings and appearances of what we think is political.
That's the opposite.
Now, she goes on to talk about what the weaponization working group is going to look at.
The first thing is weaponization by special counsel Jack Smith and his staff who spent
more than 50 million targeting Trump and the prosecutors and law enforcement personnel
who participated in the unprecedented raid
on President Trump's home.
What, okay.
The one where we didn't wear our jackets
and called you first and didn't go into locked closets
and that one, okay.
And came in with a warrant signed by a federal judge?
Oh, federal judge, federal judge.
Sorry.
Federal cooperation with the weaponization by the Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg,
New York Attorney General Letitia James, their respective staffs and other New York officials
that targeted President Trump and his family and his businesses.
The pursuit of improper investigative tactics and unethical prosecutions relating to the
events at or near the Capitol on January 6th.
Again, not a single judge said any of this was unethical.
Nope.
As distinct from good faith actions by federal employees simply following orders from superiors,
which diverted resources from combating violent and serious crime because apparently the 140
police officers attacked at the Capitol was not a violent or serious crime.
And thus were pursued at the expense of the
safety of the residents of the District of Columbia. Wow. The
January 23, 2023 memo in which the FBI suggested that certain
Catholic religious practices were affiliated with violent
extremism and criminal activity, criminal prosecutions under the
Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act for nonviolent
protest activity, and the retaliatory targeting
and in some instances, criminal prosecution of legitimate whistleblowers. I wonder if
she's talking about like Alexander Smirnoff there. But so basically, all of the January
6 investigations, we're going to look at that for weaponization. And if we feel like it's
going to get the appearance of being political,
you're in trouble. We're also that, you know, the Merrick Garland initiative to about the
Catholic churches that the Republicans in Congress had a field day with, which was nothing
was just protecting families from violent people. But they want to protect those violent people, Pam Bondi. She wants to protect the people who block access to abortion
clinics violently.
And she wants to protect these quote unquote legitimate
whistleblowers, which is probably like the Twitter people.
But the first one that came to my mind was Smirnoff.
To me, what comes to mind, and this goes out to all you Seinfeld reference
people, this is Festivus.
Yes.
This is the annual,
the annual festival of the airing of the grievances as described by George's
father. I mean, that's what this list is. This is,
these are the things we're still mad about,
or really the things that the president is still mad about. And so we're going to go
after them.
The next memo reinstated the use of the death penalty. And then she issued a separate memo
entitled Restoring a Measure of Justice to the Families of Victims of Commuted Murderers.
It goes on to say, former president Biden's death sentence commutations
undermined our justice system
and subverted the rule of law.
The commutations also robbed the victims families
of the justice promised
and fought hard to achieve by the justice department.
The department of justice is directed
to immediately commence the following actions
to achieve justice for
the victims' families of the 37 commuted murderers. DOJ will provide a public forum for the victims'
families to express how the commutations impacted them personally. US attorneys will pursue
the death penalty in the 37 cases and the Bureau of Prisons will ensure that they're
locked up extra tight.
Yeah, I paraphrased that.
Yeah. I mean, I'm just so confused.
This is just propaganda. They're going to, you know, like how they use Lake and Riley or how, you know, that's all this is.
But how do you send US attorneys out to pursue the death penalty against someone who's received a presidential commutation? I don't get it. I mean like I don't know. It's an exercise in futility.
It's a propaganda exercise. That's all. Yeah. I mean you know. Yeah. Next is the
sanctuary jurisdiction directives memo. So sanctuary cities. And this ends funding
to state and local jurisdictions that unlawfully interfere with federal law
enforcement operations. It identifies and evaluates all funding agreements with non-governmental organizations that provide
support to illegal aliens. So any NGOs that give blankets to asylum seekers, you know,
you could be targeted. Pursues enforcement actions against jurisdictions that facilitate
violations of federal immigration law or impede lawful federal immigration operations.
And I think that we'll see some anti-commandeering lawsuits
come out of this, but we'll see.
Yeah, you're going to see a ton of legal action on this one.
I think it's already, well, they sued Chicago this week
for basically these sorts of violations.
So you're going to see a lot of this fought out, I think,
in court.
Next is the eliminating internal
discriminatory practices memo.
