Judging Freedom - Capt. Matt Hoh : When Defense Spending Becomes a Threat

Episode Date: January 13, 2026

Capt. Matt Hoh : When Defense Spending Becomes a ThreatSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Undeclared wars are commonplace. Pragically, our government engages in preemptive war, otherwise known as aggression, with no complaints from the American people. Sadly, we have become accustomed to living with the illegitimate use of force by government. To develop a truly free society, the issue of initiating force must be understood and rejected. What if sometimes to love your country you had to alter or abolish the government? the government? What if Jefferson was right? What if that government is best, which governs least? What if it is dangerous to be right when the government is wrong? What if it is better to perish fighting for freedom than to live as a slave? What if freedom's greatest hour of danger is now?

Hi, everyone. Judge Andrew Napolitano here for Judging Freedom. Today is Tuesday, January 13th, 2006, Matt Ho joins us now. Matt, a pleasure, my dear friend. I want to talk to you at some length about the dangers of a $1.7 trillion defense budget and the temptations that it brings about. But before we get there, what is the likely Kremlin reaction to the now well-established understanding that it was the CIA and therefore President Trump that assaulted President Putin's house.

Good morning, Judge. Yeah, I think it's not just the Russians, but also the Chinese worst countries that are under direct assault or threat from American regime change, intervention, coup, Beijing, et cetera. You know, the numbers of those seem to continue to rise. including European allies. But I think they're looking at this probably in a larger sense of that this attack on Valdei is symptomatic of U.S. imperial ambitions, of marriage, if you will, of what a lot of people

like to call a deep state with the neo-conservatives. And this read of Trumpism that's exhibited through the Dombrough Doctrine. But, you know, I have a friend in Canada, Judge, my friend Alex, you know, and he says you can essentially understand American foreign policy through the acronym of wars. It's a W for war, A for atrocity, R for regime change, and S for sanctions. And so I think that is how most of the world is understanding the United States' foreign policies. again, this unholy marriage between America First slash Matt Maga, the neocons, and the deep state in the sense that someone, they're all getting something out of American foreign policy. And I think the real issue here for us as we go forward is that this cohort, this clique, this Trump foreign policy establishment, which includes large swathes of generals and admirals in the military and career intelligence officers who believe in what Trump is accomplishing. They may not like him, but they like what he's accomplishing.

They're seeing success. And I think the scariest thing for me is probably this belief that is now being established in Washington, D.C., that sanctions work. That sanctions in Syria were what ultimately caused Assad to leave. It took a long time, but eventually it was the sanctions that's so weak in Syria and the Syria government that collapsed, that Russia couldn't do anything about it. The same with Venezuela. The sanctions are so bad that the people in the government in Venezuela turned on Maduro, that's the understanding that we have and gave him up to the Americans. The sanctions are so bad that, look, we're finally going to get the regime change in Iran

or close to it that we want. You know, you marry that up with all the other activities, all the other actions. Again, whether it's ballistic missile and bombing strikes from America or from its allies, whether it's regime change operations or kids. kidnappings or sanctions as well as, again, these war crimes, such as we saw it take place in Valdai, where, you know, at a state of Russia was, there's an attempt of assassination via drone attack. And so I think that's what most of the world is understanding the United States foreign policy and how just dangerous it is and to make it even more dangerous.

As I said, I think Washington, D.C. is extremely happy with their record this last year or even going back further because I think they count Israel's successes throughout the Middle East as their successes. And so I think this is what's confronting not just the Russians, but all those around the world. I saw a story today about how North Korea, there's an understanding that the North Koreans have significantly altered the security detail and security environment for the North Korean leadership, because they fear what happened in Venezuela may happen in North Korea. So how does the Kremlin react when Trump wants to send his two real estate agents to spend five hours with President Putin? And was Alaska a fraud? Was it just a setup by the U.S.?

or that Trump could be seen photograph shaking hands with President Putin? I think, you know, this idea of Alaska as a fraud, we're still waiting to see what's going to occur. Sure, there's so much fraud with regard to the whole Ukraine-Russia war anyway, the fraudulence of the European states in promising everything, in promising the moon and the stars and the sun to the Ukrainians and to Voldemir Zelensky and being unable to deliver any of it. The fraudulence of just American policy under the Biden administration, but now under this Trump administration where there seems to be, as you're alluding to, judge, this inability for anyone to trust it.