And it says, by March 15th, 2025,
each department component shall submit a report
to the office of the attorney general,
confirming the termination to the maximum extent
allowed by law of all DEI, DEIA,
and environmental justice programs,
offices and positions including but not limited to,
chief diversity officer or similar positions,
all equity action plans, equity actions, initiatives or programs,
and all equity related grants or contracts,
and all DEI or DEIA performance requirements for employees, contractors, suppliers,
vendors, or grantees.
It goes on to say, identifying agency or department DEI or DEIA or environmental justice positions,
committees, programs, services, activities, budgets, and expenditures in existence on
November 4th, 2024, and providing an assessment of whether
these positions, committees, programs, services, activities, budgets, and expenditures have
been misleadingly relabeled in an attempt to preserve their pre-November 4th, 2024 function,
identifying federal contractors, suppliers, vendors, and grantees who have provided DEI
training or DEI training materials to agency
or department employees since January 20th, 2021. And finally, identifying federal grantees
who receive federal funding to provide or advance DEI, DEIA or environmental justice
program services or activities.
So doesn't that mean Jeffrey Clark is fired? Wasn't he an environmental lawyer? Call us
when there's an oil spill.
I don't know.
He was, although I would guess he was not really on the side of environmental justice.
He seems like he might have been more inclined for environmental injustice, but I don't know.
I'm speculating there.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And then there was also an ending illegal DEI and DEIA discrimination and preferences.
And this is where her civil rights background comes in, right? Protecting white people.
By March 1st, 2025, consistent with Executive Order 14173, the Civil Rights Division and
the Office of Legal Policy shall jointly submit a report to the Associate Attorney General
containing recommendations for enforcing federal civil rights laws and taking other appropriate
measures to encourage the private sector
to end illegal discrimination and preferences including policies related to DEI and DEIA.
This is the one where she says she's going to go after. The Department of Justice is going to go after private businesses
that have DEI and DEIA calling it illegal discrimination against white people or
able-bodied people or, you
know, some not members of protected classes. Department of Justice will work with the Department
of Education to issue directions that the Civil Rights Division will pursue actions
regarding the measures and practices required to comply with the Students for Fair Admissions
decision by the Supreme Court. That's the one that ended affirmative action. So she's
going to go after schools as well. I guess no one told her the Department of Education is on the chopping block, but okay,
don't get hung up on that detail. The next one is the general policy regarding charging,
plea negotiations and sentencing. Section one is charging decisions, focuses on those and it's
about how they must be based in law and not in politics or personal career motives,
which Bondi accused the prior
administration of doing.
Now part two is about plea bargaining and it says,
Plee bargaining and plea agreements are governed by the same fundamental considerations that
apply to step two of charging decisions.
There is no room for plea bargaining for political animus or other hostility. Okay. Prosecutors may not use criminal charges to
exert leverage to induce a guilty plea. I put a pin in that for a second.
Yeah, that's my big one. That's my cut. I feel like that's what a plea bargaining is
for.
Yeah. That's how plea bargaining works. I mean, you can't charge people with things they didn't do.
You can't charge people with cases that you can't make just to paint them into a corner
and force them to plea bargain.
But there's always a range of things that you could charge people for.
So the facts are there and the law is there.
Typically prosecutors charge people at the higher end that they can sustain, trying to create some room for bargaining beneath that.
That's how plea bargaining works.
Plea bargaining resolves something like 90% of the criminal cases that are brought nationwide
at the federal and state level.
Okay. federal and state level. Okay, so let's see. Nor may a prosecutor abandon pending charges
to achieve a plea bargain that is inconsistent with the prosecutor's assessment of the seriousness
of the defendant's conduct at the time the charges were filed. For example, it's helpful
she provides an example because that sentence makes no sense. For example, absent significant mitigating or intervening circumstances, it will rarely
be appropriate for a prosecutor to seek racketeering or terrorism charges at the outset of a case,
but abandon those charges in connection with a plea deal.
Now I've been around a fair number of these cases, especially both terrorism and racketeering offenses.
I just felt pointed at you.
Yeah, it's pretty much been my entire career,
starting out as an organized crime investigator
and then spending pretty much the second half
of my career during terrorism.