So we come out of Alaska where President Trump is saying, you know, I agree there can't be a ceasefire. We need to have a long-term peace deal. And we're going to achieve that. And then you have all of the rest of it, whether it's enhanced sanctions, whether it's a saturation team attempts on the head of state of Russia, whether it is supposed commitment of the United States is some type of security guarantee. Who knows what's going on with that? You know, we, but so I think there's just so much fraud around everything that the Russians, and this is what's important for us as Americans to understand, our adversary here can't trust anything. They're looking at this and they realize that the only thing that they can do to ensure their own security,

but to also meet their goals, is to use military force. And of course, they have the upper hand in this, both on the battlefield and industrially. So why wouldn't the Russians then continue to go forward? Why would the Russians then say, you know, wash our hands on the negotiation process, and we're moving on and we're going to win this thing militarily? Why won't they do that in 2026? Because here we are a full year after President Trump has been sworn into office, and where have they gotten it?

And as, you know, you're saying, Judge, why should the Russians trust the Americans? They certainly can't trust the Europeans, but why should the Americans even trust the Russians on this? Again, to the point we're making earlier, when you include all the other aspects of American warfare that is occurring around the globe. Well, what do the Russians think of Venezuela? I guess that's just part of their now hyper concern that American foreign policy is just, I saw it, I wanted its mind. Yeah.

Yeah. So if I'm the Russians and I'm looking at it that way, and particularly if I'm going to read the Trump administration's Domro Doctrine as an actual doctrine that they will follow, we are in a world of spheres of influence. This is something that's been said for quite a while now. But if I'm the Russians, well, I'm going to double down on that thing. And I'm going to certainly ensure that Central Asia is in my sphere of influence.

I'm going to increase my relationships with Turkey or they have a well-established relationship with Iran. And more importantly, I think the same goes for the Chinese. I'm going to make sure I have a capability, five, ten, 15 years from now to project power. Certainly the Russians and the Chinese are powerful countries, but they cannot project power. They can't send out expeditionary forces as the Americans can. And so if you're the Chinese and you have two aircraft carriers now and you can't though and support your ally.

I'm not sure if it's calling Venezuela, a Chinese ally is correct or not, but you're certainly your trading partner. If you can't send your Navy to the Western Hemisphere to defend your ships from being stolen by the Americans from, you know, to beat back American piracy and what good are you as a world power? So I think what all this just leads to

is just more and more, right? A larger arms, race, a return to, say, the conditions of the late 19th century, early 20th century, you know, with the growth of the armies. And eventually that, of course, as history tells us, will come to some type of conflict. Will Trump, will the Russians negotiate with Trump's people, or are they going to accelerate? We've seen two Oresniks now. Are they going to accelerate the military end of the special military?

a confrontation? I think they will accelerate a judge in ways that are meant to try and secure a negotiated settlement because, of course, the Russians in the end of this are, despite their invasion and all the propaganda about them and the realities of their government, you know, all that said, they still, I think, want to achieve their objectives, and they don't need to, they can do that without wasting, then they will do that. But at some point, and I think that point's coming near, they're going to have to decide on which avenue to go.

So I think you're going to see more spectacular attacks like demonstrations with the Ereznik. I think you're going to see more pronounced offensives, particularly as the weather starts to get better in Ukraine. And then I think by, say, mid-springtime, if there has not been a settlement or it doesn't appear that one is in reach, or it's just been a number,

another episode after another episode of understanding why we can't trust the Americans, then I think by mid-spring, say April or so, the Russians will make a decision to win this war militarily. So I think that, you know, from how I would understand them and from what I think that they would best in their interests, I think that's how they'll go forward. Here's, I'm switching to Iran now, Matt. Here's what President Trump posted about two hours ago. Iranian patriots, keep protesting, take over your institutions, save the names of the killers and abusers. Mike, could you imagine if Putin said Minneapolis protesters, keep protesting, take the masks off the ice agents, get their faces and their names.

Anyway, now I'm back to reading what Trump was saying. They have a big price to pay. I have canceled all meetings with Iranian officials. But last time he did that, he tried to kill them. And so the senseless killing of protesters stopped. Help is on its way. Miga. I guess that's make Iran great again, President Donald J. Trump.

Do you think he knows that his own CIA is fermenting the chaos in the streets? you know, I don't know what's going, what information is going to him. You know, this has been a concern for presidencies, I think, probably throughout history, you know, but especially in the modern era. I think I've shared it with you before. In 2009, I had to go and testify to the president's intelligence advisory board as to why the things I was saying about Afghanistan after I resigned in protest from my position there matched up with what they were hearing from individual military officers, intelligence officers,

state department officers, you know, and that information that we were sharing about Afghanistan was diametrically 180 degrees opposed to what information was going on the president desk, particularly in the idea that Afghanistan is a winnable war, Mr. President. You know, so this has always been an issue. And I think now with this president we have here, who is glued to his, phone who enjoys making memes and he sends out just made up. I'm sure you saw that fake Wikipedia page entry he sent out where he's label him. Yep, there you go, Chris, thank you. I lay him himself as acting president of Venezuela. I mean, this is the man who, this is a man who makes

his own reality. And so this is what we're dealing with, the commander in chief, the head of state of the United States. You know, so I don't know what he knows. I think. he knows what's best for him. I think he knows what's best for his interests. I think he's a big believer in following his gut, but also comes from a background of being able to get out of things. I mean, how many bankruptcies did he have and how much, how often did his gut get him into those bankruptcies? I mean, all of his past is understanding who he is now. It's that phrase, the best predictor of future behavior is past behavior. And I think we're seeing that here with President Trump. So, you know, there's other aspects, too.

The economy in the United States is doing terribly. We have these issues with Americans revolting against these unconstitutional criminal, neo-fascist ice raids on communities. You have ICE murdering American citizens. And so this idea of distracting by a forum war is certainly not anything new to rulers. but especially appealing to a guy like Donald Trump. You know, I don't think he actually would care whether or not the CIA and Assad are robbed in Iran, as they have openly said. I think that's what's so fascinating, if I use that word, this time right now, is that you have

these horrible events occurring in Iran. It seems that the violence is very real, particularly when you understand that more than 100 Iranian security officers have been killed. So you can imagine then the ratio, if you have 100 Iranian security officers killed or more than that, what's the ratio then of civilians killed, right? That's always gonna be disproportionate.

So you can imagine that violence is severe, the cost to the Iranian people and further repression from the Iranian government, but not also to the dangers of further sanctions, American and Israeli air strikes and missile strikes, all of these things, you know, and as it's occurring, Here in the United States, the idea that CIA and Assad, again, openly stated by outlets like the Jerusalem Posts or by people like Mike Pompeo, the CIA and MSAid being involved on the ground there, it doesn't even seem to catch notice by most, particularly in the mainstream media. So it's not just Trump who doesn't seem to be aware. I think it's most of the American people who aren't aware.

And certainly those who should be reporting this, like the corporate media, are not reporting it. And so, you know, what's going to happen to the Iranian people is certainly isn't an exercise by them in self-determination because you have a very heavy hand of U.S. and Israeli involvement there. And whatever comes out of it from there is going to be catastrophic. If regime change is successful, it's not going to be meeting the needs of the Iranian people. It's going to be meeting the needs of the Americans and Israelis. And that's going to make, as terrible situation is for Iranians, it can only make it worse, but maybe in a different way, retorting basically a military police state, you know, like the Shah ran

until he was overthrown by the revolution in, you know, 78, 79. I know you've been traveling, so I don't know if you've seen this. It's not very long, but it's quite profound. Chris, cut number two. Do you see any checks on your power on the world's? stage. Is there anything that could stop you if you wanted to? Yeah, there's one thing. My own morality, my own mind. It's the only thing that can stop. And that's very good. I don't need international law. I'm not looking to hurt people. This is an assault on the core fabric of the

republic, which is fidelity to the rule of law. Right. Right. This is a further extension of where we were 20 some odd years ago with the George W. Bush administration. People recall you had men like Carl Rove, Dick Cheney, Andy Card, George W. Bush in power, who thought that they made history. There's a quote from Carl Rove saying exactly that.

We're the ones who determine, you know, the paraphrase, and we determine reality. Where are the people who made history? And you have that here to a further extent with this president who, again, doesn't just see himself as making history or determining reality, but doesn't use any reference outside of his own head or his gut. I mean, so he's saying this, he's saying it out loud right there, like nothing matters

to be. I remember when George W. Bush, Judge, you pardon me this, when George W. Bush was criticized for saying he didn't read newspapers and people just, you know, and again, now we're, you know, one or two or three levels beyond that. And that's why we've talked to us before, you know, where we are now with this Trump administration, of course, where we could go, we could get worse from here. I think it might. But this is all consequence of decades of our political and media class in our country,

not enforcing the rules of law, not enforcing the Constitution, not enforcing federal law. George W. Bush's administration gets away with, it gets away with, the Barack Obama administration gets away with, it gets away with, you know, so on and so forth. And here we are now. So since we came on air, Matt, the Greenland's prime minister has made a public statement. Pretty direct. Here it is. Now we are facing a geopolitical crisis.