This is not something that happens.
People don't, both RICO cases, which are the racketeering cases,
and terrorism cases, you can't even charge them in the field
until you send the charging document
and the whole prosecution memo to DOJ,
and they do a relentlessly detailed review of it
and your evidence.
If they think there's any weakness in the case whatsoever,
they say say declined.
You cannot charge your case in this way because they are so careful about protecting the laws
that underpin those charges.
They don't want someone to bring a weak case that prompts an appeal that could cut away
at the authority in the statute.
So she's literally creating a problem. She's setting up like
a straw man here to knock it down. This is not a problem that exists, but that's my view.
Yeah. Agreed. But now she goes, just this weird, because again, that's how plea bargaining
works. You use criminal charges to exert leverage to induce a guilty plea.
I mean, that's how it goes.
And that's been determined entirely lawful by the Supreme Court on appeal numerous times
over the past hundred years.
Of course, because there have been tons of motions to throw out charges based on that.
That's right.
So part three covers sentencing and it's pretty straightforward. Go by the sentencing guidelines.
Got it. But they want to rescind stuff like the crack cocaine memorandum about sentencing
guidelines. They want to make them tougher, obviously, things like that, things that the
Biden administration didn't focus on or wanted to change the way we look at those sentencing
guidelines. But the sentencing guidelines are the sentencing guidelines. So then the
memo turns to investigative and charging priorities. And they start with immigration enforcement.
They're basically throwing everybody into immigration enforcement these days. DOJ shall
use all available criminal statutes to combat the flood of illegal immigration that took
place over the last four years. It was down from under Trump.
Federal law prohibits state and local actors from resisting, obstructing, and otherwise
failing to comply with lawful immigration related commands and requests.
U.S. Attorney's offices and other litigating components of the department shall investigate
incidents involving any such misconduct for potential prosecution, including for obstructing
federal functions
in violation of 18 U.S. Code 371 and violations of other statutes such as 8 U.S. Code sections
1234 and 1373. She's basically authorizing the Department of Justice to investigate and
prosecute local law enforcement who don't go along with their immigration orders. And again, that is prohibited
by the anti-commandeering doctrine in the Constitution. So again, we're going to see
a lot of litigation over that.
That's right. Okay. And then she moves on to human trafficking and smuggling. And she
says, joint task force alpha, which was created in partnership with the Department of Homeland
Security to enhance enforcement efforts against human smuggling and trafficking groups in Central and South America will be
elevated to the office of the Attorney General while still coordinating with the criminal
and national security divisions. Personnel from the Joint Task Force will, note that
word, will support investigations and prosecutions at U.S US Attorney's offices around the country and deploy to US Attorney's offices on the southern border to focus resources in those critical
districts.
Now, the buried lead here is in a prior frenzy over immigration or the problems with immigration,
which we have in this country, largely because Congress has never done anything to change and update the immigration laws, but I digress. I think 2004, the FBI received authority under Title
VIII, which is the immigration law. So that was the point at which elements of the Department
of Justice, the FBI being one of them, received legal authority to enforce immigration laws. And since 2004, the FBI's official policy on that has been,
no, thank you very much. We don't train our people to do that. We don't teach those laws,
those offenses in our academy. It's not our expertise. It's not what we do. So there's
actually an MOU between the FBI and DHS that makes it clear that DHS will
continue to have primacy in that area.
We're not going into it unless there's some kind of like massive security disaster or
something.
So this is a huge departure from what has been agency policy for many years.
And it's already happening.
If you look at any of the television coverage
of these raids, you're going to see guys in DEA vests.
And you will see for the first time people in FBI tactical
gear.
And now I understand that they are trying
to limit their involvement in this by saying, OK,
we'll deploy with you.
But we are there for security only.
And leaving the immigration officers kind of in first place to actually do the interaction with the immigrants ask them the sort of questions to pursue whatever investigation they are under their own title eight authority.
I'm but this is this is really drawing everyone into the fight at a very tactical level. And it's because DHS is not capable of delivering on the number of detentions and returns of
immigrants that have, you know, they can't cash the check that has been written by the
politicians regarding immigration.
Yeah.
So they want everybody to get off the joint terrorism task force, come on down to US attorney's
offices and border states to help. get off the Joint Terrorism Task Force, and come on down to US attorney's offices
and border states to help.
That's right.
Stop what you're doing with crimes against children.
Stop what you're doing to investigate fentanyl trafficking
groups.
Stop what you're doing to prevent
an act of terrorism in the United States, which is the FBI's
number one priority still.
And really focus on this over here.
Yeah, and the other thing they're focusing on in this memo
is transnational organized crime, cartels, gangs.
So the Joint Task Force Vulcan,
which was an initiative launched by Trump in 2019,
to go after MS-13, which was wrongly deprioritized
by prior department leadership
and improperly allowed to languish,
that's gonna be reconstituted and expanded
to address TDA in addition to MS-13.
Those are two gangs, Venezuelan and otherwise.
And that's also going to be elevated to the office of the Attorney General.
And then protecting law enforcement personnel.
One of the Department of Justice's top priorities is protecting law enforcement at the federal,
state, and local levels, except for January 6th, I guess.
This includes aggressively investigating
all two common instances of violence against and obstruction of law enforcement, seeking
the death penalty for those who perpetrate capital crimes against law enforcement, and
backing and promoting the efforts of law enforcement when they're subjected to unfair criticism
or attack.
Next is shifting resources in the National Security Division to free resources to address more pressing priorities, i.e. immigration, and end risks of further weaponization and abuses
of prosecutorial discretion, the Foreign Influence Task Force shall be disbanded.
Recourse to criminal charges under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, FARA, and 18 USC 951 shall be limited to instances of alleged conduct similar
to more traditional espionage by foreign government actors. With respect to FARA and 951, the
Counterintelligence and Export Control Section, including the FARA unit, shall focus on civil
enforcement, regulatory initiatives, and public guidance. The National Security Division's
corporate enforcement unit is also disbanded. Personnel assigned to the unit shall
return to their previous posts. Note here the the foreign influence task force
was designed to address the unlawful incursion of foreign governments and foreign actors into US
elections. It has nothing to do with the allegations of weaponization of DOJ and
the FBI in last year's election. The weaponization thing, the complaint
there is like, oh it's not fair they're treating Republicans unfairly. Well this
had nothing to do that. This is just simply enforcing the laws that are already
in existence that say foreigners are not allowed to contribute money or anything else to domestic
elections. But I guess we're not, we're not really concerned about enforcing those laws
anymore.
No. And you know, the fair unit was set up, set up pursuant to Robert Mueller's investigation.
So it's automatically terrible in Trump's eyes.
Yeah.
951. That was what Tom Barrack was charged with. So this is, I can see where this is
coming from. But man, to gut that and to make it just focus on civil enforcement is kind
of like back in the day when they sort of just sued Manafort
to register as a foreign agent,
which is what they do.
I mean, the way that this works is,
if you don't have obvious criminal charges to bring,
you sue to get them to file.
Every, yeah, every Farah case starts with,
actually not even a lawsuit, a notification.
The Farah unit notifies the person who they think
might be overstepping the law and says,
hey, we're concerned about what you're doing here.
You should seek legal advice and stop doing it.
And if they continue, then the lawsuit comes.
And if it's something really blatant,
then they consider criminal prosecution.
But yeah, I mean, there's so much weird about this.
In the first Trump administration, they
made a big deal out of the fact that they had found that both the Iranians and the Chinese
tried to interfere in the 2020 election. They had all kinds of big press conferences and
things about it. So now I guess they're like, hey, you know what? We don't want that. We
want to have a little bit more freedom of movement
around interacting with foreigners in our elections,
I guess.
Oh, that's exactly what it is.
They're inviting foreign influence into our elections.
Yeah.
And then the last one is that we're going to cover is shifting
alcohol, tobacco, firearm resources.
And Bondi wants to free the resources to address more
pressing priorities. So she's
going to have the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms and Explosives shift resources
from its alcohol and tobacco programs to focus on matters like, let's see, federal firearms
licensing and background checks. So again, it seems like they're just pulling all of
these agents out to help work on mass deportation
and immigration, which is against that MOU that you said that's gone back for a long
time now that FBI is just not going to participate in any of this.