And if we have to choose between the USA and Denmark here, And now we choose Denmark. We choose NATO. We choose the kingdom of Denmark. We choose the EU. Whether that's the right choice or the wrong choice, it's their choice. And they obviously feel the need to make it public in light of Trump's threats. Right.

Right. And dealing with this, as we were speaking about earlier, dealing with this government. that is willing to create its own reality. That doesn't care about international law, that doesn't see a need to follow any type of legacy, any type of loyalty to past orders or to current orders. Essentially, there is no institutional loyalty. There's no legal adherence.

And so if you are the people of Greenland, if you are the government of Denmark, you have to take these threats seriously. I mean, speaking earlier about the success of this administration, you know, in terms of what it's been able to carry out. And again, including its success in the Middle East, you know, and this stresses back in the Biden administration. But overall, the whole ability of the American government to achieve foreign policy, quote, victories, unquote, you know, overseas through unconventional means is really quite startling. And I think if you are the Danes, if you are the Greenlanders, if you are the Europeans, you have to be aware that this is an American government that is not only creative

because it's not beholden to any loyalties or rules or laws or anything, but also, too, has been preparing for these things for years. Certainly the success of the Americans and the Israelis in the Middle East in terms of significantly degrading Islam, removing Assad from Pakistan, moving Assad from power, getting to this position with regards to Iran, shutting down the Shia militias in Iraq, and of course the conquest of half of Gaza, the upcoming annexation of the West Bank, you know, so on and so forth. You know, you have an American administration that is willing to do as it wants, as it wants. As you said, Judge, it sees what it wants, it takes

what it wants. But it also has the resources to do it, and it's been preparing for this. And so the idea that the Trump administration has been able to accomplish this on their own, without the vast infrastructure that has been built, a successive administrations, is something that I don't think people should disregard, you know, that we are here in this place now because you have. It starts to be a Bush administration, a Barack Obama administration, a Biden administration that allowed for the infrastructure to be in place, for this Trump administration to carry out what it wants.

And I think, you know, right, we're saying this earlier about the Russians and Chinese, you know, et cetera, but this has to apply to Europeans as well. I don't think we're going to kidnap the prime minister of Denmark. But, you know, at this point, I'm not putting money on anything, what this administration will or won't do. Very astute observations, Matt. Very astute. Thank you very much for them.

Thank you for your time. Safe travels. We'll look forward to seeing you next week. Yeah, I actually one, I did want to say one thing, Judge, because I know you hit on the war budget earlier, which as we saw last week, the administration was going to for one and a half trillion dollars for the Pentagon. You know, I'm here in Maui, and I went and visited the Bajina,

which used to be the royal capital. The people remember two and a half years ago, there was this terrible, terrible fire just devastated the community. And the thousands and thousands are still homes, out of businesses, have had to relocate, et cetera. And you go and you visit Lahaina and it is still destroyed. There's building going on there. When you go to the business district, the old front street, you know,

which I've been to several times, it's unrecognizable. There's nothing there. This is two and a half years. I think the cost to rebuild was $10 billion, which they've only received several billion of. There's a short fill of billions of dollars to rebuild behind it. And I know there's other issues with rebuilding. So people are familiar with it. You know, I know it's complicated.

But there is this aspect. There is a shortfall here in Maui to rebuild from the fires from two and a half years ago is a fraction what we spend. It is less than half what we spent supporting Israel's genocide and defending Israel from many Iranian retaliation. It is for that, maybe a third of that to rebuild Maui. But somehow our government can't do that. Right.

Very sweet. So when people, right, when people want to talk about the costs of war, we see that here in our communities because how come we can't build? Why can we can't build California? How can we can't build Western North, rebuild northwestern North Carolina? You know, my home state at Hurricane Helene more than a year ago, you know, but we have all this money. We can send a, where the 1,000 planes and more than 250 ships to Israel in two years, but we can't

get things to North Carolina or Southern California or Hawaii to help them rebuild. And so I think the, I'll say I think, I know. This is the cost of imperialism is that our people here at home suffer when they need their government. What a great point. My fault for not boring more deeply into it. But thank you for raising it, Matt, a brilliant, profound and sad point. Thank you, my dear friend. We'll see you next week.

Judge. Thank you. Safe travels to you. coming up at 3 o'clock today Karen Koukowski. A word on tomorrow. Professor Muhammad Mirandi from Iran, 10 o'clock in the morning. More about that later. We'll see you for 3 o'clock with Karen Koukowski.

Trust Nepal Tana for judging freedom.