But she's shifting all those these DOJ resources to that, which she thinks is more important.
So no, we're not going to look at foreign election interference that helps Republicans
anymore. I'm sure they will if it's a Democrat or somebody that's against
Trump, you know, like Iran and China. But I don't know, we need every single person
that we can to do something that we've said that we're not going to do since the 70s,
which is enforce immigration.
Yeah, I mean, look, every new AG comes in with their own agenda with their
own focus on policy stuff with their own ideas about how to execute the president's policies.
Right. You have to as AG you both enforce the law, but you also have some responsibility
to follow the president's policy guidance as long as it's consistent with the law and everybody does that a little bit differently fine.
But along with those decisions this is the way she is laying out what her policies and priorities are so long with all that it's also totally fine.
and a good idea to understand what decisions this new attorney general has made, how she's thinking about her job and using resources, and then be smart. Think about, okay, so what
are all these people being taken away from? What work is being left on the floor? So yeah,
I'm not saying any of this is like illegal that she's making these decisions, but it is totally
worthy to think,
is this a good idea? And how is it going to affect the department and all of its agency's ability
to keep us safe? Yeah, well, I mean, you know, you're right, every president, you know, when Biden
came in, he says, we're not going to, like, we're going to pursue these different things within the
Department of Justice. You know, we're not going to enforce immigration so much as we're going to figure out what
happened on January 6th or, you know, whatever your fireworks are.
And each attorney general does that.
But what's really obvious here is that every single thing is directed at allowing whatever crimes Trump committed to continue while going after
phantoms and taking resources away from actual threats.
That's what it seems like to me, a propaganda arm of the White House meant to go after people
who harmed President Trump in some way, you know, that's in air quotes,
but it's very weaponization-y.
Yeah, it's very narrow.
It's like we're very focused on retaliation
against people we believe are our political opponents
and immigration.
And we don't really care about most of the rest of the stuff that
the department does. So yeah, see how that works out. We're all going to find out.
Yep. All right. Believe it or not, we have one more story. I guess this is a very long
show. I know. So thanks for hanging in with us. But we have one more story about Kash
Patel, who is set to become the director of the FBI. But we have to take a quick break.
So stick around. We'll be right back.
Welcome back.
Okay. One last breaking story from the Washington Post.
They say Cash Patel, President Donald Trump's nominee to be FBI director, was
paid $25,000 last year by a film company owned
by a Russian national who also holds US citizenship and has produced programs promoting deep state
conspiracy theories and anti-Western views, which have been advanced by the Kremlin, according
to a financial disclosure that Patel submitted as a part of his nomination process and other documents.
Now documents obtained by the Washington Post show that Patel received the money from Global
Tree Pictures, a Los Angeles-based company run by Igor Lopatinoch, a filmmaker whose previous projects
include a pro-Russian influence campaign that received money from a fund created by
Russian President Vladimir Putin. The payment to Patel came as he participated
in a documentary that Lopatanak produced depicting Patel and other veterans of
the first Trump administration as victims of a conspiracy that, quote,
destroyed the lives of those who stood by Donald Trump in an attempt
to remove the democratically elected president from office.
Wow. I think the same financial disclosure also showed that Patel earned
something like two and a half million dollars last year so not sure that
that's what destroyed the life looks like but okay. Yeah, I could boy destroy my life if that's how that
happens
Be careful what you wish
Take two and a half million dollars. That's fine
No, okay
So this goes on to say this story that this the six part series titled all the president's men
The conspiracy against Trump. Okay, Can you not even come up with
your own title? Aired in November.
Weren't All the President's Men bad guys in the original All the President's Men?
Yeah.
Why would they call themselves that here?
Well, you know, why would Lev Parnas call his business fraud guarantee? We don't know.
Good point. Really good point.
So this whole series aired in November on Tucker Carlson's online network and in
one segment Patel vowed to shut down the FBI headquarters building and open it up as a
museum to the deep state, something he was pressed quite a few times on during his confirmation
hearing which he denied ever saying.
Right.
The details surrounding the payment to Patel which have not previously been reported.
Actually they had they were reported by Mother Jones five hours prior, but I think the Washington
Post missed that.
They add to the questions that Democratic lawmakers and many veteran national security
experts have raised about the nomination.
So I just, I really want to stop and pause here and say that, you know, the, the Post
put this story out, claimed credit for it, But I really, David Corn over at Mother Jones is the one who actually broke this news for
the first time.
Ours, well, hours before the Washington Post did.
And that, you know, kind of, I think the brain drain over at the post is real.
But other participants in this documentary series, Steve Bannon, Rudy Giuliani, Mike
Flynn.
There you go.
And the post actually says Flynn resigned in 2017.
He was fired.
But okay.
Yes he was.
Okay.
You know, so really, you know, I wanted to, to, you know, make sure that we got the correct reporting,
the first reporting that we got from Mother Jones.
So, but still, regardless of who scooped this, what the hell, Andy, he's taking money from
Gremlin-linked filmmakers.
This reminds me of, you remember when Mnuchin Steve had to divest from his Rat Pack Dune movie studio,
and he gave all of his shares to Blavatnik?
Like, come on, you guys, be a little more creative
with your money.
A little less crummy.
So, and let's, can we at least acknowledge that it's weird.
Okay, it's weird to participate in a documentary,
a film that purports to be relating a true story
and to receive payment for that.
You're not an actor in a documentary.
I've contributed to a couple of documentaries.
No one has ever offered to pay me a dime.
I don't even get my parking covered.
Because it's a documentary for Christ's sake.
It's not a movie.
Oh, and something else really cool.
This film company banks with VTB, which is a sanctioned entity since 2014.
So we have a potential FBI director who has accepted money from Kremlin linked people through a
sanctioned bank.
Like come on you guys.
How can like, there's got to be some other total jerk willing to, you know, do your monitor
the day that isn't this compromised anyway.
Hey, you know, that's, that's what we've got.
That's what we've got. So we'll see that vote comes this week. It was actually postponed because of
the information that they needed to get on Patel. And they still never got volume two of the
Jack Smith report, which implicates Patel in a lot of things as well. So there's a lot of missing stuff, but that's the nature of this particular administration.
So let's take, I know it's been a long show, but I want to take a listener question.
If you have questions, there's a link in the show notes.
Thank you for sticking with us today.
I know it's been a long show.
So what do we have today for questions, Andy?
So I picked one because it's, I thought really well written and also because it comes to, it raises an issue that is becoming more and more important as we
get more of these lawsuits filed.
So, um, this comes to us from Helene who says, hi, Alison and Andy.
I've been a loyal listener for almost two years and I'm very excited for
the newly minted unjustified podcast.
I commend you both for your bravery, especially in these times, keeping us
informed and breaking down what I predict will be many law-skirting actions coming out of DOJ and beyond.
I have a very basic question.
Given the horrifying actions coming from this administration in just the first few days,
can Trump just come in and fire all federal judges, the law be damned?
Given that many of his executive orders thus far can be deemed
illegal other than mass outrage by the majority of Americans, the last line of defense seems to be
the courts. But if the courts are bent to his will due to a mass consolidation, this of course goes
away. P.S. I love the lady justice in the new artwork. Thank you, Helene, for that question. And I share your concerns about how prominent the courts will
feature in weighing in on these very controversial, super
aggressive executive orders and actions by the executive branch
and actions by people like Elon Musk, who I don't even
know what he is.
Special government employee now, I guess guess technically part of the executive branch,
but you know, that's another whole can of worms. To your question, no. I think that we have a lot
to be concerned about, but I'm not sure that that makes the list because federal judges are appointed
for life and the president doesn't have the ability to fire them.
He can say they're fired, but I suspect they would just ignore it and they would continue
to show up and continue to do their work.
They get funded through congressional actions just like the rest of the government.
I don't anticipate that that would be interrupted.
So yeah, and that's a even if it happened, and Congress went
along with it, and cut off their funding.
It would immediately be challenged. And I, and as crazy
as this Supreme Court is, I cannot see them ever countenancing
something along those lines. That's a full on coup of that's
an act by the that would's an act by the, that would
be an act by the administration of like essentially turning over one third of the government.
And I don't think it would, I don't think it'll happen. And even if it did, I don't
think it would last.
Right. I mean, he could try to do like what Netanyahu tried to do, gutting their judiciary
over there. But you know, Trump has already taken steps to
completely usurp the power of Congress by taking control of the purse strings. And from
what I understand, even though there's a court order in place, there are still federal grants
that have been frozen and remain frozen. And that brings me to my point, he doesn't have
to fire all the judges. He just simply has to ignore court orders. And he, but like.
That's entirely possible.
There's really no enforcement mechanism.
Like the court will issue an order, like you can't freeze federal grants and Trump will
just say.
And they continue to be frozen.
Don't care.
Yeah.
That's the big, my constitutional crisis.
And that would be essentially the same as firing a bunch of federal judges.
Because you are then saying that the judiciary has no power.
I have the power.
And that's what I'm looking for is to see how these court orders will be enforced.
Like the court order that just happened that says this kid, this doge bag, whatever his
name is, can't go in and have read, write access to the treasury
payment system or whatever. They've got a block on that now. Are they going to listen?
Are they going to comply? And what happens if they don't? That's kind of what I'll be
keeping my eye on.
Yeah. When you, when you, the enforcement of federal court orders comes down in many
situations mostly to just your belief in the rule of law and
you're you're you know behaving or obeying the orders of federal court judges and so
if you're someone who has abandoned that and has no belief in the rule of law over you
then maybe you just ignore it like it's hard to physically enforce anything on the
president. Now the same doesn't apply for the people around him. So if his, let's say,
if a, if one notable special government employee is at the subject of a federal court order
and that person ignores it, then that person can be theoretically held in contempt and treated accordingly.
By the court, by the way.
Now, of course, you would rely on executive branch officers to enforce that contempt finding.
But anyway, it's a complicated path and concerning.
But I don't think you're going to see a mass firing
of judges, but stay tuned and keep watching closely anyway.
And I don't want for a second to anyone to think that I'm saying that don't bother going
to the courts because who's going to enforce it?
Absolutely bother.
Go all the time, every day.
Get your orders, get your restraining orders, get something to enforce. And then if those consequences happen, or they're ignored, that is politically way more damning to this
president, make him go through those motions, make him do this. So I just, you know, want
to bring that up. But as Ellie Mistal wrote for the Atlantic this week, let's not rely
on the courts to save us. Let's use them. They matter. But we have to see how this plays out. Will he even bother listening? He didn't
bother giving a crap about the co-equal branch of Congress and their appropriations. He just
impounded all that. And Russ Vought was just put in charge of Office of Management and
Budget who helped him impound the Ukraine aid that he was impeached over. So that's
probably going to continue to happen. But we need to see what happens in our country
when a president ignores or an administration ignores a court order. And I think we're headed
there.
Could be, could be. Stay tuned and we'll tell you about it.
Yes, we will. And we'll try to do it in fewer than 90 minutes next week. We'll see. We'll
see what's in store. But thank you so much, everybody, for listening. Thanks for our patrons.
You make this show possible. If you want to become a patron, you can do it at patreon.com
slash Mueller. She wrote you get the episode early, usually, unless I'm out of the country.
You get them ad free too, so you don't have to listen to the ads. And just incidentally,
if you hear a weird ad, they've been doing this thing now where
I block certain URLs and certain types of advertisement, but then they create URLs that
don't have anything to do with what they're selling to get around those blocks.
So if you hear an ad you don't like, let us know.
Send it to us, hello at Mollersheerote.com.
Tell us when you heard it, where you heard it, and what the URL they're using is, and
we'll continue to try to play our advertising whack-a-mole that we've gotten so good at.
But we appreciate your time.
And Andy, do you have any final thoughts today?
I know it's been the first week was really, really difficult.
I think we're finally seeing a little bit of pushback with the lawsuits and Driscoll.
So I was just wondering what your thoughts were.
Yeah, it does seem like people are starting to get their feet back underneath them,
which is good to see.
We'll be looking for more of that.
And yeah, stay tuned.
Likely to be more craziness next week
and we'll be here to lay it out for you
with respect to DOJ and everything related to it.
All right, everybody see you next week.
I'm Alison Gill.
And I'm Andy McCabe.
Unjustified is written and executive produced
by Alison Gill with additional research and analysis by Andy McCabe.